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This paper seeks to shed new light on the old question of whether the Islamic culture is compatible with neoliberal capitalism. The research focuses on how AKP, with the decline of the welfare state in Europe in the 1990s, and in Turkey's attempts to be a competitive player in world economy (and of course to join the EU), has successfully used its Islamic links to help disseminate in the society the neoliberal view of the state. Especially in the area of poverty alleviation, the AKP has been successful in deferring part of its role (as the majority government) in welfare functions to Islamic charity organizations, and at the same time, benefit from these organizations' activities via the linkages between those organizations and local governments. An important question here is how these organizations see themselves. Do they ascribe to such a position- as additions to the State's welfare system? What do they think about their role as actors in civil society? What type of a relation do they want to have with the state? Answers to these questions can improve our understanding of three issues. First, when the AKP is channeling the resources of small charity organizations to local municipalities, how does the common Islamic ideological orientation affect the polity? Second, how do Islamic NGOs see the civil society's role? Can they be actors in a democratic system, as some liberals presume? Lastly, what type of a future do they want for themselves? Do they envision a State where Islamic rules prevail, are the secularists' suspicions justified? The paper does not claim to find all the answers to these questions; rather it attempts to reveal the mechanisms and the thought process behind the Islamic NGOs, through a structured- focused comparative case study. The paper opens with a brief explanation of the relationship between globalization and neoliberal economic policies, and its affect on Turkish economy. Then it discusses how the role of civil society is deduced to an agent that serves the state. Taking a look at the civil society organizations in Turkey working in the area of development and poverty alleviation, the paper goes on to investigate two Islamic civil society organizations working to help the poor and needy. Both are small charity organizations, mainly focusing on poor widowed women and their children. Both of them are mostly active in their neighborhoods, in the district that their organization is founded. Through a structured focused comparative case study, the research reveals how the charity organizations as members of civil society contribute to poverty reducing strategies and help the government infuse in the society the view of the new neoliberal state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to assess the solutions given to the participatory/efficacy dilemma by several NGOs specialized on trade and disarmament, and the two big IGOs that regulate both realmsâ€"the WTO and its Dispute Settlement Mechanism; the IAEA and its inspections. In recent years, prominent agents of change emerged everywhere with a major agendaâ€"introducing more participation within the intergovernmental decision making system; privileging some policy measures and contributing to their enforcement. NGOs demanded more consideration for their analyses and recommendations; IGOs were desperately lacking legitimacy as well as domestic support for their international decisions; both types of actors needed mutual recognition to fill the gap between their mandate and their impact. The optimal solution to this dilemma was a trade off between a growing inclusion of NGOs in multilateral processes; and an implicit switch from expressive to instrumental behaviour. However, on NGOs’ side the price to pay for gaining more access was a loss in the moral imperative of democracy and requirements to become more scientific; whereas to convert critics into positive attitudes, IGOs had to open up their black boxes, limit their closed sessions, and pay the transaction costs involved in such a dramatic enlargement of consulted entities. In such a switch from a competitive to a cooperative game, actors that were once vying for power became full partners more or less equals; and the traditional participation versus representation issue was superseded by a new deliberative understanding of international democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NGOs occupy unique multi-level governance spaces at the local, national, regional, and international level. Yet theorizing about NGOs has been inadequate. Principal/ agent theory provides the framework and the social constructivist approach permits us to examine decisionmaking within principled humanitarian NGOs. Analyzing the constraints of NGO independence (competition over scarce resources, expansion of tasks, growing pressures to professionalize), this paper examines inside NGOs to see whether these constraints are overcome. This perspective allows us to compare political cultures, decisionmaking and application of rules, funding, and relations with local NGOs, using preliminary evidence from two NGOs, ICRC and MSF. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines gendered practices and conceptions of gender in Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. International human rights standards form the foundation for the work of both NGOs. Both also maintain women's rights campaigns, and conduct research on women's human rights. How are these advocacy projects concieved of and implemented at a local level in these two NGOs? I compare Amnesty and Human Rights Watch by analyzing a) how activists talk about gender and understand gender; b) how are women's rights campaigns are implemented locally and c) gendered divisions of labor within NGO campaigns. The goal of this paper is to develop theoretical and practical insight into how concepts of gender work in international human rights advocacy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper starts out by describing global policy networks as major sources and structures of policymaking in post-conflict regions. Two specific dimensions are presented: (1) internalnetwork effects on the policy choices and operations on network-member NGOs and IGOs, and (2) external network effects as they transfer policies from one-post-conflict environment to the next. Drawing from this descriptive analysis of microfinance sectors in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan, the paper presents the limits and opportunities of network-based global policymakingfor post-conflict regions, as well as for the organizational objectives for NGOs and IGOs that constitute global policy networks. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Calls for the accountability of nongovernmental organizations over the past decade have increased commensurately with NGOs’ influence over global, national and local policy arenas. These calls for accountability have been met with mixed reactions. More often than not, however, they have resulted in a change of NGO modus operandi with very little satisfaction on the part of those calling for accountability. This paper will examine two types of adverse â€" and counterintuitive - effects of NGO accountability as they occur in Private Conservation Networks. First, by examining a case study in Papua New Guinea and contrasting theories of accountability and legitimacy, this research will examine how an organization’s attempts at accountability could ultimately reduce that organization’s legitimacy within the network. Next, by examining a case study in the Republic of Palau, this research will illustrate how DiMaggio and Powell’s theories of isomorphism play out through accountability networks, thus creating a homogenizing effect on the network and reducing the networks own ability to obtain its mission. The critiques in this paper suggest that increased accountability does not always directly correlate with increased effectiveness or legitimacy. Rather, through the application of these theories, these critiques highlight the importance of broadening the accountability dialogue to encompass and balance short-term and long-term objectives and actor-specific missions with network-wide goals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts with the premise that some forms of foreign aid have been instrumental in moralizing international organizations, states, non-profit non-governmental organizations, and for-profit corporations. The paper analyzes this phenomenon and identifies the role of critical naturalism in criticizing this process of moralizing non-human organizations. The problem of these juridical persons is not merely juridical but ethical as well. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses how South African non-governmental organisations approach the management of their development activities and the influences upon their approaches. Efforts to professionalise NGOs through the use of public management tools have been accompanied by debates over whether such tools are effective, conducive to learning, and compatible with more democratic and empowering relationships with beneficiaries (Edwards & Hulme,1996; Gaspar, 1997 & 2000; Wallace, 1997 &1998). Based on interviews, field visits and programme documents from 40 organisations working in South Africa, the paper explores the extent to which NGO programmes and management practices arise out of donor conditions, succeed in their stated aims, and generate unintended consequences. Three conditions are explored: logical frameworks, participatory processes, and financial probity. While the research suggests that donor requirements in these areas generally impose heavy costs on South African NGOs and poorly achieve their stated aims, the research documents cases in which local managers were able to work effectively and learn within the constraints, found ways around more intrusive requirements, or challenged donors to permit more equitable donor-recipient relationships and better development practice. Unintended consequences of both tighter funding requirements and of class, race, and gender relationships within and between organisations include differentiation within the South African NGO sector, with smaller community-based organisations increasingly excluded as larger professional organisations establish more enduring links with sources of international aid. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-State actors have participated in a variety of international forums in recent years, for the most part under ad hoc procedures developed in each circumstance. This paper will catalog both the formal rules and informal practices of NGO participation at a variety of international meetings, including the 1993 Vienna World Conference on Human Rights, the 1995 Beijing conference on women, the 1998 Rome Conference on the International Criminal Court, the 2002 Durban conference on racism, and the meetings of the Conference of Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). In Vienna, Beijing, and Durban, NGOs held separate conferences parallel to the formal intergovernmental sessions because states wanted to close NGO access to some meetings, but in practice NGOs had varying degrees of access. In Rome and under the CBD rules, NGOs have had formal channels of access. The paper also will examine cases of state objections to NGO access to United Nations meetings under the ECOSOC consultative status procedure. Finally, the paper will review any formal state policy statements adopted in response to the UN Secretary General?s call for increased NGO access to the General Assembly as part of the ?In Larger Freedom? report on proposals to reform the UN issued in December 2004. The central question the paper seeks to address is when and under what circumstances states permit non-state actors to participate, and why do they qualify some organizations for such participation but not others?Non-State actor access to international organizations is theoretically crucial if epistemic communities are capable of transforming the international agenda as hypothesized in that tradition (Haas 1990). From the perspective of communicative action theory, the participation of non-state actors in political discourse may help to legitimate collective decisions about rules and norms (Kratochwil 1989, Habermas 1996). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have played an integral part in enforcing the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) by educating tourists about ivory, monitoring elephant numbers and movement, policing borders, and promoting tourism. Neither liberalism nor realism, as the dominant paradigms, however, addresses the possibility that NGO activity can successfully promote transnational relations, but in the process reinforce state sovereignty. Using a conceptual framework based on the actors, roles, and issues that influence NGOs and relying on primary literature from the World Wildlife Federation and a wildlife trade-monitoring organization, TRAFFIC, the most influential organizations involved, this study examines the effect NGOs have had in pressuring sub-Saharan African countries to enforce CITES as it pertains to elephants. Indeed, in a variety of ways---ranging from stronger institutions, more effective enforcement, and more broad-based economies---NGOs help to strengthen state sovereignty in the countries party to the CITES agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]