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Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) are an important feature of international politics because of transnational issues that cannot be solved through individual state actions. International social policy is one issue are in that has become more salient as economic globalization strains social protections system and other social rights. The International Labor Organization (ILO) is at the center of the transnational attempts to the social dimension of globalization. During the Cold War, the ILO was nearly paralyzed with East-West tensions. Since the 1990s, however, the ILO has undergone significant institutional changes to become an increasingly important IGO. The ILO has undergone significant policy rebirth as its agenda has expanded significantly. The increasing importance of the ILO is puzzling because the international organization has not played a significant role in shaping the international policy agenda. Not much is known about how endogenous and exogenous factors interact to produce change. To models this interaction, I apply a transactional institutionalist approach incorporates the role of preferences, transaction costs, transgovernmental relations, agenda control, institutionalization, and path dependent mechanisms to explain institutional change. This framework avoids the reductionism of neoliberal institutionalism by developing a theory of preference formation and not only a theory of interest aggregation. While I agree with liberal theorists that socio-economic actors are a major source of state preferences, they are mediated through institutions with their own interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We identify new religious orthodoxies as a type of religious movement. Neither liberal adaptation nor fundamentalist rejection, they embrace much of modern life even as they attempt to submit that life to a sacred, moral order. Their prevalence calls into question social science theories that view religious movements as reactions to crises associated with contacts with modernity or the West, or with failed states. These theories especially characterize IR scholarship of Islamic movements: state-centered and assuming binaries of modern versus traditional, secular versus religious, political versus cultural, they cannot adequately interpret new religious orthodoxies. We report on the first author's study of Islamic revival in Turkey, termed Muslimism because it frames Muslim engagements of capitalist markets, state, and society. In Turkey since the 1980s, the lines between the state and the bourgeoisie, and secular and religious have been challenged. An emerging Muslim middle class uses capitalist markets, civic associations, and political parties as "sites of cultural hybridity" to redraw these boundaries by formulating a "modernity without guilt" and an "Islam without apology." New religious orthodoxies while often nationalistic tend toward global orientations and action. We identify mechanisms of contemporary Turkish Muslimism for influencing international institutions, and we draw implications for rethinking IR assumptions about religion, global processes, and the international. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this project is to enhance our understanding of an East Asian community, by exploring two (sets of) questions. The first set of questions is centered on the simple question of what has been taking place in terms of community building in the East Asian region. The second set of questions concerns the driving forces of East Asian regional cooperation: why have various regional developments been taking place? The driving forces of regional cooperation fall into six categories: three of them are internal to the given region (regional leadership, regional needs, and local norms) and the other three are external (external interference, global challenges, and global standards). Bearing in mind these six categories, two models of regional cooperation can be put forward: "regional cooperation" and "regional cooperation in the global society." Both models imply certain characteristics of Asia, in terms of its relations with the global society. The first model suggests that Asia is largely inward-looking. In contrast, the second model implies that Asia has as many as three faces before the world: defensive, assertive and accommodative Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do international organizations (IOs) influence states' conflict behavior in the absence of centralized enforcement? This study develops and tests an argument about how IO membership affects the enforcement problems states face in the aftermath of militarized conflict. It maintains that joint membership in IOs that explicitly promote peaceful settlement of disputes improves enforcement conditions by increasing the costs of revising the agreed terms of a cease-fire. However, precisely because these IOs make a cease-fire more durable, they can also encourage the disputants to stick to tougher bargaining positions during conflict, causing a delay in a cease-fire. A survival analysis that recognizes the interdependence between the durations of conflict and subsequent peace provides substantial support for the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Indian policymakers are pursuing a larger governance role in international organizations in order to have a larger say in shaping the rules that govern international interactions in specific issue areas. In the short term, they are trying to maximize the diplomatic and negotiating resources they have by focusing on institutions in which they have been members. In seeking this enhanced global governance role, they are constrained by the international environment within which they operate as well as domestic constraints such as coalition politics and administrative capacity. The research is based on interviews with key decision-makers and stakeholders, archival research based on government documents, newspaper articles and speeches by key players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A burgeoning body of literature assesses the socio-political factors that influence investment decisions, including the nature of domestic institutions, societal rights, and participation in international institutions and agreements. Oddly enough, these have evolved largely as separate lines of research and little effort has been made to compare the relative importance of these socio-political factors in making investment decisions. Moreover, though the diverse nature of FDI is widely noted, extant research relies almost exclusively upon the examination of aggregate FDI. As a result, scholars have little insight into the ways that investors prioritize these factors, or how they vary across different industries. In an effort to synthesize these strands of research and further deepen our understanding of the determinants of investment decisions, this study models the prospective impact of several factors that have been found to significantly