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Under which circumstances and why do warring factions comply with third-parties' demands for the cessation of hostilities, and when do such calls go unheeded? The existing literature on multilateral conflict management and compliance with international regimes does not offer empirical answers to these questions; leaving researchers and policy-makers alike with little guidance on how the multilateral actors can most effectively impact on the behavior of governments and rebel groups engaged in armed conflict. This study aims at closing this lacuna. Based on the current literature on cooperation, compliance, and conflict management, it develops a theory of compliance with United Nations Security Council resolutions in civil wars. Using a new dataset coded and compiled for this study at the International Peace Institute, it then tests this theory by analyzing civil-war parties' compliance with all requests for military de-escalation addressed by the Security Council to factions in twenty-four civil wars between 1989 and 2003, using multilevel MLE models. The paper is the first large-n quantitative analysis of compliance with United Nations Security Council resolutions in armed conflict. The paper finds that compliance with Security Council resolutions in civil wars is strongly correlated with the conflict-management ecology, the compliance strategy pursued by the United Nations, great-power dynamics in the Security Council, and the linkage between the Council's effort and ongoing peace processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely claimed that civil society associations such as NGOs enable the disadvantaged to address issues of weak governance. Yet, existing research suggests that NGOs have a problematic relationship with the poor and, in turn, have a limited impact on the political participation of marginalized groups. This paper will examine the question how NGOs relate to their clients by analyzing Indian NGOs' decision to pursue legal activism in the form of public interest litigation (PIL). The nature of PIL allows an entire population group to seek redress, and hence, presents an effective venue for accessing the state. In India, PIL has developed into a useful tool to enhance marginalized groups' political participation and to promote the legal activism of NGOs. This paper will provide insight into why and when NGOs use PIL to pursue basic human rights on behalf of the poor and disadvantaged, and whether these marginalized groups are the intended beneficiaries of NGOs' legal activism in the first place. Instead of identifying NGOs merely in terms of civil society agents who thicken political development, this paper will analyze NGOs as self-interested actors with specific political motives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will make the case that by examining the historical record, the theories associated with a state emerging from extreme ethnic violence, in particular the comparative symbolic politics theories of Stuart Kaufmann and the author's direct experience in a NATO peacekeeping unit, that this model best describes the environment and peacekeeping challenges facing SFOR and NATO in the late 1990s. This paper offers a unique perspective from both the lens of the theorist and practitioner that can capture peacekeeping tools to monitor the complex problem sets of extreme ethnic violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Filling the Gap via �Loose Institutions�: A Case Study from the Acid Deposition Monitoring Network in East Asia (EANET). This paper aims to discuss whether �loose institutions� via networks, which variety of actors tie complexly, could have any significance for the creation of regional environmental governance. Using a case study from the Acid Deposition Monitoring Network in East Asia (EANET), the paper especially focuses on why East Asian states have chosen the acid rain issue, to explain how the formation of regional institutions weaves regional norms with networking. In order to explain these focal issues from analytical approaches, 'network analysis' as the theoretical framework is firstly introduced and applied to the three periods of the case: formation, maintenance, and development of the network of EANET. The idea of effectiveness on international/regional institution is secondly used for its evaluation. As a conclusion, this case study implies that environmental governance in East Asia could entail three processes along with the whole dynamic of network advancement: international/ regional networking, the promotion of good governance, and concrete measures for the implementation of the issue. It also suggests the possibility to mix the different modes of governance to make �patchwork quilt� towards the promotion of further environmental cooperation in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper tests the resilience of the human rights norm within the setting of the UN counter-terrorism bodies, looking at the levels of socialisation to this principle of the security elites of three Western countries: Italy, the United Kingdom and the United States. It analyses, in comparative perspective, their contributions to the development and evolution of the UN counter-terrorism framework in two selected cases: The 1267 sanctions regime, in light of the impact on its listing and de-listing procedures of the European Court of Justice's ruling in the Kadi Al Barakaat case (2008): And the adoption and implementation of the 2006 General Assembly's Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy. The paper contends that the observed levels of compliance and the standardisation of member states' practices as a result of the implementation of this framework suggest a strategic use of the human rights norm. It also argues, however, that partial socialisation to this norm has occurred. