Search

This paper documents a new trend in the provision of school lunch programs. NGOs and regional organizations are increasingly taking responsibility for providing school meals. This paper addresses why this has happened and what the effects are of this trend by analyzing Catholic Relief Services and Africa's new Home Grown School Feeding Programme. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the WSF as a space of convergence and? mobilization for human rights broadly understood to include? civil-political, economic, social and cultural rights. Human rights ?issues have become prominent at the WSF resulting in increasing? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1990s, there has been a strenuous effort to promote corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the global mining sector. International non-governmental organizations (INGOs), International Organizations (IOs) and belatedly, states, have soug ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the scholarship concerning human rights international non-governmental organizations (hereafter HROs) focuses on the central role these actors play within transnational advocacy networks. Despite this theoretical focus on networks, there exists scant empirical attention to the characteristics of HRO networks. Introducing new relational data on over 600 HROs, we utilize social network analysis to examine key differences between HRO networks, including differences based on where HROs are located, how they interact with various inter-governmental organizations, and the aims and activities of the organizations. We argue that the ability of HROs to help in the realization of human rights is a function of these previously unexamined characteristics of HRO networks. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well-known that states no longer enjoy a monopoly on legal personality in international law. In recent decades, formal international organizations, individuals, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and multinational corporations (MNCs) have all a ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International institutions account for an enormous amount of funding for humanitarian relief activities. Cooley and Ron (2002) have suggested that the practices of international funders, whether at the European Union, the World Bank, or the United Nations, have become increasingly homogeneous. They argue that international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), competing for these funds, have adopted fairly uniform practices, with often pernicious results. This paper suggests that global sources of support actually account for a fairly small share of income for many of the world's leading INGOs active in humanitarian relief. This finding is based on an examination of the sources of support for three of the world's largest INGOs over a fifteen-year period. In fact, most of INGOs' income comes from domestic, rather than international, sources. While international institutions can serve as important sources of innovation or coordination, there is much more diversity of practice among both these institutions and among their INGO counterparts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International development agencies, donors and non-governmental organizations have long campaigned to end "traditional cultural practices" in Africa. Efforts to eradicate female genital cutting have been widely celebrated, promoted and replicated across ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How have the Inter-Governmental and Non-Governmental Organizations taken the task of "Education for All" in their hands and how much successful has been their journey so far?United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) leads ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although only 'Member-states' have a formal right of action in the World Trade Organization's Dispute Settlement mechanism - the legal understanding set-up to resolve disputes and enforce agreements between 'Members' - in practice non-state actors have played an increasing role in what is an immensely complex process exceeding a formal institutional model. This paper reports on a research project being conducted within the Centre for Democratic Network Governance at Roskilde University, utilizing the hypothesis that the WTO's DSB is shifting from an international regime to become a transnational governance network (TGN). WTO dispute settlement would not be possible without an infrastructure of relationships between different non-state actors through which nation-states can be encouraged to launch cases, defend cases, but also implement rulings. Whilst private companies often play an important role, the technical demands required to participate in such a legalistic mechanism mean that also a transnational network of lawyers, international organisations and non-governmental organisations has emerged. As the paper will argue, how these relationships are structured and who is involved has significant implications for WTO governance since it is at the point of dispute settlement that often ambiguous trade agreements are given substance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to shed new light on the old question of whether the Islamic culture is compatible with neoliberal capitalism. The research focuses on how AKP, with the decline of the welfare state in Europe in the 1990s, and in Turkey's attempts to be a competitive player in world economy (and of course to join the EU), has successfully used its Islamic links to help disseminate in the society the neoliberal view of the state. Especially in the area of poverty alleviation, the AKP has been successful in deferring part of its role (as the majority government) in welfare functions to Islamic charity organizations, and at the same