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This paper will explore the extent to which social inequality has lasting effects on the communities and classes and reflects the lack of sustainability in the built urban environment. Innovative techniques for correction and reversal of this imbalance will be explored, with particular emphasis on the implementation of sustainable practices that emphasizeenvironmentally consciousness decision making. Given the importance of sustainability,reuse and adaptability within the urban environment the proposed paper will identify traditional urban practices as well as new green practices that affect how the urban community reacts to social and economic imbalances. Once these sustainable practices are identified, we can then categorize some of the social, infrastructure, and economic issues and begin to apply them to traditional urban infrastructure. With these changes we can begin to understand how the built urban environment affects economic and social imbalance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the relevance of the study of Tocqueville's classic commentary, Democracy in America. While its status as a classic is generally accepted, it does not necessarily follow that the commentary is relevant to contemporary politics. As a classic piece of literature, it may simply reflect observations of a bygone era. From this point of view, studying Democracy in America would be beneficial for gaining a historical perspective; it would not be relevant to contemporary political discourse. Thus, the question is whether Tocqueville can be read only as a historical narrative or if it can substantively address contemporary political issues. In order to evaluate the relevance of Tocqueville's commentary, the paper examines portions of the commentary relating to the issues of equality, industrialization, religion, freedom, federalism, rights, and other elements germane to contemporary politics. In sum, this paper is not an effort to discern if Tocqueville's commentary should be read, but how it should be read regarding contemporary politics. There are three main challenges to reading Tocqueville as applicable to contemporary politics: selective usage, apparent contradictions, and an appeal to circumstance. Some scholars have selectively used various aspects of the text to attempt to connect Tocqueville's analysis to modernity or, alternatively, have rejected any use of Tocqueville by arguing that his assumptions and projections are fundamentally flawed. Setting aside selective usage issues, Tocqueville's commentary has apparent contradictions and an assumption that much of America's success is due to circumstance and good fortune. By assessing each of these three challenges, this paper evaluates whether or not Tocqueville is relevant to contemporary politics. In the end, the preponderance of evidence suggests that Tocqueville's work is still relevant based upon the questions that it raises. Tocqueville's commentary may be imperfect, but its challenges to our modern assumptions about politics seems to warrant its continued use. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the effects of individuals' perceptions of social inequality on their political engagement in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Using new survey data in 13 CEE countries, the preliminary findings suggest that individuals who see excessive amounts of social inequality exhibit lower levels of social activity including opportunities to build social capital and a deeper community life (including perceptions of their own political efficacy) than those who do not. However, this high perceptions group also displays a consistent and distinct pattern of political engagement in the form of interest, knowledge, and political participation. More interestingly, in contrast to the overall corrosive effect of income inequality on political engagement, especially for lower income individuals, the mixed effect of social inequality only weakly and sporadically mediated by individuals' income levels despite initial evidence that income moderates perceptions of social inequality. Thus, overall, we find evidence that social inequality is not only theoretically separate from income inequality but also exerts an independent influence on individuals' engagement with democratic politics in post-communist states.This paper analyzes the effects of individuals' perceptions of social inequality on their political engagement in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Using new survey data in 13 CEE countries, the preliminary findings suggest that individuals who see excessive amounts of social inequality exhibit lower levels of social activity including opportunities to build social capital and a deeper community life (including perceptions of their own political efficacy) than those who do not. However, this high perceptions group also displays a consistent and distinct pattern of political engagement in the form of interest, knowledge, and political participation. More interestingly, in contrast to the overall corrosive effect of income inequality on political engagement, especially for lower income individuals, the mixed effect of social inequality only weakly and sporadically mediated by individuals' income levels despite initial evidence that income moderates perceptions of social inequality. Thus, overall, we find evidence that social inequality is not only theoretically separate from income inequality but also exerts an independent influence on individuals' engagement with democratic politics in post-communist states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the British government endorsed the idea of using lotteries to admit students to England's most desirable schools. This is in accord with past and present practice both within England and abroad. But this idea has come under fire, from both public and philosophical critics. This paper examines the attack on lotteries made by one of these critics, the philosopher Anthony O'Hear. O'Hear argues that 1) admission of students by lot is just as morally arbitrary as admission of students by economic background; 2) some schools will always be better than others, and selection by lot cannot change this; and 3) equality of opportunity reduces to equality of outcome, which is in effect a reduction ad absurdum of the former. In response to O'Hear's argument, this paper contends that 1) a fair lottery is not morally equivalent to admission by other arbitrary factors, such as economic background; 2) lotteries could potentially improve school quality through proper incentive alignment; and 3) equality of opportunity is not the right metric for evaluating the justice of school admissions processes, equality of outcome and equality of treatment are. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Isaiah Berlin’s value pluralism has tended to be understood as being perfectly compatible with the Rawlsian conception of liberal democracy, whereby individual rights and liberties mediate but do not discriminate between competing conceptions of the good life. This has facilitated the development of ‘thick’ theories of liberal democracy, where the liberal democratic state is conceptualized as needing to have a rich variety of basic conditions (such as a set number of individual rights, reasonable levels of social and economic equality, and the like) so as to ensure that each member of the polity is able to pursue his or her own conception of the good life. This paper will re-examine Berlin’s value pluralism and argue that the implications of value pluralism are much more subversive to the liberal democratic project than has commonly been assumed, as it forces us to question the inviolability of precisely those facilitating and mediating conditions. But contrary to what some of Berlin’s detractors have argued, confronting the full implications of value pluralism â€" as this paper will try to show â€" facilitates the development of a liberal democratic theory more attune to its own core values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, economic inequality has been growing rapidly over the past several decades, with wealth accumulating at the top. Concerned with this trend, scholars have been exploring potential consequences of rising inequality for social and community life. This paper explores the connection between economic inequality and community involvement by focusing mainly on affluent citizens and how community context shapes their civic behavior. It hypothesizes that wealthy citizens living among inequality are likely to retreat from cross-cutting community life and exhibit less concern and empathy for citizens less fortunate. Using Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM), this paper analyzes individual-level data from the Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey, in addition to contextual information on income inequality (and other relevant control variables) derived from Census data. Results suggest a clear association between high economic inequality and low "bridging" civic involvement. Even when controlling for numerous individual-level and contextual-level factors, wealthy citizens living among economic equality exhibit higher levels of cross-cutting group involvement, diverse personal friendships, and a stronger support for helping the poor. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research identifies sources of interpersonal trust in Latin America by exploring why the most developed countries in the Americas, namely Canada and the United States, show higher levels of interpersonal trust than their neighboring countries. The findings of this paper suggest that Latin America's high economic inequality poses a challenge to democracy because it triggers interpersonal mistrust. This paper also finds that in Latin America interpersonal trust, rather than civic participation, ideology or trust in government, promotes citizens' support for the implementation of public policies aimed to close the gap between rich and poor. Taken together, the results suggest a vicious circle between Latin America's historically high economic inequality, low interpersonal trust, and low support for redistributive policies within certain segments of the population, especially the well-off. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the reasons behind the recent change in the Japanese government?s policy toward gender equality in relation to the demographic change in the country and economic stagnation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines John C. Calhoun's engagement with the legacies of Jefferson and Madison in the course of Calhoun's own attempt radically to resolve two unresolved problems in the American political tradition: the disputed sovereignty relationship between federal government and states, and the continued existence of slavery in a nation committed to ideals of universal equality and liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the case of guestworker programs to identify a more sensitive standard of exploitation than can be found in egalitarian or neoclassical theory. It also identifies the conditions when exploitative transactions should be tolerated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous work in post-Soviet states suggests support for democratic values legitimizes democratic institutions. This paper builds on this literature and links it with support for socioeconomic gender equality using survey data gathered in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper employs the distribution of heights within male populations and between males and females in pre-historic, agrarian and industrial societies to measure inequality and to examine its economic and political sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers normative measures for evaluating social relations between groups of people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tocqueville suggests that our love of equality leads us to grant not only political power but moral authority to the majority; the “moral authority of the majority,” he says, is “the theory of equality applied to brains.” I argue that this moral authority (as distinct from the political authority of majorities) leads to a relativist epistemology potentially damaging to, rather than supportive of, democracy. This paper first investigates the links among equality, moral authority, and relativism, and then assesses the implications of this phenomenon for the notion of rights in a democracy. Certainly there are those in American society and elsewhere who do not subscribe to relativist epistemologies or even to the doctrine of political equality, but if Tocqueville is right, as I think he is, about the connection between equality and the moral authority of the majority, the implications for democracy are potentially serious. Not only does this moral authority itself act to limit freedom of thought and speech, it provides an epistemology that locates the power of knowledge itself only in majorities. For example, students often argue that existence of a variety of different definitions of justice is evidence that justice cannot be defined outside of a group consensus. This seems to be derived from a deeply ingrained respect for the majority as arbiter; this respect rests upon both an understanding of individuals as equal and a recognition that communities have to share important convictions in order to be able to operate as democracies. Thus they can say “X is true for me, but not necessarily true for you,” as well as “X is true for us because we all (or mostly) agree that it is true.” The political advantage of this relativism is that it helps to build internal consensus and to promote external tolerance. Other societies or cultures can have their “own truths” derived from their own majorities, and these are no more wrong or right than our truths. However, two problems arise here. The first and more minor is that those who endorse this view do not really believe that all views are equal; they are in fact prepared to condemn as “simply wrong” particular acts or attitudes that greatly offend them. Second, and more importantly for democracy, the consensus-building effects of the moral authority of the majority are merely the obverse side of the potential for limited freedom of thought and speech. This undercuts any attempt to find universal or inherent rights that can serve as a limitation upon the will of the majority. If democracy is to be secured against unchecked majoritarianism, the potential threat arising from this epistemological problem must be addressed at its root, rather than merely through procedural or institutional obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that Michael Walzer’s theory of complex equality is simpler than it claims to be. The distribution of many goods in Walzer’s theory is determined by an unacknowledged principle of equal outcomes: the equalization of communal burdens. But this metric suffers from all of the defects of simple equality which Walzer himself identifies. His attempt to save distributive egalitarianism therefore fails. Instead, I argue that a modified utilitarian principle of minimizing involuntary deprivation would rectify all of the distributive injustices Walzer identifies, and it would do so without strapping us into the Procrustean bed of strictly egalitarian principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that two important causes of international integration are given insufficient weight in the integration literature. First, poor countries seek to integrate with rich countries in order to secure budgetary transfers, import improved political institutions and increase political stability, increase the inflow of foreign capital, and secure large gains in market access for their firms. Second, rich countries integrate with poor countries when political instability in the poor country generates significant negative externalities for the rich country. An important determinant of whether those negative externalities will accrue is the relative geographic proximity of the countries. Because the benefits of integration with rich countries tend to be large for poor countries, and because democracy tends to be a prerequisite of integration with rich countries, credible prospects for integration increase the likelihood of democratization. For those countries for which dictatorship prevents beneficial integration, the opportunity cost of dictatorship is relatively high. Hence, their pro-democracy forces are more likely to successfully organize, attract political support, and establish democracy. I apply the argument to the case of EU expansion and regime type variation in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). I argue that a country?s geographic proximity to the EU core determines the credibility of its EU membership prospects, while credible membership prospects increase the likelihood of democratization. I claim that data from CEE are consistent with this argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates cultural diffusion in organizations via the computer simulation of an agent-based model. Axelrod (1997) originally explored the diffusion of culture through societies using a simple model with geographically-linked agents to show that local cultural convergence can coexist with global polarization. This model extends these findings by exploring hierarchical links found in organizations. Its central finding is that more horizontally-oriented, egalitarian organizations become more homogeneous and are more likely to converge to the organization head’s culture than are their vertically-oriented counterparts. These findings may therefore be interpreted as support for Putnam’s (1993) assertion that horizontal ties are more effective in fostering civic community than are vertical ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of deliberation in democracy has been a central interest for recent political theorizing. An important concern that is raised about deliberation is the potential for deliberation to replicate existing social inequality. The ideal for deliberation is that all participants would be treated with respect, and that all ideas and arguments would be given appropriate consideration. However, there are clearly reasons to fear that the actual dynamics are likely to differ significantly from this ideal. While proponents of increasing the role of citizens in political deliberation have outlined the principles required to guide deliberation, critics - including some who are sympathetic to the ideals of deliberative democracy - have pointed out a need for better accounts for how those principles may be undermined by problems of power. This paper builds from contemporary social theory, particularly the work of Anthony Giddens, to suggest a theory of power and structuration that can be used to characterize the dynamics of deliberation. By viewing any deliberative setting as an intersection of different structuring forces that are only partially realized, we can see how different dimensions of social power shape a deliberative situation without fully determining it. This also provides insight into how the dynamics of deliberation can be reshaped more fully in accord with principles of social equality and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports he results of updating my classification of U. S. regional subcultures using data drawn from the 2000 census and the 2000 Glenmary religious survey. It is part of a more comprehensive project to understand: (1) how the social and political identities of Americans are shaped by their racial-ethnic and religous identities, (2) how regional subcultures develop in the United States and continue to evolve; and (3) how political culture and subculture structure American society and politics. The results suggest that internal migration and immigration have significantly altered the regional subcultures that I identified in my earlier study, using 1980 data, and that cultural differences may offer a better explanation of social breakdown, racial inequality, political partisanship, and governmental activity at the local level than differences in economic development and social diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project examines the ideological foundation of the mass movement activities organized and carried out by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The creation of the organization will be analyzed within the context of African American political thought and this paper will seek to understand how the ideological discussions among African Americans during the civil rights era informed the strategic actions taken by the student activists of SNCC. The ideology and strategies of southern resistance will also be analyzed as will the ideological plans of other civil rights era groups such as the NAACP and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in order to provide context to the activities of SNCC. These discussions will help illuminate the necessity of understanding the complex and multiple perspectives on racism, inequality, and political empowerment that informed ideological discussions during the civil rights era and continue to influence African American politics today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The actual significance of ?class? as a structural basis of inequality remains in almost every society, while the academic interest in it declining. In particular, the development of capitalist social stratification that perpetuates the structure of the unequal distribution of opportunities and resources, combined with the legal/institutional changes of the past decades, makes class more significant than any other factors (such as gender, ethnicity, or race) in explaining inequality of historically suppressed groups. A range of empirical evidence indicates that class factor still remains a significant, and sometimes the most significant, cause of social inequality today. Neglect the continuing significance