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The massive destructive consequences of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami,have called attention to the phenomenal failure of the international community to provide early warning before the disaster,and the chaotic disaster relief efforts after the extent of the catastrphy became evident.These lessons have made the need for the establishment of an institutionalized disaseter warning and disaster relief regime a matter of great urgency.This paper offers a well structured agenda ,detailed outline of the fundamentals ,and the parameters pertaining to the main issues such a regim would have to address.Due to the enormity of the task,the paper makes an argument for an Asia first approach due to the experience acquired since 2004 in that region.If it will be successful there, the regime buildig policy process can be extended to other regions.These incremental expansion would eventually lead to the establisment of a politically integrated and coordinated global early warning and disaster relief regime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces motivational influences from the US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq to patterns of Islamist terrorism in Western Europe. The paper analyses the circumstances of two successful terrorist attacks in Western Europe occurring after the invasion in March 2003. First, we survey the mass casualty attack attributed to a group of al-Qaida associated radical Islamists in Madrid on 11 March 2004, and secondly, the slaughter of a Dutch filmmaker on the streets of Amsterdam, also by an al-Qaida inspired terrorist network. These terrorist attacks were launched in the context of intensified counter-terrorism efforts on the global scene, and the invasion and occupation of Iraq. The paper situates these acts of terrorism within the broader theory of so-called "spillover effects" from armed conflicts to international terrorism. The argument in this paper is that although there were no Iraqi insurgents involved in these two attacks, the Iraq war was a significant motivational factor for the terrorists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Securing the Palestinian territories has become the objective of the EU police mission, EUPOL COPPS, and the US Dayton mission, in particular after the victory of Hamas at the January 2006 Palestinian elections. At stake with the security governance of the territories is the legitimacy of the Palestinian Authority created by the Oslo agreements, despite its electoral defeat. This paper aims at questioning the link between norms and security, in other words, how to ensure security while rejecting the output of the democratic and the self determination norms? It adopts a realist theoretical framework and a constructivist ontology (Jervis 1998, Barkin 2003, Farrell 2002) which insists on the concepts of perceptions and norms when defining reality. It seeks to acknowledge the interdependence between norms and security, by assessing the extent to which norms can potentially enhance or worsen the security of a territory. Thus, norms do not just codify power relations that originate in material conditions (Flynn and Farrell 1999). As a matter of fact, the non respect of the issue of the elections led to the take over the Gaza strip by Hamas in June 2007, eventually endangering the stability of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the unique aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is that it is played out on an extremely small scale, involving tiny territories with short distances existing between opposing communities. The paper will demonstrate how GIS can be utilized i ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper "How is RAMSI faring? Progress, challenges, and lessons learned" presented for the "46th International Studies Association Convention" held in Hawaii on 6 March 2005. It outlines the situation in Solomon Islands before the assistance mission and some of the factors that led to the decision of Australia to intervene. It also examines the challenges being faced by the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI).

Is Islamic culture retarding development in the Muslim world? This question has aroused considerable debate but how far is it an accurate assessment of the interconnection between economics, society and religion. What are the dynamics of cultural-religiosity and their impact on political and economic change? Why should Islam be regarded as exceptional in regard to other religions and to what extent should it be de-coupled from cultural tradition? Clearly, the complexity of development engages traditionalism in all its manifestations and many challenges and opportunities confront the Muslim world. In exploring these themes, this paper hopes to illuminate the debate surrounding Islamic cultural/developmental contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'There was a time when metaphysics was called the queen of all the sciences ? In the beginning, under the administration of the dogmatists, her rule was despotic. Yet because her legislation still retained traces of ancient barbarism, this rule gradually degenerated through internal wars into complete anarchy; and the sceptics, a kind of nomads who abhor all permanent cultivation of the soil, shattered civil unity from time to time. But since there were fortunately only a few of them, they could not prevent the dogmatists from continually attempting to rebuild.' Imannuel Kant, The Critique of Pure Reason, Preface to the First Edition. Free-ranging spirits. - Which of us would dare to call himself a free spirit if he would not wish to pay homage in his own way to those men to whom this name has been applied as an insult by taking on to his own shoulders some of this burden of public disapprobation and revilement? What, however, we may call ourselves in all seriousness (and without being in any way defiant) is 'free-ranging spirits', because we feel the tug towards freedom as the strongest drive of our spirit and, in antithesis to the fettered and firm-rooted intellects, see our ideal almost in a spiritual nomadism - to employ a modest and almost contemptuous expression. Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human. 'It is not at all surprising that the philosopher has become a public professor or State functionary. It was all over the moment the State-form inspired an image of thought.' Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An Operational Code is a prism that influences the actor's perceptions and diagnoses of the flow of political events, his definitions and estimates of particular situations... [and] provides norms, standards, guidelines that influence the actor's choice of strategy and tactics, his structuring and weighing of alternative courses of action. Such a belief system influences but does not unilaterally determine decision making; it is an important but not the only variable that shapes decision-making behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Common perception is that the Northern Ireland Peace Process is falling apart and for a number of reasons this may be true. The people of Northern Ireland are disillusioned. The radical parties from opposing sides of the conflict dominated in the 2003 elections, minimizing the voice of the more moderate parties that were key to the establishment of the peace process. In addition, the activities of paramilitary groups closely linked to powerful political parties, continued after the peace. Together these issues leave little room to question why the perception exists that the peace has failed. While there are certainly plenty of reasons to discuss the failures of the peace process, there are more reasons to discuss what may be working in the process and what progress has been made, if any? While the high profile political dramatics and actions of the sometimes-organized paramilitary groups have tremendous consequences for the peace process, there has been continuous effort made to realize the vision of the 1998 agreement in the work of the institutions and working partners, formalized with the establishment of the peace agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article asserts that there is no linear progression from ethnic toward civic nationalism as nations continue to make inroads in the realm of democratization in Croatia, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. It introduces the nationalist demobilization model using a simple two-person, non-zero-sum game. It concludes that ethnic component of nationalism need not become less distinguished as the moderate and inclusivist parties gain voter support and the democratic system institutionalizes mechanisms, such as electoral rules assuring fair election.

