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After the Meiji period, Japanese capitalism facilitated spatial restructuring by exploiting a regional gap to expand its accumulation. Through this process, the regional structure of Japanese society shifted from the dual structure of the developing-country type, with a division of labor between the urban and rural sectors, to the integrated "center-periphery" structure of the advanced-country type reflecting a division of labor by regions and industrial sectors based on the unitary homogeneous system of production. As companies develop an internal international division of labor with globalization, the "center-periphery" structure has been reinforced further, and the industrial structure and the labor market of "peripheral" regions have been restructured under the influence of corporate location strategies. Given these, this paper divides prefectures in Japan into six regional clusters based on indicators of "the prefectural income per capita and the benefit-burden ratio regarding fiscal investment". Furthermore, each cluster is characterized on the basis of social statistical data to reveal the characteristic features of the "center-periphery" structure of Japanese society (in other words, the regional gap). On the basis of the above analysis, municipalities in five prefectures in the Chugoku area are classified into seven clusters in accordance with occupational data by industries to characterize the regional structure of each of those prefectures. Furthermore, the paper focuses on Shimane and Hiroshima prefectures, which are classified as a "peripheral agricultural area" and a "semiperipheral industrial area", respectively, in a regional gap cluster analysis, to characterize the regional policies of both prefectures. At the same time, taking Izumo and Hamada of Shimane prefecture as well as Kure and Higashihiroshima of Hiroshima prefecture as examples, it is revealed how local cities are forced to implement regional restructuring due to the trend of corporate location strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the representation of industrial modernization changed after the appearance of the concept of "industrial heritage," and to clarify its meaning for local communities. At present, local communities are at a crucial juncture facing de-population and financial deficit issues due to giobalization and neo-liberalism. Particularly periled are former coal-mining areas that failed to attract enterprises and to develop tourism. Industrial heritage is expected to be a local resource for new development in such areas. In order to clarify how local people represent industrial heritage in such a harsh situation, this paper analyzes the logic and practice of local people when interpreting the concept of industrial heritage and representing it based on their own experience and memories. The concept of industrial heritage involves promoting the participation of local people in the representation process of industrial modernization. However, in the meantime, this representation inevitably leads to people evaluating industrial modernization including those issues that are politically sensitive. This situation results in local activities utilizing industrial heritage for the revitalization of the local community, which is in a very insecure position. Through representation analyses, participant observations, and interviews with related persons, this paper compares the representation of museum exhibitions and the representation of tour guides in former coal-mining areas. In doing so, it examines how the representation of industrial modernization is changing. Moreover, this paper also suggests that the so-called "strategic" nationalism along with various potential meanings arising from the material presence of factories and apartments can help overcome the abovemenfioned insecure local meaning of industrial modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization has accelerated the flux of immigrants and increased the number of ethnic minorities and the degree of cultural diversity. On the one hand, immigrants and ethnic minorities have a positive effect, both socially and economically, on the host society. On the other hand, the rise of cultural diversity led by them has resulted in ontological insecurity among the majority. Multiculturalism has conventionally perceived the issue of diversity as positive. However, Multiculturalism has been criticized recently because the recognition of cultural diversity does not create common ground among different groups, but instead, intensifies social tension, A new philosophy and policy is required to address the issues of social unity and cultural diversity. The appeasement between social unity and cultural diversity requires two-way processes. The first is to reduce cultural diversity and promote a sense of common "belonging," and the second is to enable people to adapt to diversity and increase the feeling of "security" toward diversity. These two processes, however, are politically opposed. How can they be compatible? This paper works on this question by exploring the social integration policy in Britain. I divide Britain's social integration policy into three stages on the basis of the relationship between belonging and security: after WWII till 1979, Thatcher and Major's Conservative Government (1979-97). and Blair's new Labour Government (1997-). The appeasement of belonging and security has been achieved by the three political barters between anti-immigration laws and racial relation laws in the first stage, by the division between national assimilation policy and local multiculturalism policy in the second stage, and by citizenship policy and Britishness as a liberal form of national identity in the third stage. This paper focuses on the social integration