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China's ascendant position in International Relations has sparked a debate over the future of the US-led liberal international order. As China's military, economic, ideological, and institutional influence continues to expand, apprehensions about its challenges to the existing global order and the evolution of China's role in international governance have intensified. This research is qualitative and consults both primary and secondary recourses. From the neo-Gramscian school of thought perspective, this research explores the core relationship between China and the global order, delving deep into the historical context. Unlike traditional international relations theories, this research presents a historical and relational interpretation to present an alternative perspective on China's rise. Elucidating this dynamic historical progression, this paper posits that China's relationship with the world order has evolved significantly, moving from animosity and refutation in the post-independence period to compliance with Western ideals and institutions, integration into the international system and, more recently, to the pursuit of independent institution-building, global governance, and promotion of alternative world order. This paper concludes that while China has adopted a predominant role in shaping the rules of the international system, it is far from being a disruptive reformist. Thus, despite its global outreach, China does not seek to build a power centre that counters explicitly the Western liberal order but signals a gradual transition towards a multipolar order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international community has shown considerable interest in China's assertiveness in the South China Sea in recent times. The objective of this study is to examine the strengths and weaknesses that form the foundation of Chinese strategies, and decipher the underlying motives and strategies employed by China in its pursuits. The paper evaluates China's current position in the South China Sea and its effects on regional stability and global geopolitics. The findings reveal that China follows a holistic approach with significant infrastructure, diplomatic, and regional geopolitical gains. These efforts expose risks such as regional alliance tensions, international legal framework complexity and though rare but potential armed engagements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US National Security Strategy of 2022 introduced a relatively new concept of Integrated Deterrence (ID) that will likely impact security discourse amongst global rivals such as the US, China, and Russia while affecting the strategic thinking of relatively smaller powers like India, Pakistan, and others. With an expanded scope and objectives, ID aims to build and integrate the entire spectrum of capabilities of the US, its allies, and partners against the perceived threat from China and possibly Russia. Resultantly, the paper focuses on implications of ID for security and strategic stability in South Asia. India, being a major strategic partner with the will to play a significant role in the US-led China containment strategy, is likely to be a major beneficiary of the new US posture of ID. With enhanced and integrated military capabilities, India is likely to adopt a more hostile posture towards its neighbours, especially Pakistan, thus forcing the latter to develop options in the form of 'Integrated Response', to help maintain strategic stability in the region without indulging in an arms race, and by maintaining neutrality in the evolving US-China great power competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world had to suffer the implications of Kindleberger Trap in post-World War I due to the vacuum created at the international level to provide global public goods by the then superpowers - Great Britain and the US. The exact implications could be faced by the rest of the world in the 21st century. Today, China aspires to become a global leader; thus, it must avoid the Kindleberger Trap, which can cause inferences for its stability. For this purpose, the state must provide the world with global public goods as a responsibility. The US had this responsibility until the Trump administration enacted the policy of isolation, just like the post-World War I era. This policy of the US administration created a gap at the international level that China wants to fill as a global power. This paper, therefore, examines the implications of the Kindleberger Trap on China, particularly after the initiation of China's Belt and Road Initiative. Meta-geopolitics is used as a framework to highlight areas of China's strength along with rooms that can cause a setback for China's stability at the national and international levels. This paper also analyses the domestic policies of China and how to avoid the Kindleberger Trap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new world order has been instrumental in determining and promoting multilateralism, and as a result, the world has undergone several transformations in the past few decades. Amidst heightened US-China tension, President Biden unveiled the Build Back Better World (B3W) project during the 2021-G7 meeting. The following year it was re-branded as the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. While it has not been explicitly stated, B3W aims to counter China's multi-billion Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Understanding B3W vs. BRI debate is important for countries, especially those in the Middle East who already perform a balancing act between the US and China. This paper assesses B3W vs. BRI debate with particular reference to the Middle East. After evaluating the contradictions and complementarities between the two projects, this paper concludes that B3W