This paper examines the recent process of transformation within the World Bank as a series of reactive mediations to the crisis-laden course of capitalist development on a global scale over the last two decades. Two aspects of the Bank?s attempt to construct a new development agenda as a response to contradictions emergent within neoliberal-style social restructuring are highlighted. First, it has embraced the theoretical trends and policy implications of institutional economics. Second, it has refashioned its relations with client countries and their civil societies under the rubrics of ?ownership?, ?participation? and ?empowerment?. The paper proceeds to indicate why the Bank?s current reformulation of development theory presents itself within mainstream theoretical paradigms as an appropriate prescription to counter the crisis of neoliberal-style social restructuring. Concurrently, on the basis of a materialist critique of capitalist development, the paper proceeds to indicate the substantive limits to these present reforms by indicating their theoretical weaknesses and their practical contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TV guide published a story during the U.S.-led war against Iraq that advised adults on steps that will minimize the potential for distress and reassure children during an unsettling time, just one story among many devoted to hand wringing out the effects of the war on terror on U.S. children. My research on the role of children in framing U.S. foreign policy for the public is intended to explore the role that ubiquitous stories about children and war, which began during the Gulf War of 1990-1991, play in the presentation of U.S. foreign policy, and the connections between childhood and the performance of comtemporary U.S. masculinity. In a paper that I presented at last year’s International Studies Association, I stressed that while conventional paradigms of masculinity, centered on rescue, protection, and chivalry are compatible with varous humanitarian interventions to ostensibly save women and children, insufficient attention has been given to the way in which consumption-driven constructions of both childhood and masculinity play a role in U.S. foreign policy. In other words, out traditional notions of both childhood and manhood have been chnaging in light of market-driven developments in advertising and branding, and these changes are being rather seamlessly woven into foreign policy representations. I intend to apply my ideas about childhood masculinities, which have developed further in the past year, to the war on terror in Afhanistan and Iraq. In so doing, I hope to further extend the application of my ideas about children and foreign policy, and contribute to further clarification about our understanding of masculinity and foreign policy as well. (quote from Mark Laswell, 2003: Kids and the Telivision War. TV Guide. April 12-18: 18-21.) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the prospects for employing diamond revenues as a means to support Sierra Leone?s reconstruction. So-called ?prosperity? diamonds have served as a significant foreign exchange earner for some African countries, particularly South Africa and Botswana. The paper begins with a brief overview of the legislative and practical challenges to establishing international regulatory schemes on diamonds (i.e., the Kimberley Process), ranging from problems of enforcement and conformation to the ease in which diamonds can be illicitly mined and smuggled. Next, governance issues at the national level are investigated, which entails a detailed analysis of Sierra Leone?s diamond industry and its compliance with the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS). While extractive resource-led development efforts do not translate automatically into equitable and sustainable growth, this paper argues that, if managed properly in terms of good governance and respect for human security, such efforts represent an important component in the complex process of rebuilding a country that has been decimated by a decade of civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post Cold War years have witnessed a steady proliferation of peace agreements to bring violent social conflict to an end. This same period has been marked by the transnational mobilization of women to secure gender-sensitive reform within international law and institutions. With respect to the role of women in postconflict societies, peace agreements have been targeted as important opportunities for advancing the position of women. In 2000 the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, which mandated the involvement of women in all levels of peace agreement negotiations and the integration of a ‘gender perspective’ throughout the operation of peace missions. This paper sets forth the findings from an ongoing study of all currently available peace agreements signed since 1990, providing an analysis of the place of women and gender in the text of these agreements. The paper will focus on the types of roles envisaged for women in peace agreements provision (women as victims of violence, as internally displaced persons or refugees, women as combatants, political actors, and/or household heads). It will also address the following under-examined questions: How has the prevalence and substance of peace agreement provisions on gender changed since the adoption of UNSC Resolution 1325 on October 31, 2000? And does a positive correlation exist between a UN role in mediating agreements and the inclusion of positive gender rights in those agreements? This large-N study is useful for identifying temporal trends in peace agreement provision and gender, however, it does not facilitate conclusions about the relationship between peace agreement provision and how women fare in the post-conflict environment. The paper will therefore conclude with some observations on the implications of the project for future research on gender and peacebuilding. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[Paper 1]Can Disaster and Conflict Early Warning (D/CEW) systems be networked to untangle the multiple but interdependent crises that characterize complex emergencies, particularly in response to climate change? In other words, can high quality and continuous information gathering identify the ecological ingredients of complex crises before they are exploited for perverse political purposes by exacerbating environmental insecurity? And if so, can early warning methodologies based on events-data analysis provide the common platform for networking D/CEW? The purpose of this paper is to explore these questions from the perspective of a scholar-practitioner engaged in the development of field-based conflict reduction systems. The Conflict Early Warning and Response Network (CEWARN) in the Horn of Africa serves as the primary case study. The paper is structured as follows: the first section considers the confluence of climate change and complex emergencies. The next section presents CEWARN as an operational methodology being adapted to network D/CEW. The final section outlines how networked warning systems can remain effective in response to climate change.[Paper 2] Added with ISA permission and available by email: patrick.meier@tufts.edu"For every thousand pages on the causes of war," historian Geoffrey Blainey writes, "there is less than one page directly on the causes of peace." The same may be said of early warning and early response, with the latter (early response) often occupying little more than an afterthought in the mainstream literature on "operational" conflict prevention. While the gap between warning and response has been the subject of intense debate, the decades long Quixotic quest to bridge this gap is largely instituted on the hope of discovering a general pattern of conflictual interactions that point to the outbreak of armed conflict. Indeed, the "enormous academic scholarship on the causes of conflict" is basically founded on the dream of finding the 'silver bullet' or 'smoking pistol' of early warning. And so, despite the fact that "billions of dollars have been invested in developing sophisticated data banks and early warnings, we have to note that even the most expensive systems have shown a striking inability to forecast political events," not to mention early response. While this observation was made 20 years ago, few would dispute its validity today; and this in spite of the revolution in information technology and the many more billions invested since. In this paper, we argue that the warning-response gap is institutionalized in the very structure of Western institutions. We first draw on simple insights from complexity science to exemplify the structural source of this gap. Adopting a systems, or networksperspective, "offers some very rich and interesting insights on where power comes from." We then use two case studies based on operational conflict early warning (CEW) systems to illustrate our point. In closing, we consider a people-centered approach to early warning as a strategy to "rewire" the critical link to timely and effective response. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will address the issue of state participation in international institutions. Very frequently, studies of international organisation look at state membership as the most obvious quantitative indicator of state participation in different institutional webs. However, state participation in international institutions varies significantly, although there are several methodological dilemmas as to how it would be possible to account for such variation. The paper will attempt to analyse what will be termed as institutional participation and what will be referred to as normative participation. It will seek to map the criteria that can be used for identifying various degrees of state participation in international institutions. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent years have seen fundamental reorientations in international development cooperation. Two of the most far reaching ones have been the development of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP)and the increasing attention paid to decentralization. Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP) have been introduced in the late 1990s as a pre-requisite for debt relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative. They are intended to provide a national strategy for poverty reduction and sustainable development. This study looks at examples from sub-Sahran countries and how PRSP and decentralization interact with each other and what consequences of this interaction are by studying a third subject that has moved center-stage in international development cooperation over the last years: Public Financial Management (PFM). As evidence from sub-Saharan Africa shows, most PFM systems are characterized by lack of routine with administrative procedures which result in an ad hoc mode of action and uncertainty throughout the system. It refers to the fact that rules, procedures and institutions of the governance system are not entirely reliable and therefore do not provide longterm predictability. This on the other hand jeopardizes the implementation of national strategies for poverty reduction. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of the Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative with the addition of country developed Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) in 1999 is the most fundamental shift in programs developed by the International Monetary Fund and ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the achievements by humanitarian NGOs in human rights programs in Ghana. Various strategies and the lessons learned will be discussed. Policy recommendations will be offered to find solutions for ongoing problems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Universal Declaration was adopted in 1948, the next half-century of human rights practice resulted in the increasing legalization and professionalization of the human rights movement in the global North, and a focus on civil and political rights to the exclusion of economic and social rights. As a result, the world witnessed tremendous gains in the status of civil and political rights while many analysts declared economic and social rights inherently non-justiciable. In the past decade, Northern NGOs have begun to change course by committing themselves to subsistence rights (as part of a larger package of economic and social rights) and incorporating them into their work. In this paper I investigate the meaning of this trend for the politics of human rights. I first examine the causes of the trend, tracing the process by which the main human rights gatekeepers moved from resistance to at least partial acceptance of these rights. I argue that emerging NGO work on subsistence rights (particularly