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Several Indigenous communities around the globe maintain unique conceptions of mental illness and disorder. The Q'eqchi' Maya of southern Belize represent one Indigenous community that has maintained, due to highly "traditional" ways of life and the strong presence of many active localized healers or bush doctors, distinct conceptions of mental disorders as compared to Western psychiatric nosology. The purpose of this ethnographic study was to understand and interpret Q'eqchi' nosological systems of mental disorders involving the factors--spiritual, cultural, social, historical, cosmological, or otherwise--implicated in their articulation and construction. Over a period of 9 months, and with the help of cultural advisors from several Q'eqchi' communities, 94 interviews with five different traditional Q'eqchi' healers were conducted. This paper demonstrates that the mental illnesses recognized by the Q'eqchi' healers involved narrative structures with recognizable variations unfolding over time. What we present in this paper are 17 recognizable illnesses of the mind grouped within one of four broad "narrative genres." Each genre involves a discernible plot structure, casts of characters, themes, motifs, and a recognizable teleology or "directedness." In narrative terms, the healer's diagnostic and therapeutic work can be understood as an ability to discern plot, to understand and interpret a specific case within the board, empirically based structure of Q'eqchi' medical epistemology.

This article describes the debates leading to Puerto Rico's Mental Health Law of 2000, which defined addiction as a spiritual and social problem rather than a mental disorder, in order to trace three competing approaches to addiction in Puerto Rico: evangelist, biomedical, and harm-reductionist. Highlighting the ways in which the evangelist approach of Puerto Rican street ministries challenges the individualism underlying US faith-based initiatives and the punitive approach of the US War on Drugs, this article concludes that the virtues of the evangelist approach to addiction would be best supported by public funding for biomedical and harm-reduction approaches within a pluralistic system of treatment for addiction.