will only benefit Middle Eastern countries if it aligns with BRI, where strategic objectives and interests make parallel, such as in the avenues of cyber innovation and economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and China, through CPEC, have uplifted decade's old and time-tested bondage to the zenith of economic cooperation on a win-win basis. In the Chinese equation, BRI (CPEC -- an integral part of BRI) is an initiative for the economic integration of the global community in the 21st century. In contrast, the US endeavours to ensure the implementation of international order at sea through its Indo-Pacific strategy. Considerable academic work has been undertaken distinctly on the US Indo-Pacific strategy and BRI (CPEC); however, scanty academic efforts have been made on future power realignment in South Asia. By employing Mahan's theory of sea power, this paper explains the future maritime scenario in South Asia, which will evolve due to the power contestation of global players in the Indian Ocean and the formulation of two distinct power blocks with the US and China as leading players. It also answers how Indian Ocean littorals will align themselves in this great powers' contestation. An in-depth understanding of the economic interests of Indian Ocean littorals through BRI and gaining benefits through a strategic partnership with the US will provide insight into future power realignment in South Asia. The paper concludes that China will likely formulate collaborative maritime security arrangements with BRI partners who will become Chinese allies to secure energy requirements. Likewise, India, Japan, South Korea and the US (under QUAD) will endeavour to impede China's economic progress, forming a power block in the Indian Ocean region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of China as a great power is indubitably one of the greatest perplexities in the international arena since the cold war era. Similarly, it poses challenges to the strategic position of the US. The economic and technological height of China has now become a big question mark for the US hegemony. The US has adopted some essential policies and actions like the B3W initiative and Strategic Competition Act of 2021, which label China a strategic competitor in multiple areas, including economics, technology, and military security. Such actions and policies by the US generate growing strategic competition between Beijing and Washington. However, the Chinese political elite has reservations that the US wants to curb the expansion of Chinese influence. This paper, therefore, analyses how strategic competition between China and the US increases with the rise of China, particularly after China's BRI, and how China poses a challenge or an opportunity for the US. This paper employs the Power-transition theory as an analytical framework to investigate the power transition debated among policymakers in the US and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a contested Indo-Pacific region with a rising and assertive China militarily and economically, Australia must look beyond the US as the sole guarantor of its security. Australia realises the importance of maintaining the US–Australia alliance, but it must also seek other like-minded nations to ensure peace and prosperity in the region. The potential development of an enhanced Franco-Australian partnership in the Indo-Pacific presents a promising alliance against the backdrop of heightened US-China rivalry, concerns over maritime security, challenges to sovereignty and economic prosperity. Australia, as a small to medium nation in the South Pacific, must develop and expand its geostrategic partnerships. As Australia seeks to grow, expand or reinforce existing partnerships within a contested and competitive environment, the potential benefits of an enhanced Franco-Australian alliance in the Indo-Pacific are significant and worthy of careful consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landmark peace deal between Iran and Saudi Arabia brokered by China has ended years of hostility between the two regional arch-rivals. The peace agreement is expected to ease the regional tension and bring peace and stability. The warming up of relations may also lead to the end of proxy wars in Yemen, Syria and Iraq. China’s emergence as a nonhegemonic and reliable extra-regional actor/guarantor would stabilise the regional security environment. This development directly impacts Pakistan as it has good relations with Iran, Saudi Arabia, and China. The peace agreement holds great prospects for Pakistan through investment, trade, joint production, corridor connectivity and joint consortium. However, while the prospects are bright, there are many challenges to harness these opportunities fully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the endemic world, the emergence of China as a potential superpower is surfacing. It has been a long evolutionary process from the coarse period to the age of prosperity that pushes China to an upward trajectory with its reform model for domestic and worldwide growth. Its economic and strategic directions are reaping fruits in the Belt and Road Initiative. Beijing's goodwill has been endorsed by different countries of the world who wish to learn from the ascendancy of China on the world stage. However, with the rise of China, it is feared that it would have implications for the predominant world order. This paper, therefore, highlights the country's political, economic, military, and social reforms by its distinctive Soft Power approach. China is becoming an influential power that cannot be ignored on the global horizon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-Maoist era, a new approach was introduced in China, which opened China's markets for foreign investments besides harvesting cordial relations, especially