among social justice and humanitarian organizations) is reconfiguring human rights practice by opening up greater space for “moral” approaches to rights, which de-link human rights from international legal texts, and which typically seek social changes that do not have legal enforcement as their ultimate end. Moral understandings of rights are often consistent with traditional legal understandings, but the two approaches have distinct consequences for how human rights politics is undertaken. Moral and legal approaches also lead to distinct challenges for the actors involved, which have implications for whether and how their goals are achieved. Rather than trying to protect a “core” of civil and political rights or well-established methodologies, I argue that our notion of human rights (including what it means to do human rights work) needs to be broadened. Rather than threatening to dilute civil and political rights, emerging work on subsistence rights has the potential to strengthen civil and political rights by causing us to reconsider the legal and moral grounds – and the formal and informal processes – upon which all human rights are based. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the most effective ways of heightening the public and media salience of human rights issues in an era when security concerns habitually are granted top billing? In this paper, I examine one way that international human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) attempt to mobilize public opinion in democratic societies. Such NGOs attempt to draw attention to human rights abuses abroad in order to increase the salience of such issues to the voting public in such a way that electoral pressures can be brought to bear on the leadership of democratic major power states ? states that may have the ability to influence human rights abroad. Related research has demonstrated that domestic politics can influence the extent to which donor states incorporate human rights into their foreign aid policy.In recent years, one of the ways that NGOs have most successfully drawn public attention to human rights abuses has been to enlist the help of celebrity spokespersons. These high-profile representatives by definition command a degree of media coverage and public attention that rivals not only those of NGO heads but also of most elected political leaders. Recent examples of human rights-related NGOs whose campaigns have received substantially higher levels of coverage following celebrity endorsement include the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, Amnesty International, and Drop the Debt. Using both quantitative and qualitative content analysis of media coverage and public opinion regarding of these and other NGO campaigns over the last ten years, I examine the effectiveness of celebrity endorsement as a tool that NGOs can wield in their battles for influence over public opinion and elected officials. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In France, the carriers of policy makers and scholars do not connect the same way as in the United States. You won’t find the equivalent of Condoleezza Rice or Henry Kissinger, even at a lower level. So this model of cross exchanges is not transposable to ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivists focus on norms of anti-militarism to explain why Japan has changed from an expansionist military nation to a “pacifist” nation. Realists emphasize a strategy of buck-passing as evidence of normalization. Although realism captures why the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 12 May 2008, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper publicly unveiled his government’s “Canada First Defence Strategy.” Immediately noted for its lack of any strategic content, the new ‘strategy’ amounted to little more than a list of force enlargemen ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some foreign policy votes in Congress are partisan while others are bipartisan. This paper argues that apart from electoral connections and party ideology, international political situations drive partisanship in congressional foreign policy voting. American foreign policy towards India if analyzed during different periods has generally been policies that are bipartisan in nature. Analyses of various crucial policy decisions relating to India in the US Congress after the Cold War indicate that decisions were mostly taken in a collective manner according to apparent predictions. This paper traces the changing contours of U.S. foreign policy towards India from the latter part of the Clinton administration to 2008, to that of the administration of George W. Bush and Obama by analyzing the interactions between the two parties in the Congress to evaluate the determinants that influence policy. Some of the questions posed are: how much of a say do these actors actually have? What is the significance of a bipartisan consensus in the congress that explains decision making in the US with regard to India? This paper also demonstrates a transformation of views on India within the US Congress. The evolution and passage of the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement, illustrates the argument that foreign policy interests and goals especially in the case of India, modifies partisanship which may continue on other issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What makes a growing number of congressional members sponsor and cosponsor foreign policy bills and resolutions? Although proactive legislative behavior increasingly influences U.S. foreign policy decisions, little empirical research exists on this topic of foreign policy cosponsorships. This paper investigates members' cosponsorship behavior by focusing on the North Korea debate on Capitol Hill, from the 103rd (1993-94) through the 111th Congress (2009-10). Whereas previous research views cosponsorship as a position-taking tool or a coalition-building signal, I argue that foreign policy cosponsorship activities have a great deal to do with members' personal interests and policy expertise. Findings from the Poisson regression analyses suggest that neither voters nor parties direct the North Korea debate. Instead, this paper shows how congressional members use low-cost cosponsorship strategies to promote their own foreign policy interests, particularly with constituency pressure and party influence largely absent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores foreign involvement in Africa as part of energy security. As the international players seek to secure the flow of oil at reasonable prices using sometimes approaches of stark contrast between the West and the East, we look at what is left from this game for Africa. The paper seeks to find out how international energy-related involvements impact the African states where internal institutions are too weak to manage abrupt changes