time, benefit from these organizations' activities via the linkages between those organizations and local governments. An important question here is how these organizations see themselves. Do they ascribe to such a position- as additions to the State's welfare system? What do they think about their role as actors in civil society? What type of a relation do they want to have with the state? Answers to these questions can improve our understanding of three issues. First, when the AKP is channeling the resources of small charity organizations to local municipalities, how does the common Islamic ideological orientation affect the polity? Second, how do Islamic NGOs see the civil society's role? Can they be actors in a democratic system, as some liberals presume? Lastly, what type of a future do they want for themselves? Do they envision a State where Islamic rules prevail, are the secularists' suspicions justified? The paper does not claim to find all the answers to these questions; rather it attempts to reveal the mechanisms and the thought process behind the Islamic NGOs, through a structured- focused comparative case study. The paper opens with a brief explanation of the relationship between globalization and neoliberal economic policies, and its affect on Turkish economy. Then it discusses how the role of civil society is deduced to an agent that serves the state. Taking a look at the civil society organizations in Turkey working in the area of development and poverty alleviation, the paper goes on to investigate two Islamic civil society organizations working to help the poor and needy. Both are small charity organizations, mainly focusing on poor widowed women and their children. Both of them are mostly active in their neighborhoods, in the district that their organization is founded. Through a structured focused comparative case study, the research reveals how the charity organizations as members of civil society contribute to poverty reducing strategies and help the government infuse in the society the view of the new neoliberal state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to assess the solutions given to the participatory/efficacy dilemma by several NGOs specialized on trade and disarmament, and the two big IGOs that regulate both realmsâ€"the WTO and its Dispute Settlement Mechanism; the IAEA and its inspections. In recent years, prominent agents of change emerged everywhere with a major agendaâ€"introducing more participation within the intergovernmental decision making system; privileging some policy measures and contributing to their enforcement. NGOs demanded more consideration for their analyses and recommendations; IGOs were desperately lacking legitimacy as well as domestic support for their international decisions; both types of actors needed mutual recognition to fill the gap between their mandate and their impact. The optimal solution to this dilemma was a trade off between a growing inclusion of NGOs in multilateral processes; and an implicit switch from expressive to instrumental behaviour. However, on NGOs’ side the price to pay for gaining more access was a loss in the moral imperative of democracy and requirements to become more scientific; whereas to convert critics into positive attitudes, IGOs had to open up their black boxes, limit their closed sessions, and pay the transaction costs involved in such a dramatic enlargement of consulted entities. In such a switch from a competitive to a cooperative game, actors that were once vying for power became full partners more or less equals; and the traditional participation versus representation issue was superseded by a new deliberative understanding of international democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies support the value of active learning approaches in the classroom. Our proposal centers on the use of an active learning simulation exercise to enhance student knowledge of and interest in global energy policy while bridging a divide between subfields in political science. What makes our approach somewhat unique is that it will involve students in two different introductory-level courses: International Relations and American Politics. Both classes will be composed almost entirely of non-political science or international relations majors (most students enroll in the classes to fulfill general education requirements) and the student populations in both classes are expected to be very similar. Our expectation is that the classes will take noticeably different approaches to the simulation and reach quite different outcomes. Both classes will engage in an energy policy simulation. For the simulation, students will be assigned roles as various key stakeholders (governments, NGOs, multinational corporations, international organizations) and be required to research, evaluate, and negotiate a chosen energy policy issue. We believe that this will be useful for a number of reasons. First, it should highlight how exposure to differing concepts results in divergent understandings of and approaches to international issues. Second, this will help students gain a better appreciation for the two-level games decision-makers face when negotiating. Third, students will obtain a more in-depth understanding of the complex nature of the global energy issue. Finally, we believe that this active-learning experience will engage student interest more than traditional approaches to international policy issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NGOs occupy unique multi-level governance spaces at the local, national, regional, and international level. Yet theorizing about NGOs has been inadequate. Principal/ agent theory provides the framework and the social constructivist approach permits us to examine decisionmaking within principled humanitarian NGOs. Analyzing the constraints of NGO independence (competition over scarce resources, expansion of tasks, growing pressures to professionalize), this paper examines inside NGOs to see whether these constraints are overcome. This perspective allows us to compare political cultures, decisionmaking and application of rules, funding, and relations with local NGOs, using preliminary evidence from two NGOs, ICRC and MSF. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often said that the first casualty of war is truth. Ample evidence in support of this proposition can be found in the nature of the statistics that emanate from conflicts. Death tolls, refugee numbers, accountings of atrocities and damage assessments are all commonlyâ€"and systematicallyâ€"inflated, deflated, or simply fabricated out of whole cloth, in the service of political goals. Does it matter if these so-called "social facts" are often not facts at all, but rather politically motivated, socially constructed inventions? Do the source, size, and ultimate credibility, of such statistics really matter? One school of thought says effectively, no. Because “everyone knows” conflict-related numbers are unreliable, uncertain, and subject to wide margins of error, consumers of these statistics mentally correct for uncertainties and take such figures with a grain of salt. Moreover, the argument goes, the veracity of such statistics is ultimately insignificant, if the underlying sentiment that motivates their adoption and promulgation is sound. Conversely, however, this chapter contends that such a cavalier approach to statistical accuracy is misplaced, and sometimes even dangerous. Indeed, for a combination of psychological and material reasons, a failure to at least strive for, if not achieve, statistical accuracy may even serve to undermine the very objectives such politicization was designed to achieve. Drawing upon evidence from a variety of contemporary cases from the Middle East, central Africa, and the Balkansâ€"and focusing particularly on statistics surrounding the dead and the displacedâ€"this paper offers concrete illustrations of how and why such politically-driven statistical distortions can matter so profoundly. The cases examined were selected to illustrate the global nature of these issues as well as the diversity of problems to which such politicization can give rise. Such problems include: the misallocation of limited resources; compromised conduct and/or efficacy of military operations; muddied evaluations of policy success and failure, which in turn can affect levels of support for current and future operations; and the creation of effective political ammunition (read grist for the propaganda mill), which can be exploited by virulent nationalists and other enterprising politicians. The cases examined also demonstrate how readily and unquestioningly dubious statistics may be adopted and, yet, how difficult they are to dislodge and discredit once they have taken root. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If states are rational, and institutions reflect the will of the powerful, then why do we observe such variation in the design of international organizations? This paper attempts to answer this question by examining several motivations that states, and in particular major powers, have for preferring some institutional design features over others. To this end, the analysis focuses on variation in voting rules across institutions and examines contrasting arguments asserting that voting protocols are avenues through which strong states can institutionalize power or they are ways in which decisions made by international institutions can be self-enforcing. The paper also looks at the importance of other factors such as superpower rivalry and institution size in determining institutional voting rules. To evaluate the role of these multiple factors on voting rule selection, we employ statistical methods and use an original data set of voting rules in a subset of major power intergovernmental organizations. Our main finding is that that voting rules are affected by power considerations when institutions can require policy adjustment by member states and when superpower rivalry is a factor in the institution. On the other hand, we find less support that compliance considerations are important to institutional founders. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing effective international governance institutions is important and challenging. While attention has mostly focused on inter-governmental institutions as instruments of global governance, non-governmental institutions play an important role in providing valuable governance services. This paper examines the efficacy ISO 9000, one of the most prominent non-governmental global institutions. ISO 9000 is a certification program that encourages firms to systematically and verifiably improve their quality control management practices. ISO 9000 seeks to provide a credible signal that producers have indeed adopted quality control practices, thereby reducing transaction costs stemming from information deficits regarding the quality of goods. While more than 776,608 facilities across 161 counties have joined this voluntary regulation since its launch in the late 1980s, it remains unclear whether ISO 9000 has increased international trade. Using country dyads as our unit of analysis, we examine the relationship between ISO 9000 adoption and bilateral trade. Our key hypothesis is that ISO 9000 adoption is associated with increases in bilateral trade when the potential seller is able to signal the quality of its products (proxied by ISO adoption levels in the exporting country) and the potential buyer has the ability to understand this signal (proxied by ISO 9000 adoption levels in the importing country). We find that ISO 9000 is associated with increases in bilateral trade only when both the countries in the dyad have adopted ISO 9000. This relationship holds for developing country - developing country dydas and developing country - developed country dyads but not for developed country-developed country dyads. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the evolution of the international sovereign debt regime in relation to the heavily indebted poor countries of Africa. It states that U.S. agencies such as advocacy and development non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are major actors in policy innovation in the debt regime and have an important impact on the region. Official agencies, NGO debt networks and the epistemic community constitute the triple helix. It concludes that growth is vital to the effort of achieving viable debt sustainability.