with its neighbours. It helped China emerge as a global power to such a level where the US regards China as a potential competitor. To protect its strategic interests in the East Asian region, the US has introduced a 'Pivot to Asia' policy posing a direct threat to China's trade passing through the South China Sea routes. China has already embarked upon an intercontinental connectivity initiative known as One Belt One Road to bypass the US presence in East Asia. The China Pakistan Economic Corridor is its flagship project which allows China to diversify its trade routes and decrease its dependence on the South China Sea. This paper, therefore, investigates China's behavioural change in East Asia, especially in the post-Cold War era, by applying the theory of Uneven and Combined Development presented by Leon Trotsky. It aims to understand the US policy of containment of China in East Asia and significance of Pakistan in the Chinese approach towards reducing external pressures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paramount interest of China in Afghanistan seems to ensure peace and stability in the region. Beijing's soft power approach towards Afghanistan through its neutral stance and minimum involvement in domestic politics within Afghanistan proved to be an advantage in cementing China's role in Afghanistan as a credible mediator. China extends its influence in the region through the Belt and Road Initiative, where the importance of CPEC is interlinked with the development of China's western sector. China aims to harness the Afghan territory for its transit routes because Afghanistan bridges the connectivity gap between Central Asia and West Asia. This paper highlights that the current interests of China in Afghanistan are multiple. China is utilizing all the soft power elements to promote and expand the areas of activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to South Asia because stability in Afghanistan cannot be achieved solely. Understanding Regional Security Complex Theory and Soft Power can encapsulate China's engagement in Afghanistan. It has made a considerable effort by highlighting regional complexities on various multilateral fronts like China-Pakistan-Afghanistan, China-Russia-Afghanistan, and China-Russia-Pakistan-Iran. This study develops an analytical framework of South Asian security from the regional point of view and analyses external powers' role in the transition of regional security complexes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revolution in the means of communication has made a profound impact on the conduct of public diplomacy worldwide. Communication is now seen as an important component of public diplomacy to ascertain how governments interact with foreign publics in pursuit of their objectives. Countries fully recognize that new media and technologies are crucial to present their stories to the global audience. As an emerging power, China has been proactively expanding its presence in the global communication landscape. China has pronounced 'Going Global' strategy, which is supported by the internationalization of Chinese media and ubiquitous presence at the social media platforms. China's international communication strategy has been aimed at increasing cultural soft power to influence foreign publics. This paper is an attempt to understand China's communication strategy in the public diplomacy sphere with particular reference to the US. The major influence behind China's communication strategy is twofold; first is to dispel negative connotations attached with the rise of China or 'China Threat', and secondly, to improve relations with the US through public diplomacy. For Pakistan, public diplomacy and external communication have been a neglected area of research. A comprehensive public diplomacy strategy and effective external communication approach could be instrumental for Pakistan to improve its image among the foreign audience and present a positive image of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has been visualized by political scientists as a structural change in the balance of power of the world. The corridor has far-reaching economic and geopolitical impacts on Southwest Asian countries in general and Pakistan in particular. CPEC, being a transnational project, may face challenges in geographic as well as human terrain during its implementation phase. It would involve extra ordinary engineering resources to execute, massive funds to realize, and political acumen to manage social elements of Southwest Asian countries. This paper, therefore, explores China's evolving relationship with the international system to achieve accelerated infrastructure development and boosted socio-economic growth through regional integration and liberal institutionalism. It is a multilateral strategy that will help Pakistan realize its true potential in the economic and strategic domains. It also endeavors to find linkages between China's multilateralism with regional integration under the framework of CPEC based on liberal values of connectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of regional integration becomes indispensable for peace at state, regional and international level. This paper aims to highlight Pakistan and China's cooperation in achieving regional integration and their steps towards a new phase of geo-economic relations. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) will have considerable implications not only for China and Pakistan but also for Central Asia Republics (CARs). CPEC is part of China's advancement planning of One Belt One Road (OBOR,) which intends to link it with South Asia, Central Asia, Middle East, Europe and Africa via land and sea. CPEC is prone to steer a large economic activity in Pakistan and at the same time, its spill-over effects will have positive impact on CARs. CPEC comes in high times when Pakistan gets membership of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and signs energy projects such as Central Asia-South Asia (CASA-1000) and Turkmenistan-Afghanistan Pakistan India gas Pipeline (TAPI). Hence the paper raises the questions; why CARs are taking interests in ongoing regional integration projects of China and Pakistan? How will Pakistan act as a bridge in connecting CARs with other regions? The paper endeavors to prove that CPEC is an important project for CARs, eventually it will steer regional peace and harmony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Pakistan U.S. relations is an excellent example of on-again, off-again partnership and marked by convergence and divergence of national interests. The current relationship is strained due to many issues creating mistrust and resentment between the two states. The prevailing mistrust and dissatisfaction creates hurdles in the way of attaining mutual goals and objectives and obstruct cooperation between the two countries. A strong Pakistan US alliance is important for peace and stability of the whole South Asia. This paper focuses on the need for strong bilateral relationship, mutual trust and close cooperation between Pakistan and United States for attaining both countries objectives in Afghanistan and South Asia. It also aims at exploring the causes of prevailing mistrust and dissatisfaction that obstruct cooperation and progress in Pak-U.S. relationship. This qualitative study identifies; misconceptions about policies, conflicts of interests, US covert military operations and drone strikes, the US- India nuclear deal and increasing USIndia relations, internal disturbances in Pakistan, Pakistan's relations with China and the US demand to do more as the major contributing factors for the strained USPakistan relations. This paper concludes that a viable, stable and healthy relationship is possible only when there is an increased trust and mutual respect between the two states. Moreover, both US and Pakistan must work on identifying mutual interests and increased relations in trade and social sector besides war on terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National interest is considered as the top priority for the survival of any country. With the changing paradigms at regional and international level, Pakistan's national position is facing ever-changing scenario of its dynamic nature. The regional and international powers, (especially China) with their mega projects have created ripples in the region, thus changing the paradigms internationally. CPEC is among one of the paradigms, which is a Comprehensive Development Framework (CDF) that involves Chinese investments of over 46 billion dollars in various sectors including; Gwadar Port, energy projects, infrastructure development, and industrial cooperation. CPEC has been rightly titled a "game changer" in terms of its promise to transform regional connectivity through shared economic development. The paper highlights various existing as well as upcoming challenges, and presents a comprehensive solution to move forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and China have always enjoyed multidimensional and cordial relations on the basis of mutual trust and understanding. These relations have taken a further boost in the post 9/11 era. Though they made policy adjustments in the light of global transformations, yet their relations continued to be in harmony with each other. The year 2015 marked the big boost in these relations through the culmination of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) agreement worth $ 46 billion. CPEC brought forth many opportunities for both the countries to promote their interests respectively, is viewed negatively by US and India, as a step to contain US role and Indian ambitious designs in South Asia. Many other countries who were previously against the CPEC, are now taking interest and wanted to be a part of it. US has developed Asia pivot to contain China's rise and to reinforce its position in the Asia pacific region and also supports India's reservations over it. While India views it from the prism of its security concerns in the light of its rivalry with both China and Pakistan. As an emerging global power, China has the potential and willingness to support and promote Pakistan more than any other power of the world. This paper looks into the interests of Pakistan and China associated with each other, CPEC and the US and India's responses over their strategic partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situated amidst the world highest mountain ranges of the Himalayas, Karakoram and Hindukush, the thinly-populated federally-administrated Gilgit- Baltistan (GB) region of Pakistan enjoys immense geostrategic significance. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) enters Pakistan via Gilgit-Baltistan. Nearly 500 km of the Karakoram Highway traverses the folds of GB from Khunjerab Pass to the boundary of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province. However, people of this region are struggling to attain constitutional status as the fifth province of Pakistan since independence. It remains in limbo due to the linkage of the region with the issue of Kashmir. This has serious ramifications for human security profile of the region. There are competing perspectives on the issue, and opinion is divided among Pakistan, India, the people of Kashmir, the international community and the people of GB. The people of GB region itself, being the main arbiter over their political future have started to assert as a stakeholder in social space. With diverse viewpoints and outlooks, it is a politically contentious and analytically challenging topic. This paper discusses various options to reach policy recommendations on