policy and philosophy of the new Labour Government because it proposes a post-multiculturalism discourse for social integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to consider the analytical framework and basic premises while exploring the situation of multiple second modernities under glocalization. and deals with Japan as a case study. In doing so. the paper sets up as its subject the different patterns of relationships between the individual, intermediate groups, and the state in each locality and pursues the transformation of these patterns in contemporary society. As an implication, it concomitantly explores the relationship between globalization and sociological theory. The structural tensions inherent in modern society between traditional and contractual elements are periodically expressed in the institutional patterns of the relationships between the individual, intermediate groups, and the state in each area. As part of its basic analytical frame, this paper considers the similarities and differences between the theory of glocalization and that of multiple modernities in order to articulate the two approaches; further, this paper tries to form a typology of the "West," "U.S.A." and "Japan" in terms of their relational patterns with respect to the three factors mentioned above. In the age of multiple second modernities, relational patterns are expressed as configurations of individuality (and not the individual), intermediate networks (not intermediate groups) and transforming states (and not just states). To observe the distinctness of each locality in all its plurality, we need to consider not only the institutional structure of the three factors but also the more fundamental logic behind all collective/individual formations in each society in question. In considering these issues, our paper focuses on the case of Japan, in order to analyze contemporary Japan as one of states that exhibits multiple second modernities under the glocalization process. Our findings are based on our observations of Japan's historical and cultural distinctness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from extensive literature and fieldwork in media and consumer culture, the paper attempts to offer a new perspective in an effort to envision future sociological investigations into the globalization of collective life forms. First, the paper suggests that, in favor of spatial dimensions, the temporal aspects of globalization have been dismissed in sociological literature. Second, as an example of the above tendency, the paper proceeds to criticize the discussion on the so-called postmodern culture which is often represented by the MTV channel. The paper also argues that too much emphasis on the flat structure of the world overshadows both the theoretical and practical implications that might have been brought by sociological inquiries into the study of globalization. In the third and fourth sections, the paper proposes an alternative view of globalization with special and due regards to temporal consciousness and practices that have recently emerged. Sustainable time and nonlinear time are discussed respectively; however, the paper demonstrates that, in reality, these two concepts are closely tied and even interwoven in relation with media narratives and global environmental risks, which have become more prevalent in everyday life. Finally, the paper concludes that the above-mentioned double helix of time, i. e., sustainability and nonlinearity, can be best understood if we hypothesized that hyper-reflexivity is a core around which the double helix of time develops as an emerging expression of collective life in response to globalization. This hypothesis, the paper ventures to argue, in turn, enables us to cast a new light on the study of space and information society which has been criticized so far. The double helix hypothesis is also expected to promote mutual fertilization of the fields in terms of the multi-modal and spatio-temporal synthesis observed among the different levels of global life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What we are currently witnessing is the construction of new mediascapes that are built by the global flows of information through electronic media, like satellite broadcasting and the Internet. Electronic media have decisively changed the wider field of mass media and other traditional media that have played a significant role in organizing the collective life and culture of a nation as "national media". This paper aims to examine the views on the relationship between global media and audiences situated in a specific place that is determined by the discourse power in three analytical frameworks responding to globalization: cultural imperialism, cultural studies and cultural-geographical approaches—these approaches are proposed by D. Morley, K. Robins and A. Appadurai respectively. In addition, this paper aims to propound important issues for empirical researches in media studies. Cultural imperialism follows the uncertain assumption that the global flows of information conclude the uniformity of cultures in developing countries because American media companies possess large amounts of funds to produce and deliver information and images. Therefore, this assumption is regarded as a theory of the past. Even we cannot accept this assumption. However it is very important that cultural imperialism focuses on the structural inequality of the global flows of information. On the other hand, cultural-geopolitical approaches that are created from the dialogue between cultural anthropology and cultural studies indicate that there are several conflicts and inconsistencies in mediascapes, moreover, these approaches suggest that each audience constructs various types of media-landscape that respond to the complexity of