influence FDI - human rights, democratic governance, and commitment to international trade agreements and investment treaties - across multiple investment sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores international institutions with a focus on effective and high performance financing systems to promote climate change adaptation activities in developing countries. Two approaches are used: 1) a new analytical framework and indicators to evaluate the effectiveness and performance of existing financing systems for adaptation, which are based on studies of international politics and development financing; and 2) the analyses of case studies of developing countries that are vulnerable to climate change in the Asia-Pacific region. The results of the analyses show that the effective combinations of donors and recipients to promote adaptation are different among developing countries, and that it is important to account for the domestic conditions of each developing country in financing adaptation. This research implies that future financing architecture for adaptation needs to be developed based on the best match between the needs and national situations of developing countries, and the characteristics of financing systems with different financing sources and targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Euro-Atlantic security infrastructures have been constantly evolving to successfully respond to new demands and challenges of the post-Cold War security environment. While the new security context necessitates enhanced dialogue between the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Turkey and Cyprus are increasingly put under criticism for obstructing the coordination between the two organizations. This paper suggests that in order to accurately project for the future of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP)-NATO relationship, it is essential to analyze the roles of Turkey and Cyprus in it. As such, this article analyzes the Turkish and Cypriot strategic preferences vis-à-vis the evolving transatlantic security infrastructures. It develops the concept of "outside veto power," and makes the argument that while Turkey plays the role of an outside veto player in CSDP, Cyprus plays the role of an outside veto player in NATO. The results of this analysis have significant implications on the future of transatlantic security relations. The conclusion discusses these ramifications and makes recommendations for resolving the contemporary impasse in NATO-CSDP coordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While enjoying rapid economic growth in the last few decades, China suffers from a political authority deficit in international society. China's rise is largely seen as a threat to the international order. Yet, political authority and legitimacy rest on recognition by others. This occurrence underpins the power the whole of international society has over authority and legitimacy, and also the strength of the English School in explaining interstate-based international relations under the concept of international society. By the same token, it also reflects the English School's poverty in analyzing society from an inter-subjective perspective. More specifically, why is power growth of some members of international society, such as China, considered a challenge to global order. It seems that identity of a certain member state is one of the conditionalities for international society to evaluate its pursuit for political authority. Within the setting of international society, this paper looks through the Wendtian lens of identity and inter-subjective values and examines how identity and the construction of identity impact on global political authority. It will further demonstrate that a blend of the constructivist concept of identity and the English School's concept of international society is necessary to understand the totality of international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the fair trade movement has tried to reverse the negative socioeconomic effects of economic globalization on commodity producers in developing countries. This is done by reconnecting socially aware consumers in industrialized countries with producers in developing countries through stable and transparent longdistance trade networks. This paper argues that fair trade modifies the traditional governance structures and interaction patterns of global trade. The primary analytical focus shifts away from states, IGOs and Multinational Corporations (MNCs) to individuals. By applying a postinternational polities approach, the paper investigates how concerned individuals and NGO-networks, which form the backbone of the fair trade movement, actually manage diverse issues such as information campaigns, productcertification, training of farmers, community building as well as the transportation and distribution of fair trade products. From a (global) governance point of view, the fair trade movement represents an interesting case of a polity, which generates authority and legitimacy by challenging the current trade system and its underlying norms, ideologies and structures. Moreover, by analysing the fair trade movement from a postinternational perspective, the paper develops an alternative approach for IPE scholarship to bring the individual back into the study of international political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will take as its departure point the February 2010 UNEP Governing Council's Special Session debating UNEP's role in Global Environmental Governance. The Nusa Dua Declaration has pointed out that the instruments of global environmental governance are complex and fragmented, and that UNEP should make this governance process more effective. I shall then put these recent developments in the context of the 2010 session of the CSD which has also been looking at some of these issues. Finally, I propose to conclude the paper by placing the environmentally sound management of hazardous chemicals and wastes into the interlinked two frameworks of UNEP's efforts regarding International Environmental Governance (the 'Belgrade Process'), and of its Green Economy Initiative. The Geneva-based 'Strategic Approach to International Chemicals Management' (SAICM) plays an important role here. UNEP is essential in supporting SAICM by carrying out its secretariat services. SAICM's explicit multistakeholder-approach encompassing IGOs, industry, NGOs, and academia represents a particularly innovative instrument of global environmental governance. The objective of this paper is to make a contribution to the understanding of the dynamics driving the global environmental governance negotiations with a focus on their trade and North-South ramifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1980s advocates seeking to ratchet up levels of intellectual property (IP) protection have shifted forums both vertically and horizontally in order to achieve their goals. They have shifted vertically, from multilateral to regional to bilateral levels, and