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This paper is based on the understanding that the making and implementing of foreign policy is an ongoing process of choosing among competing options rather than any finalized decisions. In handling the recent North Korean refugee problem, both Chinese and South Korean central decision-makers are constrained simultaneously by how North Korea will react, how the relationship between China and South Korea will be affected, and how international actors will respond. This paper uses two-person, non-zero-sum game model to explain and predict the best resolution for the both countries. China and South Korea play a ?cooperate-defect? game. The outcome of the model shows that the both players are always better of choosing to cooperate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars have studied South Korea elections in terms of regionalism, economic development, and political elite leadership. But few of them has tried to find out the relationship between people’s religious affiliation and their political behavior. In this paper, I will shed some light on how people’s religious background affects people’s voting behavior as well as people’s political attitudes. In terms of religious role in politics, many scholars suggest that religion plays a prominent role in politics, operating along three important pathways. First, religious beliefs often influenced politics directly, particularly when articulated and applied to contemporary problems by religious leaders. Second, religious organizations often supplied vital resources to political movements and to more durable party organizations, mobilized and directed by religious activities. And third, religious identifications were often a crucial source of political allegiance in the mass public. Moreover, religion had its greatest impact on politics when the pronouncements of leaders, the resources of activists, and the identifications of believers operated in a mutually-reinforcing fashion. In this paper, I will find out what are the role of religion in South Korean politics by analyzing the survey data conducted in Spring, 2003. The survey questionaires composes of three parts: people’s political attitudes and voting choice in 2002 Presidential election, Poeple’s religious affiliation and activities, and general demographic questionaires. By using multiple regression with the data, I will try to shed some light on the relationship between religion and politics in South Korea. Futhermore, I wll assess what is the impact of religion on political development (democratization) in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze levels of corruption under different types of party list proprotional representation (PR) in a cross-national setting. Employing more robust statistical methods and Monte Carlo simulations, it demonstrates that Chang and Golden's (2007) hypothesis concerning the positive association of open-list PR with political corruption after controlling for district magnitude is not robust to an extended dataset including the mixed-member systems. Despite weak statistical evidence in the pooled dataset, this paper shows that closed-list PR combined with plurality/LR-Hare formula can induce more corrupt behavior in presidential systems with weak party organizations, such as South Korea and Ukraine. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the cause of sudden surge of credit defaulters in South Korea after 1997 Asian financial crisis. Through an empirical analysis of individual credit defaulters, this paper shows that the dominent view based on individual choice and moral responsibility lacks only explaining power but also logical validity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question "what are the similarities and differences between U.S. trade frictions with China, Japan, and South Korea that account for different U.S. retaliation patterns?" This paper develops six independent variables and their relative measurements from U.S.-Japan and U.S.-South Korea cases and the literature, and examines their impact on U.S. retaliation to China. Our results indicate that four out of six independent variables have decreased the probability of U.S. retaliation since 2001. Furthermore, the U.S. has lost the necessary political, economic, and military leverage to retaliate to China, although it has had two of the three "motivations" to do so. This paper suggests that U.S. leverage over China has deteriorated for two major reasons: (1) U.S.' "illusion" of the latter party's ability/willingness for cooperation and of its own capabilities to retaliate; and (2) China's accumulation of relative gains at an unprecedented rate after 2001. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main research question in this paper is how individuals' religiosity relates to their political attitude, especially political tolerance in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper illustrates that as South Korea's national identity shifted from that of a poor divided country to a proud, confident and democratic state, increasing segment of the younger generation is eager to adopt a pan-Korean identity, as of April 2005. South Korea's new identity is headed and reinforced by the current South Korean leadership that seeks to find its place in the East Asian security environment. The general public is also eager to assert its newly established status in the global arena. Not all South Koreans view North Korea as a lesser threat--indeed, the current South-South conflict is a testament of that. South Korea's internal conflict regarding North Korea is part of the identity change spurred on by democratization. As South Korea continues to sort out its priorities, it will be a bumpy process and may not be pretty.

