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Urbanization level is a key indicator for socioeconomic development and policy making, but the measurement data and methods need to be discussed further due to the limitation of a single index and the availability and accuracy of statistical data. China is urbanizing rapidly, but the urbanization level at the county scale remains a mystery due to its complexity and lack of unified and effective measurement indicators. In this paper, we proposed a new urbanization index to measure the Chinese urbanization level at the county scale by integrating population, land, and economic factors; by fusing remote sensing data and traditional demographic data, we investigated the multi-dimensional unbalanced development patterns and the driving mechanism from 1995 to 2015. Results indicate that: The average comprehensive urbanization level at the Chinese county scale has increased from 31.06% in 1995 to 45.23% in 2015, and the urbanization level in the permanent population may overestimate China's urbanization process. There were significant but different spatial and temporal dynamic patterns in population, land, and economic levels as well as at a comprehensive urbanization level. The comprehensive urbanization level shows the pattern of being high in the south-east and low in the north-west, divided by "Hu line". The urbanization of registered populations presents high in the northern border and the eastern coastal areas, which is further strengthened over time. Economic urbanization based on lighting data presents high in the east and low in the west. Land urbanization based on remote sensing data shows high in the south and low in the north. The registered population urbanization level is lower than economic and land urbanization. County urbanization was driven by large population size, reasonable industrial structure, and strong government capacity; 38% and 59% of urbanization levels can be regarded as the key nodes of the urbanization process. When the urbanization rate is lower than 38%, the secondary industry plays a strong role in powering urbanization; when the urbanization rate is higher than 38% but less than 59%, the promotion effect of the tertiary industry is more obvious, and the secondary industry is gradually weakened. When the urbanization rate exceeds 59%, the tertiary industry becomes the major driver. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large body of recent studies--from both inside and outside of China--are devoted to the understanding of China's regional inequality. The current study introduces "the spatial field model" to achieve comprehensive evaluation and multi-scale analysis of regional inequality. The model is based on the growth pole theory, regional interaction theory, and energy space theory. The spatial field is an abstract concept that defines the potential energy difference that is formed in the process of a regional growth pole driving the economic development of peripheral areas through transportation and communication corridors. The model is able to provide potentially more precise regional inequality estimates and generates isarithmic maps that will provide highly intuitive and visualized presentations. The model is applied to evaluate the spatiotemporal pattern of economic inequality in China from 2000 to 2012 amongst internal eastern-central-western regions as well as north-south regions at three geographical scales--i.e., inter-province, inter-city, and inter-county. The results indicate that the spatial field model could comprehensively evaluate regional inequality, provide aesthetically pleasing and highly adaptable presentations based on a pixel-based raster, and realise the multi-scale analyses of the regional inequality. The paper also investigates the limitations and extensions of the spatial field model in future application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the relationship between urbanization, economic growth, industrial transformation, technological change, public services, demographical change, urban and natural environmental changes, and carbon emissions using a dataset of 182 prefecture-level cities in China between 2001 and 2010. Specifically, this paper differs from previous studies in two aspects. First, the extant literature has focused on how economic processes accompanying rapid urbanization affect carbon emissions in urban areas but gives little attention to the other dimensions of urbanization, including social and environmental changes, which may have important effects on carbon emissions. We assessed the effects of 17 key processes accompanying urbanization in a full range of economic, social, and environmental dimensions on carbon dioxide emissions in urban areas. The results showed that social processes accompanied with rapid urbanization had distinct effects on carbon emissions, compared to economic and environmental processes. Specifically, improvement in public services, indicated by education and cultural developments, reduces the increase in carbon emissions during urbanization, while economic growth and urban construction reinforces the growth in carbon emissions. Second, we examined the impact of various urbanization processes on carbon dioxide emissions using a unique dataset of 182 prefecture-level cities that covers a wide span of regions in China. The results of our analyses on the city level have important implications for the formulation of comprehensive policies aimed at reducing carbon dioxide emission in urban areas, focusing on different urbanization processes in economic, social, and environmental phases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, due to the recent unprecedented urbanization and industrialization, energy consumption in China is increasing at an enormous speed. However, this process should go hand in hand with sustainable energy development that is based on three interconnected dimensions: (i) energy security, (ii) energy affordability, and (iii) environmental sustainability. It becomes very obvious that an increase in energy efficiency leads to the increase in both energy security and environmental sustainability. Therefore, inadequate energy efficiency causes energy security and environmental sustainability issues, and thus negatively influences economic development of China (or any other country for that matter). This paper explores the intrinsic relationship among urbanization, industrialization, and energy security, as well as the influencing mechanisms of urbanization and industrialization on energy efficiency using a fixed effect model. The paper employs panel data from 30 provinces in mainland China collected in the time range from 2006 to 2015. Our results demonstrate that urbanization and industrialization can significantly improve energy efficiency. Although energy security level decreases considerably with the rise of energy consumption and population growth, the increase in urbanization and industrialization levels can increase energy security through energy efficiency improvements. Moreover, it appears that changes in disposable income and population structure do not alter the effects of industrialization and urbanization on energy security. We conclude that Chinese provinces with high and low urbanization levels should focus on technological innovation and increase industrial development and technological input, respectively. Local governments in China can formulate policies and regulations and promote urbanization according to local economic development and industrial and population structure. The paper also presents theoretical references and decision support that might help in developing local laws and regulations promoting energy efficiency during urbanization and industrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, Reformed Christianity, broadly based on the theology of Calvinism, has spread widely in China, especially by appealing to Chinese 'intellectuals' who constitute most of the house church leaders in urban areas. It draws its moral guidance from a so-called rational or intellectual focus on biblical theology, reinforced by theological training in special seminaries. It consequently rejects the 'heresy' of the older Pentecostal Christianity, with its emphasis on charisma, miracles, and theology based on emotional 'feeling'. This Reformed theology and its further elaboration have been introduced into China in two main ways. The first is through overseas Chinese, especially via theological seminaries in Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia. For instance, preachings of the famous Reformed pastor Stephen Tong (唐崇荣) have been widely disseminated online and among Chinese Christians. Second, Korean missionaries have established theological seminaries mainly in cities in northern China. This has resulted in more and more Chinese church leaders becoming advocates of Calvinism and converting their churches to Reformed status. This paper asks why Calvinism attracts Chinese Christians, what Calvinism means for the so-called house churches of a Christian community in a northern Chinese city, and what kinds of change the importation of Reformed theology has brought to Chinese house churches. Various significant accounts have addressed this development in China generally. My analysis complements these accounts by focusing on a small number of interconnected house churches in one city, and uses this case study to highlight interpersonal and organizational issues arising from the Calvinist approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the side-effects generated by mainland China's urbanization process is "ghost cities"—generally defined as clusters of abandoned buildings or housing structures—but there is a notable lack of studies on the basic characteristics related to this phenomenon, such as size, growth, level, distribution, scale, intensity, pattern and determinants. Through a combination of nighttime satellite data and daytime satellite data as a useful proxy, in this paper, we present the spatial pattern and temporal evolution of China's ghost cities over the last two decades. Nighttime light's rate of change in newly built areas is developed based on DMSP/OLS and Normalized Difference Built-up Index to assess a city's darkness. Results show that the ghost city problem is real, but, at least so far, confined to 22 smaller cities. However, further analysis reveals that nighttime lights change in newly built areas, following an inverted U-curve for big cities representing a reversion from positive to negative values for the trends in recent years. The methodology through the use of the complementary characteristics in time between DMSP/OLS and Landsat data in our study prove to serve as deposing the direct evidences to ascertain and quantify such social-economic phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]