that associate with the large oil sector such as political and fiscal reforms and the economic shocks. Africa is tremendously abundant in oil. Although Africa is just waking up as the new energy powerhouse, it has experienced intensive foreign engagement in other resources including slavery and raw materials long before the colonial era began. This paper argues that history of foreign exploitation for resources is accountable for Africa's failure to perform well despite its promising resource endowment but will remain so as long as Africa supplies resources for the world as crucial as oil. Liberal economists argue that resource industries bring foreign investments needed for states' economic development. Oil companies and foreign government resonate this argument as they claim to build infrastructure projects, provide aid and assist transparency and democratic progress in the places they operate. While external investors reap large commercial benefits, Africa has continued to suffer with wars, abject poverty and bad governance. This paper looks closely whether the approaches they use contribute to Africa's resource curse. It begins with brief discussion of the definition and causes of the resource curse existing in the literature. It then moves onto foreign involvements in Africa for oil security, the focus of this study, provided as part of the cause to the resource curse in the region. In this sector, it explains how Africa has stepped up as a strategic location for international energy, who involves in the African oil game and what approaches they employ by economic, political and military means. By this, the paper sheds light on the unaddressed relations between foreign resource extractions and the resource curse discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has the following two interrelated objectives. The first aim is to set out and defend a novel theoretical account for distributive justice beyond borders. My approach offers a common basis both for the current debate on the scope and for the ongoing dispute about the site of justice. First, in light of the deadlock in the debate between statism and cosmopolitanism on the scope of justice, my framework offers a common theoretical lens that makes it possible not only to assess these positions but to move beyond them. Second, my framework also offers a new perspective on the dispute about the site of justice, i.e. the type of objects to which justice is applicable, which is closely linked to the debate about whether the existence of institutions is a necessary condition for obligations of justice to arise. Going beyond a dichotomous approach not just in terms of the scope but also in terms of the site of justice, my theoretical framework shows that justice is not just triggered in the context of existing institutions but that certain types of interaction or even mere impact may suffice, under specific conditions, to give rise to demands of justice. The second objective of this paper is to demonstrate that the concept of global public goods, e.g. financial stability, and global public bads, e.g. climate change, raises profound and unprecedented questions of justice. Surprisingly, this concept - despite its striking relevance - has hardly played any role in discussions about justice. The paper attempts to fill this gap in the literature. I argue that reflection on global public goods and global public bads strengthens the theoretical framework I set out in the first part of the paper and generates key new insights into the ongoing debate about the scope and site of justice beyond borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can account for the variety of immigration policies adopted by governments that share similar migration pressures and challenges? Using the cases of West Germany and Switzerland, this paper examines the political processes and policy choices that mark the foundational periods of the two countries' guest worker regimes from the late 1940s to the early 1970s. The paper provides an empirical challenge to the immigration literature's claims that, first, "guest worker countries" are marked by policy uniformity, and, second, guest worker recruitment will unavoidably result in immigration. Instead, this analysis shows that the recruitment systems of postwar Switzerland and West Germany differed in two critical, and little noted, respects: first, in the speed with which permanent settlement occurred, and, second, in the timing of recruitment restraints. Thus, while the Swiss system for a long time was marked by state-enforced worker rotation, West German officials took no steps to prevent settlement. And whereas the Swiss government started to reign in recruitment in the early 1960s--a time of high market demand for migrant labor--West German policy makers only sought to put an end to recruitment during the oil crisis of the early 1970s. The theoretical framework developed in this paper combines institutional and ideational approaches to the study of public policy. Policy choices on matters of immigration, I argue, can be understood as the result of the number, and type, of conflict arenas they have to pass through. The various conflict arenas--executive, legislative, electoral--distinguish themselves by the extent to which they are open to societal influence, or, conversely, by the degree to which they offer political insulation to policy makers from both populist and interest group pressure. Conflict arenas not only determine to what extent policy choices reflect the preferences of policy makers, they also offer institutional constraints and incentives that shape preferences themselves. Moreover, under certain conditions, policy choices will also reflect processes of social learning among political elites. While this argument is tested empirically against Switzerland's and West Germany's postwar guest worker systems, the theoretical framework is designed to allow for the comparative study of immigration politics more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most existing research on business political influence treats business as a homogenous group and focuses on its interaction with the state. The paper demonstrates that competitive relations between businesses can be an important factor influencing governance. The paper argues that an intra-industry conflict between pharmaceutical companies conducting research and development (R&D) of new drugs and companies manufacturing generic medicines significantly shaped the global governance of pharmaceutical intellectual property. A conceptual framework is proposed that highlights the nexus between governance and companies' competitiveness and, therefore, the possibility of business political conflict. In addition, the concept of contextual power resources is developed to explain which business interests prevailed in the conflict. The research examines three periods, in which global