they have shifted horizontally across diverse international organizations. Those who seek to control access to IP in order to collect high rents are engaged in an elaborate cat and mouse game with those who seek to expand affordable access. As soon as one venue becomes less responsive to a high protectionist agenda, IP protectionists shift to another in search of a more hospitable venue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International institutions have recently made serious efforts to coordinate their increasingly overlapping work. The Multi-Donor Trust Fund (MDTF) Office of the United Nations Development Program has been very successful in this direction. It coordinates the use of joint funds from multiple UN agencies and national authorities in humanitarian, transition, reconstruction and development programs. This paper relies on existing literature to establish an analytical framework in order to assess the degree of institutional coordination, accountability, and transparency of the MDTF. Conclusions are offered regarding possible links between the degrees of coordination, accountability, transparency, and effectiveness in the MDTF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In fields as different as homeland security/emergency management and environmental conservation, there has been much discussion of the need for governance systems that are "resilient". Characteristics of resilient systems include flexibility, adaptability, diversity, redundancy, a mixture of formal and informal institutions, and robustness. Resilient systems are now frequently advocated to handle complex global problems that require the interaction of states, international organizations, and non-state actors. In this paper we consider how the concept of resilience can link to contemporary global governance thought and efforts. Given recent scholarship on institutional design, change, adaptation, and replacement, it seems that there is much interest in developing better ways to examine how international regimes are designed to address complex global problems. Surprisingly, however, the concept of resilience has not been used often in the IR field even as it is prominent elsewhere. We contend that resilience is a useful tool for studying contemporary global governance. This paper will clarify what is meant by resilience, link this meaning with current conceptual understandings of global governance, and demonstrate the utility of incorporating the insights of resilience into a better understanding of how global policy issues are managed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even if international courts are widely seen as authoritative actors, ICs pretty much only have the power to say what the law means. Delegation to IC therefore inevitably begs question of how ICs can influence state behavior and political outcomes. This chapter first considers when we might expect ICs to be more or less concerned about eliciting state compliance with its rulings. I then provide three alternative understandings of how ICs influence state behavior. 1) ICs can be interstate arbiters, helping two states resolve a dispute by identifying from a set of possible outcomes the "legal" solution. 2) ICs can influence multilateral politics and promote international institutional change by redefining the meaning of the law. 3) litigants can also seize ICs to influence domestic and transnational politics, using ICs as tipping point actors that reconstituting state preferences by giving concrete, symbolic and legitimacy resources to domestic actors who prefer a more law-consistent policy. The real question is when do ICs end up influencing international politics in each of these ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do democratizing states form and join international organizations? We make the case that democratizing states initially have good reasons to establish new IOs instead of joining existing ones. Democratizing states face different governance problems than established democracies, and existing IOs often do not provide solutions to these problems. Additionally, established democracies may initially hesitate to allow democratizing states to join the most lucrative existing IOs. Quantitative analysis shows that democratization has a strong and consistent effect on the probability of forming a new IO, but not on the probability of joining an existing IO. Interestingly, this difference holds even for IOs that are designed to enable credible commitment. More detailed analyses show that this finding holds for most issue areas, and reveals substantial differences between the IOs that democratizing states join versus form. Qualitative analysis also reveals that the causal mechanisms we have highlighted exerted inuence on outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pacific effect of the Kantian Triangle has received a great deal of attention by International Relations scholars. This project expands on this literature by arguing that states will experience a reduction in military spending, as they become increasingly embedded in the international network of IGOs. IGO membership provides states with strong and credible alternatives to national security concerns through various mechanisms including access to information, the enforcement of norms, and credible mediation between conflicting parties. This paper asserts that as states increase their membership in IGOs, they will experience a reduction in their level of military spending. I test this argument by examining a pooled time series data set of all states from 1960-2000. Results indicate support for the argument; as states integrate into the international network of IGOs they experience a reduction in military spending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on a so far little understood but highly relevant development, namely, the politicization of international authority. After defining the concept as a widening of the audience or clientele interested and active in international institutions, we go on to show that there is an empirical trend towards politicization of international institutions. In a second step, we argue that it is the increasing authority of international institutions that has led to their politicization and relate this hypothesis to alternative explanations. We illustrate the validity of the authority-politicization nexus by showing that international authority has grown in parallel to politicization. In doing so, we distinguish different policy functions like rule definition, monitoring, interpretation, and enforcement. Moreover, we illustrate that especially those international institutions with significant authority are confronted with a strong contestation of their competencies. We thus bring existing empirical evidence to bear on our basic claim that there is a causal relationship between international authority and its politicization. Finally, we discuss promising avenues for future research, especially the development of hypotheses able to explain the variance in politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government is no longer the exclusive business of the state but involves an increasing range of international institutions and private agents. While the institutional modes and policy effects of this development have been widely analyzed, we know fairly little about their implications for politics. The recent growth in popularity of the concept of politicization in the fields of International Relations (IR) and European Integration (EI) research provides a promising path in this direction. The research agenda emerging around this concept assumes that the growing public contestation of international institutions has the potential to transform international governance as it is today. Yet, whether such a process really takes place is by no means clear and theory building on its causes and consequences is still quite diverse. Hence, this contribution aims to advance this research by providing an empirical analysis of patterns of societal politicization for three major international governance arrangements. It asks whether the EU, the UN, and the G7/8 - representing three major international organizations - become more publicly contested over time and whether this politicization can be attributed to structural factors such as institutional or societal change or whether political entrepreneurship plays a crucial role. The empirical section demonstrates on the basis of a corpus of press articles - drawn from US, British, German and Swiss high-quality newspapers over 17 years (1993-2009) - that particular patterns of politicization differ across countries and organizations. We observe varying politicization intensities, developments over time, witness a strong focus on decision-making bodies and an almost equal distribution of input and output criteria that are applied to evaluation of the selected organizations. Regarding the explanation of these results, empirical evidence suggests a mixture of structural variables of institutional and societal change and highlights at the same time the relevance of particular patterns of mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biopolitics has entered the academic lexicon as a synonym for the regulation and normalisation of populations conceived in terms of the biological facts of existence. This paper will ask one key question of this - how do biopolitical technologies of power come to conceive of populations as something that can be regulated and normalised, stabilised and secured? Through an exploration of the temporal dimensions of biopolitics in relation to the actions of the international community in Bosnia, I will discuss the inter-twining of biopolitics and temporality through a theory of what I call „biopolitical time?. The paper argues that biopolitical technologies of power depend upon and enact contradictory temporal schemas. While the enduring quality of life itself is the object of biopower, individual life is finite. Biopolitics thus takes place in an endless present time, a time given over to the regulation and normalisation of life, conceived as simultaneously finite and infinite. After developing this conceptualisation of „biopolitical time?, the paper will discuss how the grand schemes of the international community in Bosnia operate in the temporal registers of past and future, of promise and return, while the present is given over to the regulation and normalisation of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the spread of policies dealing with international trafficking in human beings. Arguing that countries are unlikely to make independent choices, we identify pressure, externalities and learning or emulation as plausible diffusion mechanisms for spatial dependence in anti-trafficking policies. We develop a new index measuring governments' overall anti-trafficking policies for 177 countries over the 2000-2009 period. We also assess a country's level of compliance in the three main constituent dimensions of anti-trafficking policies - prosecution, protection and prevention. Employing a spatial autoregressive model, we find that, with the exception of victim protection measures, anti-trafficking policies diffuse across contiguous countries and main trading partners due to externality effects. We find evidence for learning or emulation effects in all policy domains, with countries looking toward peers with similar political views or cultural values. Surprisingly, major destination countries do not seem to exert pressure on relevant main countries of origin or transit to ratchet up their policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on realism and neoliberalism to explain how rising powers respond when their expanding interests conflict with those of the declining power. I hypothesize that when confronted with this dilemma, rising powers respond by challenging the declining power through international institutions, such as the United Nations. While more direct means of pursuing their competing interests may be available, these measures may be construed as provocative at best and threatening at worst. Instead, rising powers will seek to allay the concerns of the declining power by pursuing their competing interests through institutions. The reasons for this are twofold. First, institutions are considered to be a legitimate forum for debate and opposition. Second, institutions, by design, contain mechanisms capable of constraining the declining power. I test my hypotheses by: conducting a statistical analysis to determine whether changes in state power are associated with fluctuations in UN General Assembly behavior as reflected in votes cast; and conducting a case study of U.S.-China interactions in the UN Security Council. The principle data sources are: Erik Voeten and Adis Merdzanovic's "United Nations General Assembly Voting Data," The World Bank World Development Indicators, and press that covers UN Security Council developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two foundational concepts that have directly shaped the policy of digital engagement are Habermas's notion of the 'public sphere' and McLuhan's prophesy of an emerging 'global village.' In this paper, I argue that a misreading of these theorists, coupled with an awareness of the marketing and strategic antecedents of digital engagement, reveal that the primary goal of this approach is the legitimization American policies overseas. Moreover, a careful reading of what Habermas and McLuhan in fact say raises doubts as to the feasibility of the kind of world order envisioned by the Obama administration. Habermas, for example, would not recognize the possibility of constructing a consent-based transnational civil society, while McLuhan's vision of an internet-mediated future was, to say the least, pessimistic. By recognizing the complexities of their concepts, as well as the strategic underpinnings of digital engagement, this paper raises questions regarding the working assumptions informing this latest iteration of U.S. public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]