mediascapes. For a more balanced research on the social processes of media globalization from the cultural-geographical perspective, it is necessary to analyze the power relationship between exclusion and inclusion in mediascapes that are regulated by media conglomerates, the state and national media. It is also necessary to clarify the mode of consumption from the historical viewpoint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the Philippine folk dances have generally been performed by student organizations at colleges and dance troops at Filipino towns in the US, mainly on the West Coast. The purpose of this paper is to consider what kind of meanings the folk dances assume for Filipinos by examining these two different types of groups. This analysis can offer a key to understanding the significance or meaning of the homeland for modern immigrants and also the kinds of situations faced by nations in the present globalization era; this is because these dances were originally conceived to embody the Philippines as a nation-state. The dances performed by these two groups have much in common. The majority of their members are second-generation Filipinos. Their dances have almost the same style as that of the most famous folk dance troop in the Philippines and allow the performers to overcome their negative image of the Philippines and themselves. However, there are relative differences between the two groups. The folk dance of the community group expresses the members' long-distance nationalism toward the Philippines. On the other hand, the dance of the college students allows a glimpse of their Filipino ethnicity, which lies beneath their American identity. This paper analyzes the causes of these differences in order to show the complexity of modern transnational phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do theories of social movements relate to the body of social theory, and in what way does the former influence the latter? This paper examines the intellectual interaction processes of social movement research with rational choice theory, theories of states, revolutions, and social science methodologies, and theories of globalization. The examination results reveal three differential processes through which social movement research influences the body of social theory: collaborative investigation and the resultant deepening of social theory, the application of insights obtained from movement theories and the resultant revitalization of arguments in social theory in general, and the collaborative building and deployment of a social theory. The paper concludes by suggesting a historical interpretation of the changing patterns in the relationship between social movement research and social theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The national state has posited migrants as its "other." This recognition is becoming increasingly problematic, particularly at present, with the rise of nationalism in response to globalization. Such nationalism has nurtured hostilities against migrants because of their "otherness." Thus, it is critical to reconsider how non-exclusion of the other in society can be made possible in order to promote democracy in contemporary society. In other words, this question pertains to the construction of the publicness of migrants or a public sphere involving migrants. With regard to the migrants, as the other, it is difficult for them to be involved in the public sphere in light of the Westphalian national-state system. This framework acknowledges the national state's response toward migrants as an exercise of sovereignty, even in the case of exclusion (particularly if it is relevant to its people's security). Thus, it is necessary to reexamine the relation between the migrants and the national state. This paper attempts to explore this issue with regard to the Asian migrants in the United States. Based on such interests, this paper focuses on the transition of the methodology from nationalism to transnationalism. This shift is historic in that it contributed to transforming the relations between the Asian migrants/Americans and the United States. Subsequently, in this paper, I will reveal that the earlier studies that employed transnationalism were partially based on methodological nationalism, where migrants were considered as nothing but the other of the national state. I will then present a solution to overcome this by examining the manner in which the United States was built into a sovereign national state in the late nineteenth century in response to the international migration of the Chinese people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to explore the common theme of the issue "How is theory formation possible?" in terms of the case study of the articulation of comparative modernization theory and glocalization theory. One can grasp comparative modernization theory and, as its fundamental principle, functionalism from the view-point of the theory classification proposed by Funabashi (1982) and Kosaka (1998). Recently, however, it is said that the combination has been destructed (Sato 1998). It has been a long while since sociologists have discussed the multiplicity of the fundamental principles of sociological theory. To a certain extent, however, multiplicity is a built-in component of the discipline. Meanwhile, as a de facto phenomenon, new and attractive "guidance (sensitizing) ideas" (such as globalization, risk society, and so on) have been successively studied by many sociologists. This paper attempts to delineate the process of the theory formation in terms of actual esquisse or exercise in the articulation or combination of comparative modernization theory with glocalization theory as an attractive "guidance idea." The following points summarize the core conclusions of this paper. (1)Regardless of the fundamental principles involved, it is advisable to suppose the existence of reciprocal movements between theory and empirical research and that these movements involve a helical development. It is significant for glocalization theory to be articulated with comparative modernization theory, which is a foundational proposition (or a middle-range theory) that is considerably more grounded in empirical studies. (2) The articulation process involves the internal transformation of both theories (the reconstruction of both comparative modernization theory and glocalization theory). (3) This articulation can sometimes prompt the reconstruction of theoretical tradition (which, in this paper, refers to human rights that go beyond citizenship in the glocalized world). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes the following three points. 1. It argues that globalisation, on the one hand, causes the so-called "citizenship gap," i.e., an increase in the number of people on the move combined with a decline in the state capacity to protect its citizens from external threat. On the other hand, it emphasises that globalisation opens up new opportunities and multiple venues through which individuals without citizenship status in the countries of residence can claim their rights. 2. This paper suggests four bases on which rights of non-citizen residents can be promoted: external citizenship, aliens' rights, denizenship, and universal personhood. Recently, some academics stress the emergence of "transnational" or "post-national" citizenship on the basis of universal personhood. However, the history of human migration is long and there are other and more established bases for the protection of non-citizen residents. Universal personhood is only the most recent concept and its contribution to the transformation of citizenship should thus be appreciated in combination with developments of the other three bases. 3. This paper then focuses on the drafting and ratifying process of the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. The process evolved free from territorial constraints. Third parties, whether enlightened professionals or a transnational advocacy network (NGOs and IGOs), identified with the oppressed groups such as illegal migrants and non-citizen residents, and pressed the issue forward. Once the convention becomes effective, its benefits are transferred beyond borders. In this sense, globalisation enables the marginalised to find various transnational agents who are willing to represent them and have their voices heard, indirectly as it might be in the beginning, through them. The enactment of the convention is vital for marginalised non-citizen residents, as it provides recognition of their position in the international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A lot of books on globalization have been published, but few of them have touched upon the subject of changing dietary cultures in East Asia. The processes of globalization and localization of some particular foods have been studied historically, but few researchers have conducted extensive surveys on the changing culinary preferences of the East Asian people. This paper addresses this issue. It is based on the analysis of data compiled by the AsiaBarometer surveys of 2006 and 2007 : these surveys had contained questions on how different types of foods are favored in 14 countries/regions across East Asia. Data analysis also revealed the fact that D. Held's three perspectives on globalization--the globalist perspective, the traditionalist perspective, and the transformationalist perspective--are all supported by different pieces of empirical evidence, which suggests that the impact of globalization on local dietary cultures has been diverse, and that the nature of such impact depends on the historical development processes in a region or within a culture. Exposure to globalization will in general promote omnivorousness in East Asia, but some countries like South Korea have shown no correlation between their exposure to globalization and their attitude toward foreign foods. It is quite dangerous, therefore, to discuss "globalization of dietary cultures" as a universal phenomenon after only a cursory sampling of the trends prevalent in a few parts of East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the midst of the ongoing cultural globalization, many rural areas in Japan are poorly equipped to enjoy cultural activities. Cultural sociology has worked on political issues that have had ramifications on the popular or ethnic culture, hut not on issues related to institutions that support cultural activities. On the other hand, the regional development movement that uses cultural resources has attracted attention in its practice of regional construction. Some cities obtain cultural resources from all over the world: they attract the people who form the creative class, and are thus in a position to target further cultural development. Other areas, however, are not always able to do that. This paper focuses on the issues of Local diversity and endemism to discuss this situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to clarify how Japanese people perceive various nations of the world. It focuses on the differences among Japanese generations in the cognitions of nations by analyzing survey data on the attitude toward 20 nations. I found that the Japanese tended to favor Western nations more than other nations. This result is consistent with the so-called high western and low eastern-type rank ordering of the Japanese preference of nations, which has been pointed out by many previous works. To examine the differences between generations in the cognitions of nations, the average liking score of 20 nations was compared among four age groups (20-34, 35-49, 50-64, 65+). It