of class as such, however, the advocates of ?multiculturalism? tend to reduce the issue of minority group inequality to a matter of cultural recognition. Criticizing the ?culturalist? approach of multiculturalism, in this paper, I purpose to argue that the significance of class as a structural basis of inequality continues, and this makes it necessary to bring a class perspective back into equality discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1992 Framework Convention on Climate Change pledges a commitment to a global climate change mitigation regime in which national efforts are to be assigned “on the basis of equity and in accordance with their common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capacities.” Eight years later, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change predicted that “the impacts of climate change will fall disproportionately upon developing countries and poor persons within all countries, and thereby exacerbate inequities in health status and access to adequate food, clean water, and other resources.” Taken together, this scientific finding and political resolution suggest that inequality both drives and is exacerbated by anthropogenic climate change, and thus must be the basis (through the principle of equity) for a fair mitigation regime. Affluent nations (and the affluent within all nations) are the primary causes of the increased concentration of greenhouse gases (GHGs) that are changing the climate, but the resulting harm primarily affects poor nations and the poor within all nations. Thus, the normative principle of equity is proposed as a guideline for allocating the respective GHG reduction burdens of a global climate change mitigation regime. How can the principle of equity – a contested ethical concept in even the most straightforward of cases – serve as a guide for such efforts? How are these two different kinds of global inequality related to the principle of equity, in this case? And how are equity and both kinds of global inequality related to the normative political concept of distributive justice, which many believe to be applicable only to intranational (and not international) inequalities of resources? In this paper, I explore these questions and propose a model of global climate change mitigation based on this normative principle, considering along the way actual and possible objections to the leading alternative models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper articulates the relationship between social science and critical theory in a problem-oriented approach and how that approach can best promote the end of racial democratization in the case of the US. I discuss the role of social science in identifying and constituting the publics to which critique is addressed and the relation of both dominant and subordinate racial groups to the possibility of racial democratization. In particular, I advocate that critical theory should give more attention to the sources of racial hierarchy within white practice and the contradictions experienced by racial elites within that practice. These instabilities within racial hierarchy, as experienced by agents, can provide practical reasons for elites to participate in a politics of racial democratization. This attempts to address the under-theorized questions of how dominant publics relate to critical theory?s practical interest in social change and how stable egalitarian advancements are achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although cross-national studies of participation in elections have focused overwhelmingly on institutional differences such as those between presidential and parliamentary systems or unicameral and bicameral legislatures, there are good theoretical motivations for thinking that the context of economic inequality also has an important effect. Economic resources determine the extent to which one can influence others and resist others’ influence--economic resources, therefore, are political resources. The trend in recent years for political party work to be done more by professionals rather than volunteers and for campaigns to be based more on mass media has increased the importance of money and so political donations to politics. Greater inequality in economic resources, therefore, generates more unequal political influence across income groups. As a consequence, citizens’ sense of political efficacy, interest in politics, and so participation in elections should be expected to decline as inequality increases. This paper examines these hypotheses using a cross-level dataset that combines information about individual citizens with national-level data on differences in income inequality as well as institutional arrangements previously identified as affecting electoral participation. It finds that greater inequality decreases the probability of voting for all citizens, but that this effect is stronger for those with lower incomes. It also finds that unions, by providing organization resources that work to overcome the disparities in economic resources, mitigate these effects on their members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I take advantage of recently-released party manifesto data to directly test several arguments about the effect of earnings inequality and unemployment on government ideology in 14 OECD countries between 1965 and 1999. Inequality may reduce the median voters’ propensity to support leftist policies because people tend to support benefits for others like themselves. As the median voter becomes less like the median welfare recipient, support for redistributive programs declines. Parties that support interventionist social policies ? generally leftist parties ? have to moderate their positions or face loses at the ballot box in the next election. Higher unemployment tends to place more demands on existing programs, leading to demands for retrenchment. I find that growing inequality and unemployment both independently lead to more conservative governments, although increased unemployment seems to have a larger marginal effect than increased inequality. Growing earnings inequality and unemployment, therefore, help to explain the ideological shift to the right experienced in many OECD countries in the 1980s and 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss equity and proportionality as central concepts in the development of Hobbes's political philosophy. The problems inherent the English Civil War seem to hinge upon areas of the law that are based upon historical precedents, unwritten understandings, and principles of fairness that derive from traditions outside the written law. Since no body of written laws can encompass every contingency that is bound to arise, justice will always rely on human judgment as a political skill. Behemoth's discussion of proportionality presents us with a Hobbes that seems to recognize the imprecise nature of justice more clearly than the Hobbes of the treatises. The debate over equity in A Dialogue seems to center around equity's purpose and utility in relation to the written law. Being separate from the written law, equity constitutes a form of judgment that goes beyond written statute law. We can examine it in terms of its place in the English common law, but equity can also be understood in the more general sense of proportionality, as this is how Aristotle used the term in the Rhetoric. Hobbes would have understood both senses of the term, since he was both an Englishman and a commentator on Aristotle's Rhetoric. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a framework to analyze minority control in institutionally weak and socially polarized environments. I show that, theoretically, minority control compared to majority control can either raise or lower inequality, efficiency and political instability. This is consistent with recent evidence that, contrary to a common belief, minority regimes may not increase the risk of civil conflict. Minorities in power may be less abusive than majorities in power because they are disciplined by the majority's low rebellion cost and the majority's abuse of the minority should the majority gain power. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the 1.5 generation of Koreans and how they shed light on the liberal Western society. 1.5ers tend to view relationships in terms of hierarchies, and to confound self-interest with group-interest (we-interest), resulting in a radically different logic in motives for action. 1.5ers find comfort in the hierarchical structures that they are a part of, as expectations and norms are defined by particular positions within a larger structure. As a result, 1.5ers form obligatory connections with others, as each position in a hierarchical structure denotes obligations and privileges to other positions. Individuals are viewed as more than mere individuals â€" they cannot be separated from the position they occupy. This view extends beyond the family, into a community of associations. The 1.5ers, though they spend the greater portion of their lives in America, are far from living by or endorsing the liberal values of egalitarianism and individualism. They are in a unique position â€" they grow up in both Korean and American worlds, allowing them to be insiders as well as outsiders. They can provide an exceptional critique on the liberal society, and show an alternative to the liberal self. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent distributional theories of democracy postulate that structural conflict between rich and poor affects the likelihood, timing and outcome of democratization. Regime transitions in postcommunist states also featured distributional conflict, with wide differences in economic growth and income distribution resulting from the interaction of policy choices, regime characteristics, and inherited legacies of material and human assets. Through analysis of Russia’s regions, this paper examines the effect of the dual political and economic transition on incomes and income distribution. It finds that, even accounting for the inherited conditions, regions with more open political regimes have enjoyed greater economic growth and a faster reduction in poverty; however, at every level of income, more democratic regions also have higher levels of income inequality. The results are consistent with the theoretical conjectures in recent distributive accounts of democracy that in transitions where middle-income strata are allied with the rich, a partial version of democracy results, where policy-makers are accountable not to the median citizen, but to a restricted set of political and economic elites. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we propose to examine how individuals’ views toward the distribution of incomes in the United States are shaped by patterns of “objective” income inequality in their state and local contexts. When individuals reside in states or localities with high levels of income inequality, does this shape (1) how they perceive the income distribution in the United States, (2) the degree to which they perceive that income inequality is a problem, (3) their support for egalitarian values, and (4) their support for or opposition to possible policy options for addressing income inequality? To study these questions, we merge data on state and county income inequality (Guetzkow, Western, and Rosenfeld, 2007) with survey data from the 2002 and 2004 ANES surveys. We hypothesize that high levels of state and/or county income inequality will be related to individuals’ perceptions of income inequality and will facilitate the development of individuals’ egalitarian attitudes. Moreover, we speculate that income inequality activates the political meaning of income, so the relationship between income and our dependent variables will be contingent on the level of income inequality in their state and county contests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his accounts of the bourgeois, Tocqueville accepts much of Rousseau's conceptual outline, but balks at the latter’s pessimism for freedom within modern civil society. Tocqueville accepts the failings of the bourgeoisie without accepting their social insolubility. His bourgeois man recognizes the ways in which society is useful, and Tocqueville indicates that this sort of instrumentalism can yield social cohesion. Tocqueville’s bourgeois can be gently coerced, to use a suggestive phrase, to take part in society and to discover how it can be beneficial to his interests. He is less a threat to pursue his own projects without the aid of others, because their relative equality makes them necessary to him, and vice versa. In contrast, Rousseau’s frustration with civil society charges his assessment of the bourgeois with radical distrust, even when he attempts to posit solutions. Tocqueville’s modern individual is more self-aware than Rousseau’s; he is attentive to the consequences of his actions and able to adapt to change. His is an individual who can manage the responsibilities of citizenry without needing the holism of the general will. In this paper, I also consider each thinker's approach to the liberty/equality problematic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dictatorships vary: some autocracies fully respect their citizen's physical integrity; others almost resemble democracies regarding their institutions and human rights records; and again others are run by repressive rulers. The paper addresses this institutional and behavioral variance, using a formal model, in which a small group of rich hold power and may face a revolutionary threat from a large group of poor excluded from power. The rich can prevent being swept from power by offering credible policy concessions within an institutional framework that limits their executive power, or use repression. I show that at low levels of inequality, the rich make no concessions and use no repression since no revolutionary threat exists. At medium levels, making credible policy concessions is cheaper than repression, so the rich opt for concessions. At high levels, the cost of concessions that please the poor outweigh those of repression, so they choose the latter. Hence, peaceful autocracies occur at low, semi-autocracies at medium, and repressive autocracies at high levels of inequality. Using data on 96 dictatorships between 1950 and 1996, I test the models predictions using various statistical models and find considerable empirical support. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civility is thought to be the way that agents treat non-intimates with whom they come into some kind of contact in the public sphere. The norms of civility point to a type of mutually recognized and acknowledged equality that govern how agents engage and interact one another. It also means that they deal with one another with good faith and with respect to serving the common good despite their differences. However, some theorists have argued that civility is counter productive to democracy or not very important since it is only a process value. This paper challenges these assumptions and critically develops an account of civility based on modern republican ideals and values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An institutionalist approach to this so-called progressive dilemma helps to understand some otherwise puzzling findings: How can group difference undermine trust and the welfare state, while policies that emphasize group difference do not? And why does it seem that strong multicultural policies develop in the weaker, less-generous welfare states at the same time as the adoption of such policies coincides with the expansion of welfare state benefits in particular states? This paper explores how the institutionalist approach links a weaker welfare state with multicultural policies by setting polities on particular courses of policy development that continue unless challenged. The adoption of constitutional measures or other relatively permanent measures can foreground or occlude certain dimensions of social inequality, and facilitate or obstruct policy responses to that inequality, which also shape new areas of policymaking, becoming enduring characteristics of national policy responses to social issues, as an analysis of hybrid states (Canada and the Netherlands) illustrates. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the United Nations, among the fourteen most unequal countries in the world, half are in Latin America and the other half in Sub-Saharan Africa. Nine of them, including the top three, have been considered democratic for at least the past fourteen years. In this paper I propose a theory to understand the circumstances that are likely to make policies that promote higher equality difficult to arise in new democracies. I develop a theoretical model linking voters' preferences to representatives' policy choices where the ideological position of newly formed parties is not known to the public. This entails a learning process for voters that can slow down the adoption of effective inequality reducing policies. This includes the often observed pattern of poor voters electing non-left wing representatives. The model's implications for the evolution of different candidates' constituencies are empirically tested using individual level data for presidential elections in Brazil since democratization. Results suggest that the sorting out of voters into constituencies for specific incumbents is indeed a gradual process most likely shaped by the retrospective evaluation of policies adopted in practice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using worldwide cross-sectional time series data, this study compares the consequences of the type of executive for democracy and stability. After presenting a new classification, the paper tests the potential consequences of each type. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how Marx treats the ideals of freedom and equality as expressions of capitalist society, and how this intimate connection ought to problematize the use of these ideals by Leftists. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the theory and practice of participatory democracy in recent, current, and future contexts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the differing roles of virtue and honor in Rousseau's epistolary novel "Julie" and Stendhal's "The Red and the Black" and the implications for egalitarian societies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper demonstrates, using Axel Honneth's analysis of recognition in Hegel, why a judgment of equality can only be rendered in the brother sister relation, and it sheds light on Hegel’s often criticized account of women. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that legal consciousness, an idea touted as having the potential to help the disadvantaged, has been co-opted by conservative legal reformers and no longer offers the transformative benefits it is claimed to posses. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the appropriateness of generally accepted concepts of autonomy and equality given that citizens fail to exhibit the qualities presumed. These central concepts are redefined in the attempt to better orient democratic theory ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent theoretical research has found that inequality strongly affects boththe likelihood that non-democracies transit to democracy and the likelihoodof survival in already established democracies. Empirically, however, theseclaims either rest on a small number of case studies or samples subject to severeselection bias. In this paper, I present a model showing that inequalitydoes not systematically affect the probability that non-democracies transit towarddemocracy, but that, once established, equal democracies are unlikely tocollapse. Using a Markov transition model and a dataset covering about 2400country-years between 1950 and 2001, I indeed find that - contrary to whatthe previous theoretical research has predicted - inequality has no systematiceffect on democratization. Inequality does, however, destabilize already establisheddemocracies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following an examination of Locke's discussion of "species" and language in An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, this paper claims that the conception of human equality present in Locke's political writings is "political" rather than "natural." ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberative theory has served two purposes in recent studies of education policy-making: as a lens through which to examine existing practices, and as an ideal to aspire to when those practices come up short. There is an inherent circularity here, though, which eclipses a prior theoretical question: Should deliberative theory be applied to education policy-making? My purpose in this paper is to explore this overlooked normative question, from an egalitarian perspective. I argue that deliberating to decide foundational matters of education policy is especially problematic - a case I advance by distinguishing education from other social goods (e.g. housing or healthcare) by its direct bearing on citizens' standing in public deliberation. I argue that this distinctiveness makes an adequate education a precondition for fair deliberation, rather than a social good that might be secured through deliberation. This casts serious doubts on using deliberation for education policy-making in a polity characterized by vast educational inequalities, and points to a rights-based approach instead. I also highlight two features of American education - de facto segregation, and the availability of exit options - that further challenge the appropriateness of upholding deliberative theory as a model for education policy-making ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because the world market has become deeply integrated in recent decades, the impact of globalization on domestic political economies has become one of the main