This paper uses the example of interest representation in the United Nations Monterrey process to understand the functioning of interests attached to the Financing for Development (FfD) issue-area. It argues that the participation of NGOs and advocacy networks could be better understood through the analogy of corporatist interest group representative systems, than an analogy of pluralist systems. A mixed-corporatist understanding better situates NGO advocacy within a broader range of non-state actors in international relations, that compete to determine policies connected to FfD. It is a mixed corporatism, however, because interest groups with a material stake in capital flows to developing areas do not necessarily operate within the parameters of the more formalized NGO bloc. Other interest groups lobby national governments specifically, to effect their political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there has been a plethora of studies analyzing the institutional reforms initiated by successive Turkish government since Helsinki Council’s recognition of Turkey as a candidate in 1999, the affect of EU on state-society relations in Turkey through ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using insights from an agent-based model of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) we seek to explain why a large percentage of NGOs die early in the evolution of a new global issue, but then the population stabilizes. Do NGOs need to make a clear politica ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a significant body of literature, which, inspired by Keck and Sikkink’s Activists Beyond Borders, analyzes numerous non-state actors “working together on an international issue that are bound together by shared values, common discourse, and dense ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last few years have seen the emergence of a new trend within the international community â€" the Global Remittance Trend (GRT) â€" referring to the heightened interest of different actors (such as governments, international organisations, non-governmental ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1990s, many counter-trafficking activities have focused on the Balkans. One widely-acknowledged problem has been a lack of coordination and information exchange. Governments, international organizations, and NGOs have often failed to devise ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since NATO's embrace of complex crisis-management operations in 2002, the alliance entertains a higher rate of interaction with non-traditional security actors. Among them are development agencies and other non-governmental organisations in the field. Thi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-governmental organizations frequently campaign against repression by autocratic governments, but little systematic evidence exists on the effectiveness of these campaigns. We construct a game-theoretic model to show that if such campaigns are effectiv ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in international relations argues that INGOs tend to locate themselves in Western liberal democracies because of the rights, freedoms, and resources available in those countries. (Keck and ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today’s rapidly globalizing world domestic identity groups are influenced and supported more and more by international non-governmental (INGOs) and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and coalitions representing these identities globallyâ€"but to what ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Common wisdom confirms the argument that information matters in international human rights politics. Key figures in the international nongovernmental organization (INGO) and transnational advocacy networks (TAN) literatures have posited that information ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What scholars and activists call transnational or global civil society can be conceptualized as a complex network of networks, linking people across political, cultural, social, and economic divides. Few, however, have analyzed global patterns of transnational interconnection among civil society actors and the extent to which these are shaped by geopolitical divisions and alignments. Geopolitical factors influence not only the mobilization agendas of transnational activist and advocacy networks but also the very structure of the network linking civil society actors across national borders. With this argument as the background, I analyze patterns of transnational ties during two periods: the last 10 years of the Cold War and the years following the collapse of the bipolar world order. Data on national patterns of participation in international non-governmental associations are drawn from the Yearbook of International Associations. I treat countries as nodes in the transnational network and shared participation in transnational associations as the link that joins countries. Using network techniques I compare participation profiles of civil