showed that people with age 50 or above hold less favorable attitude toward Russia compared to those with age under 49 years. This implies that there are generation gaps in the subjective liking of an individual country. To investigate the liking data in terms of not only one-dimensional order but also multidimensional relations, I used a multidimensional scaling technique (INDSCAL). I found that the respondents judged their liking of nations based on two dimensions: The first dimension was "Western nations (Japan included) vs. Non-western nations (excluding Japan)" which is very similar to the high western and low eastern-type rank ordering. The second order may be interpreted as the "exposure to negative images through the mass media." Older respondents (over 65 years old) based their judgment heavily on the first dimension, while people under 64 years used the second dimension for their judgment. This result indicates a possibility of changes in Japanese subjective liking of various nations that was once believed to be stable in previous research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, first, the meaning of "theory" is considered and then the three kinds of sociological theory, namely, the fundamental theory, the middle-range theory, and the idealistic theory, are presented. Second, the problems of interaction and intersubjectivity — including the problems of corporeality and/or intercorporeality — are brought into discussion from a standpoint of (phenomenological sociological) "genetic interactionism": then the four basic social aspects of our contemporary society, i. e., the scientific-technological society, knowledge-information society, capitalistic-consumer society, and modern nation-state, are mentioned. Third, I primarily wish to present the theoretical route to the problem of nation-state, with a special focuson the concept of "champ (=field)" raised by P. Bourdieu. Finally, within the context of sociological theory as the social theory in the age of globalization, I propose my own conception that the main issues in contemporary Japanese sociological associations are located in the spheres of both corporeality/intercorporeality and post-national orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reality of globalization, in contemporary society, brings to the fore the differences or confrontations between women in the world, rather than the feminist "idea of global sisterhood". Two women, for example a white professional woman and a colored woman working as a "second mother," are inescapably thrown into an unbalanced power relationship. How can they have a free and equal relationship, a new, difficult relationship that can be called "a public relationship in the private sphere"? Based on such interests, this paper aims to reveal the on-going change in the assumption of the public-private distinction on which the structure of modern society has been founded. First, we focus on the essential difference among household tasks, particularly child rearing and cleaning, in order to examine the peculiarity of the private sphere. Second, we consider how we can construct a free and equal relationship between women of diametrically different nationalities, cultures, customs, lifestyles and so on, keeping intact our respect for each other's dignity. Finally, we attempt to explain that to respect others is to respect their private spheres as the space of a free mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the erosion of communality and solidarity in local communities as a result of the administrative and fiscal reforms associated with the Neo-Liberal or the Koizumi structural reforms (the great Heisei merger), it is time to pose questions about the conclusions that can be drawn from these particular consequences of the processes of globalization. In this paper, I analyze the case of Maki Town, which hosted the first referendum held in Japan on the proposal to construct a nuclear power facility. A majority voted against the proposal and the nuclear power facility project was abandoned as a result of that ; however, in a subsequent referendum, the citizens of Maki Town approved their administrative amalgamation with Niigata City. After studying the narrative accounts of those who played a central role in organizing the referendum on the construction of a nuclear power facility, I conclude that in the study of social movements, it is vital to interpret such narratives in the context of the people's own experiences and their unique sense of reality, while paying scrupulous attention to the complex patterns of social interaction that exist within any given local community and that may compel us to reconsider what appears to be sociologically self-evident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the views on the relationship between the state and civil society in three analytic frameworks on social movements responding to globalization: antisystemic movement theory, network society theory, and the East Asian civil society argument. Through this examination, it searches for a paradigmatic change in the civil society argument. The purpose of the change is to make the civil society argument deep-rooted in the East Asian soil on which we live, meeting the demands of our times of globalization. Antisystemic movement theory follows orthodox assumptions that there is a clear distinction between the state and civil society, and that they can confront each other. Recently, these assumptions have been less emphasized because of the strategic calculation on the political use of anti-globalization movements. Network society theory analyses social movements without considering the relationship between the state and civil society, because it maintains that global networks will make the role of the state and civil society less important. In short, the