interests of recent political economy literature. Yet, compared to other topics (i.e. welfare spending), few studies in comparative political economy have rigorously examined the impact of globalization on income inequality. While the political economy literature has moved toward the question of the relationship between globalization and income distribution in recent years, the current literature on the relationship between globalization and inequality has two main problems: (2)most extant studies focus only on developed countries and (2) most studies emphasize only economic factors. The goal of this paper is to analyze the relationship between globalization and income inequality in both developed and developing countries with important political factors: the strength of leftist party and labor unions. While the role of leftist party or/and labor union on inequality in developed countries was emphasized, the impact of leftist power or/ and labor union on income inequality in developing countries have been ignored. However, strong leftist party power and labor unions have also played important roles on suppressing income inequality in most developing countries. In particular, under the integrated international market, the impact of leftist party and labor unions has increased on the distribution of income. Therefore, this paper explores the impact of the strength of leftist party and labor unions on income inequality under the integrated world market. The empirical results with pooled time-series data analysis in this paper support the main argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although inequalities are not really novel issues around the world, their relevance has become newly visible with the end of the Cold War and the following economic globalization. This ideology competition is replaced by the omnipresence of various North-South clashes. The enormous concentration of power and wealth in some parts of the world would coexist with the marginalization of other countries and people. This paper will pursue the causes and consequences of these global inequalities between nations in terms of international institutions or organizations. In fact, it is maintained that globalization poses new challenges for all states (and other actors) in the world economy, but often assumed that int’l institutions and organizations will manage those challenges. If so, what role can we expect institutions to play in managing globalization? Some scholars argue that a “managed” and “institutionalized” version of globalization can be effective at preventing international instability In addition, by joining neo-liberal policy, poor countries may get more benefits and opportunities to strengthen their competitiveness. However, the operating rule of law itself in international institutions or organizations, such as WTO, the World Bank, and the IMF, has been not fair and biased toward several rich countries. Therefore, even though contemporary globalization are well managed and institutionalized, I will argue that it will increase the gap between the North and the South, and make international environment unstable as long as the rule of law itself operates fairly. This paper will be organized along the following lines. First, I will define global inequality and globalization, and provide a brief overview of their historical trajectories. Second, I will discuss literature that examines the ways in which economic globalization has been institutionalized and managed. Third, I will investigate the skeptical view of globalization, laying particular emphasis on the increasing global inequality because of the unfair rule of law in the WTO. I will also contend that it is desirable that the voices of poor and marginalized countries as well as rich and core ones should be reflected to prevent international instability. Finally, I will investigate the WTO Cancun Summit held in 2003 as the case study, demonstrating the significant challenge from the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many advanced industrial countries there has been a rise in the level of wage inequality in recent years. Despite this overall rise in the level of wage inequality, certain countries are rapidly moving towards a less equal distribution of wages, while others do not seem to be changing significantly. This paper examines wage inequality in 18 advanced industrial democracies using new data covering the 1980 to 2002 time-period (OECD 2002), (LIS 2001). Past work has shown that countries with centralized bargaining institutions[1] tend to have lower levels of inequality (Wallerstein 1999), (Pontusson, et al. 2002) and that countries known as social market economies[2] are less likely to undergo major increases in the level of wage inequality (Rueda and Pontusson 2000). This paper first evaluates whether or not these findings continue to hold for the 1995-2002 period. Secondly, the work introduces new variables that help us to better grasp why certain countries, including a few with centralized bargaining practices, have seen important increases in the level of wage inequality, while others have not. Drawing upon extensive field work in Italy and Sweden, we can see that the presence of wage indexation practices, wage scales, and the type of confederal groupage - the way in which union members are grouped into confederations, either by ideological/religious affiliation or by occupational-type [3] are critical factors in explaining whether or not a country will experience change in the distribution of wages. This paper aims to evaluate the significance of these three variables in a wider sample of countries through a pooled cross-section time-series analysis. There are two main ideas guiding this research: 1) In order to understand the sources of stability and change in the level of wage inequality in a given country, we need to look carefully at the institutions and practices that frame the ways in which debates about the distribution of wages occur (wage scales and wage indexation); 2) The composition of groups participating in these decisions have a critical impact on the nature of debates on distributional questions and therefore on the outcome of these debates, either towards more or less egalitarian outcomes. This work aims to increase our knowledge about the specific causal effects of existing institutions and structures on the level of wage inequality. This work adds a level of detail to existing analysis by disaggregating both social market economies and/or countries with a legacy of centralized bargaining into smaller sub-groups based on the presence or absence of critical institutional components. This disaggregation is important due to the fact that there are now a wide variety of paths taken by countries that had centralized bargaining in the past. [1] Bargaining institutions refer to the fundamental structures and procedures by which employers, labor unions and, occasionally, governments, negotiate wages and other conditions of employment. [2] Social market economies are defined by a comprehensive welfare state, government regulation to standardize employment conditions, and high degrees of collective bargaining. Countries included are: Austria, Germany, Finland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands and Sweden.