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In this paper, the authors investigate the development and scope of the European Political Community as a new initiative of the European Union. The establishment of the European Political Community will be examined in the changed geopolitical context created by the invasion of Ukraine. The European Union aspires to demonstrate its readiness and ability to decisively influence opportunities on the entire continent, especially in circumstances of strategic rivalry with Russia. However, the longer-term goals, and therefore the outcomes of the European Political Community, are not completely clear since the initiative has only existed since the Prague Summit (second half of 2022). The authors are primarily guided by historical analysis (a chronological overview of the development of the initiative) and elements of a liberal intergovernmental approach. The paper argues that if the Initiative is viewed as a format for the occasional gathering of state leaders of all European countries (opposed to aggression against Ukraine), it can be viewed as primarily successful, as evidenced by several summits attended by many European leaders. However, if it is seen as the nucleus of a new international organisation or institutionalised platform for cooperation in Europe, there are many challenges, starting from the fact that many similar bodies already exist (the Council of Europe, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, etc.) to the fact that numerous candidates for EU membership have reservations about participating in a format that, hypothetically, can serve as an alternative forfull membership. In this sense, the aspect of institutional identity, i.e., the specific field of action, is considered and, consequently, the purpose of such an initiative, bearing in mind the above-mentioned challenges.

This paper analyses the socio-political position and role of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church in the context of the country’s accession to the European Union. The authors consider these aspects from the perspective of distinctive circumstances and attitudes within the Church, which significantly differed from those of state authorities in the context of European integration. The limitations of the Church in terms of socio-political influence were closely tied to existential challenges, such as schisms and exposure to state intervention, coupled with a low degree of religiosity. Given the extensive reach of the Europeanization process affecting political, economic, and social dimensions and the historical influence of Orthodox churches on political decision-making and public opinion, the authors seek to explore the political ramifications of isolationist tendencies, internal divisions, and public perceptions, coupled with the ambivalence between political pro-Westernism (pro-Europeanism) and religious anti-Westernism. The hypothesis posits that the Church did not have a prominent role in the course of European integration as a consequence of the isolationist tendencies derived from its recent history. To investigate this assumption, the authors rely on the rational choice perspective of religious institutions. Additionally, the authors examine the Church’s recent history and challenges, its unusual position within the Orthodox world, and the geopolitical circumstances that have increasingly marginalised religious authorities in favour of state decision-makers.

This article analyses the evolving nature of the strategic relationship between Ukraine and the EU since the onset of the second decade of the 21st century. The author aims to show that, although the two sides have for years been elevating their ties through the neighbourhood policy and the Eastern Partnership strategic initiative, Kyiv’s ultimate ambition has always been focused on securing the EU membership perspective. The author considers the Ukrainian EU membership request precarious due to the Union’s concerns over stability, Kyiv’s territorial integrity problems and the ongoing war, the unfavourable impact for the current membership candidates, but also since such a request sets a precedent for the other eastern partners. To explicate the abovementioned aspects, the author primarily uses the historical method and the document analysis, to clarify in greater detail the chief political events which have gradually led towards the current state. Research conclusions point out that, despite Ukraine’s right to apply for EU membership, such a request is unlikely to result in a speedy accession, due to a variety of abovementioned aspects, coupled with a complicated decision-making process in the Union in that regard. In spite of that, the EU intends to continue supporting Ukraine as a strategic partner in a variety of domains, including also an indirect aid in combating the Russian military incursion. The author finds that the EU’s response to the membership application will have extensive ramifications not only on the two parties’ relations, but also on the enlargement policy and the Eastern Partnership domain.

The authors deliberate that the EU’s soft power leadership has been inadequate during certain periods of the pandemic, being additionally challenged by proactive campaigns of other international actors. According to the authors, such EU underperformance primarily lies in the damaging fact that the Union perceives and treats aspects like the inoculation process not solely as a health-humanitarian issue, but also as a geostrategic activity. The authors consider that EU logic has been largely shaped by the pre-existing geopolitical distaste for China and Russia, and hence also their subsequent COVID-19-related engagement in Europe. Apart from strategic rivalries, EU international status has been exacerbated by deteriorating relations with the UK. According to the authors, the aforementioned international actors have been applying various soft power instruments during the mass inoculation process against COVID-19 in Europe, which also resulted in consequences that are usually attributed to hard power. Antagonisms between the abovementioned stakeholders manifest in unfavorable phenomena such as “vaccine nationalism” and “jab geopolitics”. The authors argues that a less selective, and more flexible and pragmatic approach would have been more beneficial both for public health and the EU’s impaired reputation in certain parts of CEE.

Rad nastoji da pokaže kontinuirani britanski otpor prema produbljenju integracija na osnovu analize političkih procesa i izazova tokom članstva Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva u Evropskoj uniji. Autor analizira oklevanje ka produbljivanju britanskog učešća u evropskoj integraciji kroz različite primere, poput dva referenduma o daljem članstvu, izuzeća od evropskih normi i standarda, kao i na osnovu evropskih agendi britanskih vlada tokom poslednje dve decenije. Autor koristi koncepte realističkih teorija i međuvladin princip u svrhu dodatne ilustracije otpora ka produbljivanju integracija, bliže se pojašnjava i ideja o britanskoj izuzetnosti – konstante u britanskoj spoljnoj politici. Rad pokazuje da su britanski političari brojne izazove u Evropskoj uniji u protekloj deceniji koristili radi zadobijanja sve evroskeptičnijih birača, te da su takvi narativi doprineli ne samo podršci Bregzitu, već i političkoj, identitetskoj, regionalnoj i drugoj polarizaciji. Autor zaključuje da Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo istupanjem iz Unije gubi poseban status koji je činio i važan izvor njegovog međunarodnog uticaja, a odnosi dveju strana se unazađuju u vidu sve većeg nepoverenja. Izgradnja održivih i produbljenih transatlantskih veza u kratkom roku nije naročito realna, imajući u vidu izolacionističke i jednostrane tendencije aktuelne američke administracije.

Rad analizira sprovođenje politike proširenja krajem druge decenije 21. veka koje se odvija u značajno drugačijim okolnostima i po izmenjenoj dinamici u odnosu na prethodne cikluse „istočnih proširenja”. Bezmalo dve decenije region tzv. Zapadnog Balkana obuhvaćen je politikom proširenja Evropske unije. Za razliku od prethodnih ciklusa „istočnih proširenja” koji su sprovođeni u drugačijim okolnostima i bili regionalno-strateški usmereniji u svom pristupu, te su čitave grupe zemalja istovremeno stupale u članstvo Unije, u poslednjoj deceniji sve je veći fokus na strogo bilateralnom odnosu Brisela sa svakim kandidatom, na pojedinačnim zaslugama u „pristupnoj regati”, i na intenzivnijem i što ranijem uslovljavanju, što u kombinaciji sa izmenjenim međunarodnim okolnostima ishoduje drugačijim tretmanom zemalja koje su obuhvaćene aktuelnom politikom proširenja. Rad ukazuje da su razlozi za to izmenjene političke prilike i izazovi u funkcionisanju Unije, drugačiji međunarodni kontekst, kao i nedovoljni napredak u preostalim zemaljama „neintegrisanog” jugoistoka Evrope. Autor zaključuje da će, sa pristupnom politikom koja posustaje i uporedo sa razmatranjem planovima za reforme same Unije po modelu koncentričnih krugova integracije, dalje pristupanje zemalja Uniji zadržati drugačiju dinamiku u odnosu na prethodne cikluse proširenja i potencijalno ishodovati i drugačijim vidom integracije.