the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grand Strategy determines the ultimate goals and interests of a state. It has long-term effects on state policies. With the advent of the 21st century, China has emerged as a regional and global power. After entering the new era of development, China set specific goals and decided to achieve them, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. These goals are to convert China into a prosperous society, increase per capita income at par with developed states and realize modernization. In 2013, Xi Jinping announced China's Grand Strategy, while stating that the period extended to 2020 (and beyond) is the era of strategic opportunity for China. This article discusses China's Grand Strategy in the Asia- Pacific region. First, it conceptualizes Chinese strategy by focusing on its main objectives and interests. Secondly, it analyses its components while identifying how China is utilizing its economic, political, diplomatic, and security means to secure its interests in the region and maintain regional order. It also examines Chinese foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific region according to the institutions of international society described by Hadley Bull. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to study the maritime disputes amongst China and various nations of the East Asian region. The paper explores the drivers, which compel the states astride the East China Sea to establish control over the maritime and island territories. This is followed by a discussion on the dangers associated with these disputes e.g. costs of the political and military escalation, and the competition for maritime resources. There is a risk of escalation and conflict at sea. China's interests and objectives in the region are analyzed with a view to the Chinese aspiration to be the global super power by acquiring and controlling the territories around the East China Sea. While sovereignty claims in the East China Sea are not new, China's rising diplomatic, economic, as well as military influence is increasing China's capacity to pursue its interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the foreign policy strategy that has changed world politics. It has compelled states to revisit their foreign policies either in favour of BRI or countering it. BRI has created a difficult situation for international power structure and status quo states due to transitioning power from west to east and emerging geopolitical reconfiguration. However, in September 2021, President Xi Jinping announced China's Global Development Initiative (GDI) at the opening session of the UN General Assembly, which renewed debate about the impacts of China's strategy. As China has a strong foothold in the Indian Ocean region through BRI, the undertaken research is an endeavour to study the effect of shifting China's foreign policy from BRI to GDI over the maritime geopolitics of the region. This research aims at determining GDI's role in supporting UN Agenda 2030 through focused efforts on sustainable development goals in the maritime domain. It is an exploratory and qualitative research conducted through deductive reasoning to seek an explanation of the core proposition. This research has used secondary sources for determining these upshots with potential changes in the maritime geopolitics of the Indian Ocean region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conceptual framework to quantitatively and qualitatively prove that within 21st century, SAARC's enormous economic potential can be liquidated to capitalise on the available opportunities and drivers like; China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and in particular; China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), ultimately forming a South Asian Economic Union (SAEU). The analysis vindicates that other than extremists BJP's ultra-right wing Hindu activists, there exists an overwhelming international and regional political support for BRI and CPEC especially; among the divided Kashmiris, including the sitting Chief Minister, Ex- President Jammu & Kashmir Chambers of Commerce, officials from Indian Ministry of External Affairs, mainland State Ministers, academia, think tanks, renowned journalists, lawyers and other segments of the civil society. The Trump Administration's aggressive policies are fuelling a fiercely competitive international economic and political order. Luckily, China's vision of South Asian economic integration provides a crucial window of opportunity to SAARC, particularly; India- Pakistan to harmonise their antagonistic policies in favour of geo-economics. To secure great power status India, with SAARC, states must support China's BRI and CPEC to further capitalise their growing trade; culminating into a SAEU with China as a member state. The article quantitatively and qualitatively proves that there exists an enormous trade potential to manifest such a conception for which commensurate political support exists in India-Pakistan and, indeed among the remaining SAARC states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India usually considers itself a growing regional power, but a closer look exposes that it is in an adverse position vis-à-vis China in the South Asian region. China has always been economically more attractive and politically more reliable in its neighborhood, thus, presenting itself as a strong contender to become a great power and a key player in this region. On the other hand, especially during the post-Cold War era, the US has remained at the top position leading to a new symmetry, while restricting any other possible power to challenge its supremacy in this region. The 9/11 incident has further changed the security dynamics of South Asia. Today, the need to hold China's regional supremacy and economic cooperation in the region