(Rueda and Pontusson 2000) [3] Occupational-type union confederations refer to blue- or white-collar or professional union confederations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dramatic ten-country European Union enlargement planned for May 2004 and the simultaneous efforts to construct an EU constitution have brought longstanding questions about the political union’s legitimacy into the spotlight. In my paper I contribute to the academic and popular debates surrounding these issues by first identifying how the EU translates its norms into domestic legislation in East Central European candidate countries and then assessing what this means for EU legitimacy within these future member states. I address these questions through a case study of EU gender equity legislation and its rapid transposition into domestic law in all 10 of the candidate countries since 1998. My analysis focuses on three case studies—Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovenia—complemented by a brief comparison with Spain’s and Portugal’s 1986 accession process. This design provides three ECE domestic contexts, each of which has a distinct domestic culture with regard to women’s mobilization and views of gender equity claims. Poland is marked by the dominant influence of the Catholic Church and the early 1990s abortion debates which prompted higher levels of women’s mobilization. Slovenia has been a notable exception to the general ECE practice of dismissing Western feminist ideas. In the Czech Republic there was not a polarizing abortion debate nor the presence of large movements to mobilize women politically. Pairing the experiences of these different ECE states with past experiences of two West European nations enables general conclusions about accession processes and how the EU’s current norm translation mechanisms compare with those of the past. I argue that Czech and Polish government officials took policy action on gender equity primarily to satisfy EU accession criteria and without a significant affinity for the equal opportunity policy ideas themselves. Regardless of the motives driving EU social policy creation, ECE government officials and citizens perceive this part of the accession process in instrumental, rather than cultural terms. The mechanism of EU norm adoption was not persuasion on the part of the EU, but strategic calculation on the part of ECE candidate countries hoping to achieve the “carrot” of EU membership. This situation threatens the implementation of adopted EU regulations at the domestic level and signals that ECE officials and citizens do not view themselves as joining a community of shared values. Disagreements within ECE countries about whether and which groups deserve special legal rights and protection suggest that even a less demanding rights-based approach to EU legitimacy faces challenges in the ECE context. I plan to test these conclusions with the added case of Slovenia and compare them with the past experiences of Spain and Portugal. This paper applies a different set of theoretical questions and a wider scope of cases to research I completed previously and presented as part of my dissertation at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in spring 2003 and at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Junior Training Seminar in summer 2003. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper demonstrates an alternative causal mechanism underlying the anti-democratic effect of resource endowment. Given the acknowledged positive correlation between economic development and democracy, oil rich countries defy democratic consolidation through the puzzling “resource curse.” The resource curse asserts that oil endowment leads to political and economic inequality, which in turns causes increased poverty despite the external revenue largesse. This is a timely research topic given the current shift in American foreign policy to rely more on newly-found oil sources in African countries. Thus, this paper hopes to contribute to the resource curse literature in the under-researched African context by examining Nigeria’s decades-long struggle finally resulting in its tenuous four-year democracy. The Nigerian case study may be applied to newly-found oil sources in African countries with similar contentious ethnic, religious, economic, and political cleavages. Resource-based states undergo a different democratization process from Acemouglu/Robinson redistribution and Przeworski/Limongi democracy models. As the oil revenue spurs economic growth, inequality increases due to the elite’s ability to hoard the concentrated wealth. Oil creates a rentier state where the elite is the direct benefactor of the oil revenues – at the expense of diminishing the elite’s historical dependence, economic redistribution, and democratic accountability to tribal, religious, and mercantile networks (Crystal, 1990). In the case of resource endowment, the rentier state weakens the redistribution model’s argument that resource allocation is forced by the poor’s revolutionary threat on the elite’s capital stock. Instead, state formation is shaped into different elite groups fighting for the spoils. In this study the hypothesis is as external oil revenue increases, concentration of wealth increases and democracy declines. Some exploratory questions include: If rentier states do not consolidate democracy, at what point are the poor pacified? What other factors play into their pacification? What role does capital stock have in this? How does the African context differ from Middle Eastern “resource curse” countries? Most importantly, what factors can reverse the resource curse? Nigeria is a compelling case for this study because it embodies the characteristics of the rentier state; improves the democratization model by extending its analysis to unexamined factors; and provides insight for African oil countries currently encountering the resource curse through its four year fledgling democracy. First, it embodies the characteristics of the rentier state since oil resources constitute 80 percent of the government revenue. In addition, Nigeria had an unequal horizontal and vertical tax revenue distribution system and a large concentration of revenue in the central government. Second, the Nigerian case study improves the democratization model by extending its analysis to unexamined factors. For example, religion plays a defining role in the Christian/Muslim chasm separating the North and the South, coupled with ethnic division and military dominance fueling political instability. Third, Nigeria’s democratic attempt to balance these contentious factors provides insight for newly-found oil reserves in African countries sharing similar ethnic, religious, historical, and political cleavages The study conducts an empirical analysis examining the theoretical linkage among the gini coefficient (World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators III), annual oil price price (20th Century Petroluem Statistics CD Rom 2000 Edition, DeGoyler and MacNaughton), and levels of democracy (Freedom House). These indicators will explore the potential positive correlation of increased oil revenue with wealth concentration and democratic decline. The same trends will be comparatively examined in light of the economic distribution level and annual oil price during Nigeria’s 1999 democratic transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]