state and civil society are presupposed to confront each other, or are not considered central to these main analytic frameworks on anti-globalization movements. On the other hand, the East Asian civil society argument, which has been less noticed in relation to social movements responding to globalization, regards the state and civil society as interconnected. In actual anti-globalization movements, we can hear some voices to be resonant with the viewpoints of the East Asian civil society argument. The East Asian civil society argument will continue to address the theoretical and practical issues in building a transnational network responding to globalization in this region, bearing a geographical specificity and internal diversity as its own destiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the conditions for creating a public space amid the globalization of the Northeast (East) Asian area, from an example of Qingdao, China. The following points can be pointed out as features of the Northeast Asian area. (1) The dense motion of people and social networks exceeding the state is formed. (2) Centralized government from the Early Stage continued, and the Northeast Asian area has been composed as Dynasty-Relations among the states. (3) The strains created by the Cold War concentrated in this area after World War II, and the Korean Peninsula and China (the mainland and Taiwan) were forced to split. (4) In this area, nationalism, which can also be considered the "hypertrophy phenomenon of the self" resulting from high economic growth, is strong. These features have specified the imaginative faculty with which people understand each other. In Northeast Asia, transnational movements have increased rapidly, and mixtures of cultures have occurred in everyday lives of people, such as media culture, movies, music, food, cosmetics, and fashion. It could be said that the mixture of various cultures is the product of an affluent society. Industrialization has caused the "convergence of cultures," and global media has produced the "deodorization of culture," but different ethnic groups interact and live together. We may realize that neither convergence nor deodorization can be performed. Their lives are divided by a national wall, which stands between South Koreans and the Chinese. On an ethnic level, a wall, which obstructs communication between the Han race and ethnic Koreans and between South Koreans and the Chinese Koreans, also exists clearly. It is not so easy for them to get over the barriers that inhibit the sharing of a "public space" and "joint consciousness" and direct understanding of each other's experiences in the near future. However, given today's reality in which we are already living as neighbors, and given the changing ethnic identities, we must determine the conditions for coexistence by transcending nationalism that is shut by "self-hypertrophy." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the process of globalization, there often emerges nationalism that seeks to resist it. But the result is often tragic. This is why many people represent this process as "economy vs. culture". But this type of antinomy is not always escapable. In this paper, I analyze the process of how France adapts herself to globalization in utilizing the EU. Briefly speaking, in the economic area there is a so-called "quiet globalization," in the social area there are many conflicts and coordination, and in the cultural area there is a pursuit of nationalism. Because of the EU, France can keep these three areas firmly. In other words, France could experience globalization early and softly before the word of "globalization" appeared by grace of the EU. Now, in the process of globalization, we can find many new regionalisms in the world, which are expected as a safety net against globalization. Of course, the EU makes each member country adapt to globalization. But the EU also offers to each country the buffer zone against globalization. It is also easy to find many NGOs who want an alternative globalization in the same EU region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to point out the limitations of the existing theoretical frameworks on the relationship between globalization and transformation of popular cultures, and to propose a new model called "the dynamic multi-layered moral conflict model" to describe the dynamism of today's globalization through analyzing the development of club culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since modern society came into being, global interdependence has accelerated as each nation increasingly relies on other nations. However, the globalization that has taken place since the late 20th century cannot fully be understood as the result of growing interdependence among nations. Modern globalization is characterized by: 1) pluralistic network relationships among bodies including nations; 2) simultaneous promotion of globalization and localization; 3) restructuring of functional specialization; and 4) greater dependency on information. This paper sets out to clarify that such globalization is based on a change in the principle of the formation of society. In short, it is based on a shift from the partition principle that strictly splits the inside from the outside, to the nesting principle that permits their interpenetration. In the nesting structure, each part which makes up the whole simultaneously involves the whole which should exist outside itself. In modern society with computer networks as infrastructure, a network relationship is formed so that each component of the network itself also represents the network relationship. The pluralistic formation of this relationship on both local and global scales is changing modern nations and functional specialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]