societies in two groups of countries over the two time periods: socialist and communist states outside of Europe and the communist and post-communist states of Europe. Preliminary results reveal that, with the collapse of the bipolar world order, new transnational solidarities have emerged and grown stronger over the years while some formed during the Cold War era have weakened considerably. The findings contribute to general understandings of the dynamics of “global civil society” and the impact of specific geopolitical factors such as hegemony and regionalism on civil society transnationalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to tackle the issue of accountability on the arena of transnational relations by focusing on the interaction between non-state actors such as the NGOs and inter-governmental organizations. While the other papers of the panel consider the accountability of the NGOs, this particular paper tries to consider the process of how NGOs hold IGOs accountable with a view to try to identify how the former (NGOs) reinforces or even extends the notion of the accountability of the latter (IGOs). It will first present a conceptual analysis of accountability for inter-governmental organizations by presenting the four general models of accountability for inter-governmental organizations, which is a modified version of the four general models of accountability for nation-states proposed by Ruth Grant and Robert Keohane (2005). The key concept in transforming the concept of accountability from the national version into the inter-governmental version should be found in the notion of “would-be principal”. The paper tries to re-classify the notion of accountability at the inter-governmental level by focusing on the nature of principal, whether it is already institutionalized or would-be institutionalized and will name the former an internal accountability and the latter an external accountability. Second, the paper will analyze the issue of actors of accountability for inter-governmental organizations, and then focus on the role of the non-state actors like the NGOs as “would-be principals” who will claim the external accountability to the inter-governmental organizations. It also tries to analyze how such would-be principals can be transformed into the institutionalized principals by referring to several cases related to the UN and explore a possible process of institutionalization of such transnational accountability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the NGO role in enforcing and implementing the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty (MBT) that has been ratified by more than 150 states. Specifically, it argues that NGOs have become an integral part of the MBT process because of the perceived international need for coordinated action on the mine problem, which states have been unable or unwilling to manage. Even the Nobel Committee recognized this unique NGO coalition by awarding the International Campaign to Ban Landmines its 1997 Nobel Peace Prize recipient in part for helping to create a fresh form of diplomacy. While academics, diplomats and NGO representatives call the treaty’s genesis and negotiations as an innovative model for future multilateral discussions, there has been relatively little examination of the NGO enforcement role in arms control treaties and conventions. While NGOs have played roles in encouraging arms control agreements, they have never played an integral and central part in enforcing an arms control agreement until the Mine Ban Treaty. This paper will explore the NGO role in enforcing the MBT, which entered into force faster than any other arms control treaty in the twentieth century. Moreover, since the MBT’s signing, major mine production and export have not been detected, while reported mine use and production has dramatically declined. This is exceptional progress, especially considering that NGOs and not States are the major treaty enforcers. In helping to enforce and monitor the MBT, NGOs utilize a three part enforcement apparatus, which entails coordinating advocacy actions, creating a research network, and participating in treaty-relevant committees with states. This paper investigates how these apparatuses are helping to open up of the arms control enforcement process and allow NGOs to contribute to successful international arms control monitoring It also argues that NGO enforcement activities, such as detecting, analyzing, and monitoring are enhanced by emerging information technologies and the MBT’s goal of a complete prohibition. Finally, this paper also shows how NGOs can help effectively implement arms control agreements, strengthen verification measures and increase global transparency. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines gendered practices and conceptions of gender in Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. International human rights standards form the foundation for the work of both NGOs. Both also maintain women's rights campaigns, and conduct research on women's human rights. How are these advocacy projects concieved of and implemented at a local level in these two NGOs? I compare Amnesty and Human Rights Watch by analyzing a) how activists talk about gender and understand gender; b) how are women's rights campaigns are implemented locally and c) gendered divisions of labor within NGO campaigns. The goal of this paper is to develop theoretical and practical insight into how concepts of gender work in international human rights advocacy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper starts out by describing global policy networks as major sources and structures of policymaking in post-conflict regions. Two specific dimensions are presented: (1) internalnetwork effects on the policy choices and operations on network-member NGOs and IGOs, and (2) external network effects as they transfer policies from one-post-conflict environment to the next. Drawing from this descriptive analysis of microfinance sectors in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan, the paper presents the limits and opportunities of network-based global policymakingfor post-conflict regions, as well as for the organizational objectives for NGOs and IGOs that constitute global policy networks. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reconstruction and stabilization operations in Afghanistan and Iraq have reopened examination of the relationship between governmental and non-governmental actors. In a post-conflict environment, the involvement of non-state entities (international organizations (IOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)) has raised questions regarding their interaction with governmental authorities - and specifically, with military forces. The two organizations have much to offer one another: the military as providers of security and IOs/NGOs as purveyors of development. Yet their relationship, potentially symbiotic, can also be fraught with friction. Although the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq have increased discussion about the IO/NGO â€" military relationship, the association is not a new one. Taking a historical perspective on their interaction allows us to examine the conditions that maximized a mutually beneficial collaboration and minimized friction. This paper examines the lessons learned from 20th century IO/NGO-military experiences, and offers that certain of these insights might have applicability to current conflicts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Logistics links nearly all stakeholders in humanitarian relief operations, including donors, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), local NGOs, the military, and the suffering. The constraints facing INGOs in this dimension of humanitarianism are multiple and overlapping. They include donor demand/pressure for accountability and transparency, competition for scarce funding resources, marketization of the INGO sector, high levels of staff turnover and low levels of institutional memory, and a lack of effective evaluation mechanisms. While some recent scholarship to improve humanitarian logistics (including operational excellence and process efficiency) has emerged and is being operationalized in response to natural disasters, it is unclear whether and to what degree these models can be generalizable and/or applicable in complex humanitarian emergencies (e.g. man-made disasters) and, if so, what the implications would be. This paper will discuss the challenges inherent in generalizing logistics models across emergency types, and will present a first-cut at a model to improve humanitarian logistics efficiency in complex humanitarian emergencies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the Israeli/Palestinian confrontation a problem of bilateral nationalist “conflict” or unilateral hegemonic domination? Are a group of Israelis and Palestinians working together to change the political situation engaged in “dialogue” or “resistance”? This paper will trace the emergence of competing conflict and movement-framing strategies within the field of Israeli/Palestinian joint activism, as articulated by dozens of Israeli Jewish and Palestinian Arab activists involved in joint peacebuilding initiatives or non-governmental organizations working cooperatively across the “Green Line.” Employing discourse analysis and drawing on social movement theory, this study will highlight shifts and divergences of discourse in the Israeli/Palestinian peacebuilding field, a field that perseveres in spite ofâ€"and because ofâ€"the collapse of Track One negotiations, the escalation of violence, the proliferation of “separation barriers” and the ascendance of “unilateral separation” in Israeli and militant factionalism in Palestinian politics. This paper will highlight the discursive effects of post-Oslo politics on the struggles of Israeli and Palestinian activists to build bridges in a landscape increasingly defined by barriers and walls. The study will conclude by noting transnational echoes of Israeli/Palestinian “frame games” witin American advocacy groups focused on the Middle East conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I develop a performance assessment framework that seeks to explain the core factors behind the ability of international governmental organizations and international non-governmentalorganizations to carry out their mission. I operate from the constructivist proposition that international organizations are actors in their own right and accept the institutionalist claim that they are limited by the rules, procedures, and unwritten dynamics of the interactions with member states.I do not contest the fact that member states exercise influence over international organizations by endowing them with certain means, including their formal status, functions or mandate, and financing arrangements. I claim instead that this influence is not as stifling as it has been declared and that the performance of international organizations is also determined by a set of capabilities â€" internal organizational capacities â€" over which states have little if any power. Comparison of performance of governmental and non-governmental organizations thus becomes possible and opens up new avenues for organizational learning. I argue that performance is determined by the presence of both the means to address the challenges at hand and the capabilities to do so.Components of organizational design â€" form, function, and financing â€" are the means to achieve effectiveness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will contribute to furthering a theory of the institutional dimensions of the global