pharmaceutical IP governance evolved: the negotiations of the WTO TRIPS Agreement (1986-1994); the debate on TRIPS and public health (1996- 2003); and the negotiations of US Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) (2000-2007). The outcomes of the TRIPS and FTA negotiations benefited R&D-based companies, the outcome of the debate on TRIPS and public health benefited generics companies. The paper argues that the variation in outcome can be explained by variation in the contextual power resources available to the two business groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concentrates on authority and the responsibility to protect. The paper's principal finding is that states during and after the Cold War have strongly supported the restrictions in international law on the use of armed force. The humanitarian crises, civil wars, and conflicts in the 1990s and 2000s reinforced state suspicion of power not regulated by international law. States have resisted any step - unilateral interventions, assigning responsibility for human protection in the event of state inaction to the Security Council, or working around the Council in extraordinary situations - that could diminish the nominative power of the law. The recent internal strife in Kenya, Darfur, and Kyrgyzstan has shown that the concept enjoys a high profile, but its practical influence is quite limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of rapid global changes and challenges, nation-states are no longer the sole important international actors; international security institutions are of growing importance. Yet, the interaction of these institutions is far from easy. Only specific aspects of policy problems are ascribed to different actors resulting in an overlap of issue areas. The successive cooperation to tackle security problems causes interlocking institutions. As a consequence, functional divisions of labor seem to be developing in the field of conflict management, one example being the EU and NATO which will be in the focus of this analysis. This paper looks at the relationship of the EU and NATO in conflict management. According to rational institutionalism, institutional functions are the outcome of member state positions and their ascription of specific functions and tasks. But the institutions and institutional actors themselves also have an influence on their agenda and performance. The paper examines the relationship between EU and NATO in conflict management, including which tasks and functions they perform. Then it analyzes whether cooperation and a possible functional division of labor is based on this functional ascription by member states or more on the activities of the institutions themselves. This comparative study will thereby contribute to a theory based analysis of the relationship of these major two international security institutions and it will show that principals (member states) and agents (international security institutions) are of importance in shaping these institutions and their agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the correspondence between Kantian ethics and Kantian politics concerning the question of emancipation in world politics. The chapter is divided into three parts, the first of which focuses on the political implications of Kant's ethics, particularly the second formulation of the Categorical Imperative (CI) (the duty to treat all others as ends-in-themselves) and the normative ideal of the Kingdom of Ends this evinces. The moral law is interpreted as to set explicit ends for political development towards greater approximations of right and it is this notion that is taken to be the core of Kant's vision of emancipation - an ideal that continues to animate CT and CIRT. The second part critically interrogates this emancipatory potential in the moral law against the programmatic aspects of Kant's political philosophy and finds that key aspects of Kant's politics openly contradict the ethical precepts of the CI in regards to; (i) public discriminations against women and dependents; (ii) the permissibility of social inequality, and; (iii) undue limitations imposed on resistance and political change. In the final part, Kant's ethics is tested against his idea of the World Federation and whether it is sufficiently rendered to approximate the Kingdom of Ends in the cosmopolitan sphere. By exploring some of the limitations Kant placed on cosmopolitan community, the paper concludes by suggesting that it is the attempt to overcome these shortcomings in the original Kantian program that motivates a significant part of the ongoing commitment to the emancipatory project in Critical International Relations Theory (CIRT). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the impact of EU membership on national foreign policies is relatively rare and has so-far produced few theoretical insights. This paper aims to fill this gap by proposing a synthetic theoretical framework, which can account for the various aspects of EU impact. At the substantive level Europeanization is manifested either through the articulation of a 'need for adaptation' to specific EU policies (policy adaptation) and/or through the invocation of EU policy 'models' and 'norms' in the process of policy formulation and legitimization (policy framing). At the procedural level it may entail the adjustment of policymaking structures in order to accommodate the requirements of EU membership (institutional adaptation) and/or the entrenchment of national officials in the co-operative diplomatic culture that guides interaction among member-states within the EU (procedural socialization). The utility of the model is illustrated through a study of Greek foreign policy towards Turkey. The paper calls for a more nuanced approach, which is able to take into the creative usage that actors make of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for conceptually dislocating national identity from the nation-state, so that we can recognise the risks and opportunities for global inclusion that national identity presents. The paper offers two arguments for this dislocation approach. First the origins of national identity lie in international mobility and exchange. Second, the contemporary experience with national identity frequently exceeds and may in fact be re-shaping the nation-state. The paper then considers two risks of this dislocation. One is that the strategic choices of individuals with multiple national identities will create unfairness or inequity, the other is that the interpenetration of national identity into the affairs of other states creates problems for democracy. Yet these practices can also provide avenues for representing complex patterns of mobility and attachment, as well as integrating the fates of disparate states, which means they present resources - as well as risks - for global inclusion. So if national identity