has shifted US strategic attention more towards India, which is, in one way or the other, stimulating Indian hegemonic aspirations under the umbrella of its Hindutva ideology. Furthermore, the presence of foreign powers in this region and their growing influence in shaping regional security settings have made the regional defence scenario more intricate. This study, therefore, highlights the strategic interests and goals of major powers in the South Asian region in order to examine the changing geostrategic dynamics of the region. The Regional Security Complex theory has also been applied as a theoretical framework to analyze the present-day regional developments and their impacts on this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise and fall of great powers is a driving force of transition in international politics. The cycle of emergence and decline of superpowers continues as a principal source of evolution in the world order. The 20th century unveiled with Pax-Britannica as the axis of international politics, but some of the highly critical incidents allowed the US to entrench its global hegemony. Subsequently, at the twilight of the century, Pax-Americana transpired as the pivot of the global system. However, self-imposed hegemonic commitments, an obsession with manipulating the world system, and mania of supremacy embedded punitive challenges for Washington. The emerging powers eventually launched an enterprise to reshape the international system to multipolar world order, and the outbreak of coronavirus (COVID-19) has further stimulated such undertakings. This devastating global challenge may warrant a capable and committed player to undertake the assignment of resurrecting the international system and ascertain itself as a dominant global power, and China could be the strongest candidate. This study, therefore, aims to explore the dynamics of future world order and the abysmal impacts of COVID-19 on its transformation. The exiting hegemon seeks to maintain the status quo, while the emerging powers are striving to reshape the global system towards multipolarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History is replete with examples where the US has influenced various countries to promote its interests and later discarded them to face the ignominy of squalor, poverty, and underdevelopment, etc. It has also been observed that various autocratic leaders and political parties were the recipients of US munificence for their undivided support which resulted in short-term benefits and long-term complications. Such autocratic leaders tend to form coalitions with other elites to legitimize their incumbency as well as to ensure the longevity of power. These coalitions come at a great cost of bad governance. This study, therefore, postulates that US interventionist policies epitomize bad governance in Pakistan. It suggests that a progressive future for Pakistan lies in moving towards alliances with those countries which do not follow interventionist policies. An alliance with common goals can result in a win-win situation, however, strategic alliance with China can serve Pakistan's interests befittingly and successful realization of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor can provide salvation to Pakistan's fledging economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research provides historical background and an in depth analysis of China and United States' commercial relations including historical evidences, major trends and tensions with reference to all these factors it establishes reasons to look at the likelihood of Sino-US trade War. The paper highlights the recent change in government in the US and its policies toward China. It also looks at the potential impact of any such trade war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade through economic corridors comprising land routes and sea-lanes has been rapidly multiplying in velocity and volume due to globalization. Velocity refers to the intensity and increase in the number of interactions. Volume is related with the density of goods that are being exchanged. Ancient Silk Road has been one such corridor. It connected China, Eurasia and the World with mutually beneficial trade and shared economic dividends having social, cultural and religious impacts. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is reincarnation of ancient Silk Road, albeit much larger in scope and magnitude. China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is one of the multiple strands of this whole that will connect 60 plus countries. Chinese vision for BRI revolves around voluntary participation and mutually beneficial trade respecting UN Charter. China is proposing a combination of loans, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and Built Operate and Transfer (BOT) investments for realisation of BRI. Operationalization of CPEC will bring obvious advantages in multiple spheres including socio-economic impacts, mostly positive for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impending power transition in the global hierarchy has already triggered post-hegemonic phase in the international system. The 'Rise of China' along with alternate power centers have considerably constrained US clout to obtain 'desired outcomes' and few significant political developments in the first decade of the twenty-first century are already tilting the debate in favour of drift towards posthegemony. A review of the academic debates between 'primacists' and 'declinists' school has been done within the article to establish that uncertainty and ambiguity prevailing in the contemporary global hierarchy not only provides substance to the scholarly debate on post-hegemony, but speaks of a world away from US dominated and controlled patterns of interaction and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]