environmental crisis. This theory will not only be able to explain the current behavior of the main relevant actors responsible for the global environmental crisis, namely different types of nation-states, but also inter-national organizations, as well as trans-national corporations and global non-governmental organizations. It will furthermore be able to explain the evolution of their past and future behavior (if incentive structures remain unchanged). This theory is based on organizational behavior and (new) institutional economics and focuses, in particular, on incentives (rules) and incentive structures (institutions). More precisely, it will build an “incentive grammar” with strong explanatory power. This incentive grammar will make it possible to identify the main relevant incentives to be modified, and therefore, in conclusion, the paper will crystallize the actors most capable to modify such incentives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Calls for the accountability of nongovernmental organizations over the past decade have increased commensurately with NGOs’ influence over global, national and local policy arenas. These calls for accountability have been met with mixed reactions. More often than not, however, they have resulted in a change of NGO modus operandi with very little satisfaction on the part of those calling for accountability. This paper will examine two types of adverse â€" and counterintuitive - effects of NGO accountability as they occur in Private Conservation Networks. First, by examining a case study in Papua New Guinea and contrasting theories of accountability and legitimacy, this research will examine how an organization’s attempts at accountability could ultimately reduce that organization’s legitimacy within the network. Next, by examining a case study in the Republic of Palau, this research will illustrate how DiMaggio and Powell’s theories of isomorphism play out through accountability networks, thus creating a homogenizing effect on the network and reducing the networks own ability to obtain its mission. The critiques in this paper suggest that increased accountability does not always directly correlate with increased effectiveness or legitimacy. Rather, through the application of these theories, these critiques highlight the importance of broadening the accountability dialogue to encompass and balance short-term and long-term objectives and actor-specific missions with network-wide goals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa Command is billed as a "New and Innovative" response to African issues. The unique nature of Africa requires that AFRICOM, to ring true, must engage Africa on environmental challenges dynamically partnering with African governments, international agencies, and international NGOs to ensure the continent most susceptible to environmental influence has the capacity to meet the challenges of the 21st century head on. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the effects of transnational NGO-donor networks on state sovereignty in post-conflict regions. Drawing from the microfinance issue area in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, the study will present comparative analysis of four transnational microfinance NGOs and their respective donor-networks. The theoretical framework developed in this study addresses two broad issues. First, it distills the network effects on the politics of sovereignty, as discussed earlier. Second, it illustrates how transnational networks intervene to limit the power of some international organizations while bolstering others. Both of these issues point to the centrality of network studies when investigating issues and players ranging from the politics of sovereignty, international organizations and the nation state. The case studies have revealed that the network-based operation of NGOs can be both a mechanism of chipping away of state sovereignty as well as a debilitating factor for an NGO when trying to advance their organizational goals. In sum, the institutional attributes of various networks can condition their effects on state sovereignty. Networks can be a promise and a peril both for state- and non-state actors. Therefore, the initial enthusiasm for network-solutions need to be supplemented with more sober accounts concerning the network effects on sovereignty and the fabric of democracy both nationally and globally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Why do some countries have a larger number of international nongovernmental organization (INGO) memberships while others do not? Are INGO memberships increasing due to globalization which facilitates INGOs to interact each other at the global level or domestic socio-economic structure such as regime types and economic prosperity? To answer these questions, this study examines the conditions that facilitate the growth in the international nongovernmental organization memberships (INGOs) in 130 countries over a twenty-year (1980 to 2000). My statistical analyses show that domestic political and economic variables including democracy (regime type) and prosperity (GNI per capita) are positively associated with the number of INGO membership. The development of communication technology, telephone and the internet, also propel a country's tie to NGOs. Thanks to new technologies, it becomes easier for INGOs to organize networks and disseminate information. Contrary to expectations, trade variable does not affect the proliferation of INGOs in a systemic way. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts with the premise that some forms of foreign aid have been instrumental in moralizing international organizations, states, non-profit non-governmental organizations, and for-profit corporations. The paper analyzes this phenomenon and identifies the role of critical naturalism in criticizing this process of moralizing non-human organizations. The problem of these juridical persons is not merely juridical but ethical as well. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do the actions and activities undertaken by NGOs and IGOs exacerbate or ameliorate civilian casualties in wartime? This paper seeks to identify four distinct pathways by which non-governmental organizations and international organizations can affect the severity, duration and frequency of internal conflicts: specifically, we propose that such entities can have the effect of thinning, narrowing, widening, and/or intensifying armed conflicts. This paper will lay out our theoretical framework and use the case of Kosovo as a plausibility probe to test its validity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations (IOs) argue that NGOs appeal to IOs in order to change the preferences of states. By using the IO as a tool to bring pressure upon their states, NGOs try to influence the state?s behavior. Given the restrictive legal framework imposed on the Turkish NGOs and the EU?s liberal provisions for those, it is logical to suggest that Turkish women?s NGOs will appeal to the EU to push the Turkish government to change its policies. This paper examines whether and why Turkish women?s organizations appeal to the EU. The paper argues that issue saliance and NGO resources are important determinants of NGO appeal to the EU. Through a structured focused comparison of the NGOs, preliminary data prove this argument true. The literature on the NGOs and IOs privileges the normative reasons for NGO appeal, thus this finding makes a contribution to the growing literature on the NGOs and the IOs, by incorporating new variables. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there an inescapable conflict between state interests and ?global obligations?? How does IR, with its encompassing state privilege, adapt itself to the situation where non-state agency is more and more salient? The global civil society may not be as fundamental as concluded in the most idealistic chapters of IR, but there is more about it than just the political activities of NGOs and transnationally spreading cultural similarities. The argument ad nauseam that international relations ethics is an oxymoron may turn out to be false, as the humanitarian turn in the present-day international politics is obviously taking place. After the successful removal of the explicit statist elements in the vocabulary and procedures of IR, the next step would include a deeper and more analytical focus on those structures that are likely to contain the strongest conditions for the international relations to be so unequivocally state-dominated.The paper deals with security from a non-state and transnational standpoint. The perspective is influenced on the one hand by the emergence of non-state agency and more generally the global civil society, and on the other the distinctive alteration of meta-theorizing of IR from rational/materialist perspectives to ones of more societal nature. The train of thought to be analytically constructed starts with the notion of the apparent humanitarian turn in international politics, parallel to the ?traditional? views of interest-led power politics. Do the humanitarian turn in itself and the global norms endorsing it contain the ingredients for an ethical foreign policy, and moreover, is there a slightest possibility of the construction of an ethical state? Furthermore, how does the global civil society contribute to the construction of global norms, and how does this affect state and inter-state policies? The sphere of international politics of states and the transnational activities of non-state actors are seen as constituting one another, whereby the global picture of parallel, intersecting and remote elements of both the international society and the world society becomes into view.In addition, the paper claims that studying non-state actors is often underrated in IR, despite of the fact that the subject attracts more and more scholars and is also empirically tempting. The underestimation is natural and partly justifiable on the grounds that the main object of IR is ? and always will be ? the state, but another explanation is also obvious: when focusing on actors and phenomena ?not-as-significant-as-states?, one has to argue much more strongly and prove the relevance of the study more thoroughly than if the object was simply state-centric. The paper aims at highlighting some points, which may improve the value of non-state research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Africa, agriculture account for nearly a quarter of the gross national product (GDP). Yet, millions of Africans are malnourished and severely hungry. Drought, soil erosion, overgrazing, and logging for export continue to affect deforestation in Sub-Saharan Africa. Hence, environmental bankruptcy, political and economic mismanagements lead to steady decline in living standards and agricultural production.The study will attempt to explore the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) vital role in bringing about development in the informal sector. Breaking out of poverty traps involves raising the productivity of small farmers. Because of the contact and direct access to potential beneficiaries, NGOs are in a unique position to understand their needs and priorities of rural sectors. The paper will also examine the structural implications of physical geography, environmental projects and initiatives that focus on preservation of resources for future generations. The collaboration between NGOs, the United Nations in support measures based on incentive systems in institutional practices will be analyzed. The final object is to find venues for sustainable development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]