does not neatly map on to the state structure, and is unlikely to ever do so without considerable conflict and alienation, then we should seek ways to bring out the inclusive potential of such dislocation, while minimizing its tendency to generate patterns of privilege or influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed conflict in the Republic of Tajikistan, which involved the country's four regions vying for access to the political apparatus after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has been noted for its sudden escalation to violent conflict in 1992, the climax of fighting between 1992 and 1993, as well as its termination via peace settlement in June 1997. Yet, while the overt violent conflict only lasted less than a year, it claimed up to 60,000 lives and displaced an estimated one million people who fled into neighboring countries. Over ten years later, Tajik society has not seen a resurgence of direct violence, but the lasting effects of its period of non-violence may have produced a worse result which involves the presence of latent or structural violence. At the political level, the country's peace process which involved a political sharing arrangement has not been enforced since 2000 and leaves many opposition members isolated from the political process. The level of endemic corruption, lack of press freedoms, along with an increasing rate of drug, arms and human trafficking from South Asia to Eastern Europe, and continuing violence along its southern border with Afghanistan are significant hindrances to sustainable development within the country. Its economic dependency on remittances through labor migration has floated, yet not alleviated the economic development of the country, and instead, accompanied with nation-building strategies of encouraging Tajiki language over Russian language development, has left many Tajiks migrating to Russian-speaking countries susceptible to trafficking and forced labor. Problematically, the aforementioned risk factors are often tolerated both nationally and internationally as acceptable in the absence of direct violence. And while all are significant, the focus of this paper is not on evaluating the risk factors alone, but is focused on the lack of social and religious freedoms which have been highlighted by the Tajik government as "the" source of potential instability for Tajikistan. It is my thesis that it is correlation of the aforementioned factors with the current exploitation of social and religious affairs by the Tajik government for political gain that needs to be considered as increasing the potential for Tajiki men and women to become radicalized. This hypothesis comes from the recent intensity of Government efforts to "secularize" social and religious practices in the country through the political process including regulating the usage of the hijab, the registration of madrassas, and the co-opting of Friday prayers at large mosques which have given rise to concerns for recruitment into more fringe or radicalized elements of Islamic practice. Civil Society organizations have recognized that this recent assault on social and religious life is detrimental in the face of political and economic instability, and have worked on preventive measures to counter the government crackdown in this sphere. This paper will summarize the aforementioned hypothesis, then delve into a discourse on the varying approaches to preventing radicalization between government offices and civil society organizations and where these two competing strategies (albeit asymmetrical in their power dynamic) leave Tajikistan's citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When examining popular culture and the politics of ethnicity, nationalism, religion and class, it becomes clear that sport is an element of culture which is heavily implicated in their (re)creation and maintenance. In this paper, the sport of football is examined for its role in building these elements of identity. More specifically, this paper examines the politics of the football stadium, and considers the political implications of football fan behaviour. Rather than viewing the football stadium as a 'liminal' space where an ontological dichotomy exists between the liminality of the stadium and the 'real' world outside, I argue that the stadium instead acts as a continuity mechanism between life in the stadium and outside of it, and as such represents not a space of unreality but rather a space of a slightly different alter-reality. In other words, I reject the notion that football fandom in the stadium is merely the performance of the carnivalesque and as such is limited in space, time and consequence. Certainly the stadium is loud, hyper-masculinized, and any number of other things that are not present in the 'real' world, but my argument is that the 'real' worlds of football fans are impacted considerably by their experiences and identity performances through ninety minutes on any given Saturday. Therefore, this paper seeks to ascertain the extent to which the football world and the 'real' world intersect, while also examining the extent to which football fandom is implicated in the (re)creation and performances of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While NATO enlargement has been praised by many as a key component to the future of European security and the maintenance of the organization, the hidden costs of enlargement remain unclear. This paper will examine the costs associated with enlargement from the viewpoint of the institution and candidate states. The political costs associated with enlargement are considered by examining whether new states meet minimal membership criteria with respect to democratization and civil liberties using a baseline of the initial members in 1949 and the members in the organization before the end of the cold war. Further analyses, using a structured focused comparison technique, will examine how candidate states pay for enlargement by focusing on the process between action recommendation and action implementation. In addition, enlargement also effects the organization's institutional and operational efficiency. In particular, as the organization increases membership size it will become increasingly difficult to continue to function effectively using the consensus rule using collective action and principal-agent approaches, this paper will suggest that if the organization maintains the current decision-making system the effect will be to create superficial mandates which will be unenforceable suggesting that the mission of the organization itself as well as its zone of action may need to be reconsidered. As the organization considers future, more risky, rounds of enlargement, it is clear that those hidden costs may become more consequential and could put the health of the organization itself at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]