Political scientists have studied the design and political impacts of different election systems for some time now, but it is only recently that they have turned their attention to the question of why governments choose to alter the rules under which their respective politicians stand for office. One important consequence of this increased scholarly attention is the finding that this phenomenon occurs more frequently than originally thought. Indeed, the growing literature on this important topic has shown that election system change occurs not only in the world’s established democracies but also in countries that recently made the transition to democracy. Moreover, a small number of studies have shown that manipulations of electoral rules have even occurred in countries that have not completely made the transition to democracy. Between 1948 and 2000 inclusive, sixteen elections were held for the South Korean National Assembly, and, in ten of these national contests, politicians stood for office under election rules that had been altered. While most of these changes were minor and involved shifts in the number of district and PR seats, three were substantial. The first involved the replacement of the SMD system with a mixed system while the second change involved retaining the PR portion of the mixed system but replacing the SMD portion with a system of multimember districts. The final change also retained the PR portion of the mixed system but abandoned the multimember districts by returning to a SMD format. Two of the substantial changes and half of the minor changes discussed above occurred before South Korea made the full transition to democracy. Indeed, the non-democratic governments that enacted these changes, while not extensively popular, were hardly in danger of being eliminated through the electoral process. This raises the interesting question of why these governments found it necessary to support such institutional changes. We show in this paper that such governments, like their counterparts in democratic nations, are concerned less with the imperatives of short-term seat maximization than with how the eventual inclusion of increasingly popular opposition groups will affect their ability to remain in power and influence policy outcomes. The examination of the Korean case allows us to accomplish this because of that fact that election system changes occurred both under conditions of democracy as well as under conditions before the democratic transition have been completed. We evaluate this hypothesis by showing that the governments of South Korea acted in accordance with long-term imperatives under both political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What determines preferences for redistributive policies? This paper explores the driving force of preferences for redistributive policies in South Korea, especially focusing on macroeconomic situations. The empirical findings, from a time-series regression analysis of aggregate-level data for the period of 2002-2008, support the policy mood hypothesis. Increases in economic growth rate and unemployment rate make public preferences for redistributive policies increase. That is, policy mood moves toward a liberal direction. Increases in inflation rate, meanwhile, makes public preferences for redistributive policies decrease. That is, policy mood drives toward a conservative direction. The result of an ordered logit regression analysis of individual-level data in 2008 shows the existence of rational actor in South Korea who evaluates macroeconomic situation before expressing preferences for redistributive policies, thereby consolidating the empirical findings of aggregate-level analysis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests three democratic peace theory hypotheses for East Asian political cooperation and a fourth commercial exchange hypothesis. H1 suggests that like regimes will have excellent bilateral relations, H2 suggests that unlike regimes will have poor bilateral relations, and H3 draws on Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder to say that democracies will have poor bilateral relations with nondemocracies. Finally, H4 suggests that there is a positive correlation between two regimes' economic ties and their bilateral relations. A robust test of the respective hypotheses (using a pool of nineteen bi-national East Asian dyads that includes China, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan) provides the most durable support for H4. Economic linkages are defined via a mathematical formula that incorporates the volume of cross-national trade and the base 10 logarithm of each regime’s GDP. Political contestation is defined via a score that incorporates Polity IV data and a measure of Internet openness from the OpenNet Initiative. This test finds H4 is the most convincing explanation for the variation in bilateral relations among the dyads; in addition, the relationship is considerably more robust when the China-Taiwan dyad is excluded. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the limit of a political agency as an impromptu aggregation of individuals in the context of civic responsibility. The 2008's Anti-U.S. beef candlelight vigils in South Korea have generated two opposite interpretations: some regard the protests as the advent of the 'multitude,' or 'collective intelligence' that foreshadows the emergence of a new type of democracy, while others denounce them as anti-political populist movements which cannot be institutionalized. Of particular concern here is the reason why such a mass social movement disappeared abruptly without leaving any social repercussion. We argue that the volatility of the movement is in part attributed to the society's neo-liberal changes as well as post-democratic features. And, we interpret the appeal of participants to popular sovereignty as an articulation of neoliberal individualization with nationalistic-democratic discourses. The candlelight vigils show the internal discrepancy of the citizen who oscillates between collective political agency only reacting to dramatic issues and atomized neo-liberal individual without civic responsibility. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how less competitive industrial interest groups tried to win over more resources during negotiation process of FTA between U.S. and South Korea. In South Korea, the cleavage pattern over trade policy has shown as a mixture of both class and industry cleavage and the government compensation measures have been characterized as a mixture of long run and concrete things. The government has guaranteed more resources in agriculture sector. By doing a case study of FTA with U.S., comparing with other industries, I found that agriculture interest groups have affected policy process for FTA negotiations through mainly demonstrations. In return, public expenditure has increased in accordance with the level of political protest. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two Koreas are geopolitically and strategically important in the policy calculations in major powers in Northeast Asia. In the coming decades, the process of the reunification of both Koreas will change the status quo in this region. How to solve the Korean question in regard to Korean reunification determines the future course of international relations in Northeast Asia. In this paper we explore the possibility of future Korean reunification in the context of great power politics in Northeast Asia. To accomplish this goal we employ the scenario construction methodology based on forward reasoning. The purpose of this study is to clarify driving forces, predetermined elements, critical uncertainties and wild cards in the process of Korean reunification in the Northeast Asian security environment. What factors will lead to future possible reunification of the two Koreas? In answering this question we will show the logic of scenario methodology in social science in general and its application to the problem of Korean reunification in particular. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Students of IR have traditionally focused on the distribution of material power, international institutions, and domestic interest groups as sources of foreign policy change. In this paper, I introduce the variable of social identity as another important determinant of foreign policy. By examining South Korea's foreign policy change with respect to North Korea and USA during Roh Moo-Hyun administration, I argue that neither structural factor nor material factors can explain the specific timing and contents of the foreign policy change. Instead, we must understand the social identity of the ruling party in order to understand Korea's foreign policy changes. .x000d..x000d.The ruling party during the Roh Moo-Hyun administration consists of the so-called " 386 generation." Formed through the democratization movement of the 1980s, the social identity of the "386 generation" embodies intense political views with regards to USA and North Korea. It is this particular identity that resulted in specific policy changes when the "386 generation" came into power. I use the 2004 East Asia Institute elite survey to buttress my argument. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1991, the South Korean government resumed the self-governing system at the local level, and has transferred authority for designing and implementing policies to local governments little by little. It is generally agreed that this devolution of authority had little impact and has thus resulted in little variation in policy outcomes across local jurisdictions. In 2005, the national government in Korea transferred the responsibility for designing and implementing welfare policy for the elderly to the local governments. As a result, local governments now have greater control over how much they spend and which policy alternatives, out of 14 spending alternatives, that they spend it on. In this paper, we examine variation in policy outcomes across local jurisdictions and the degree to which this variation can be explained by the use of local policymaking discretion, shaped by local environments (Keiser et al, 2004; Fording et al, 2007; Kim and Fording, 2007). Specifically, we explore how political, social, and economic factors across local governments in South Korea explain local policy outcomes. Much as in the U.S., we expect that local characteristics influence local policy outcomes through the discretion local governments exercise. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does financial crisis affect a state's national security policy? Despite their political significance, relatively few studies have been devoted to the effects of financial crisis on foreign policy, especially in the field of national security. By examining South Korea's alteration of policy towards North Korea after the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, this paper demonstrates that financial crisis can reshape the concept of national security and force a state to redirect its national security policy. South Korea's change of direction from stubborn confrontation to benevolent Sunshine policy towards its long-time rival shows three causal effects of financial crisis on foreign policy. First, experiencing financial crisis, policymakers perceive preserving economic stability and securing foreign investments as their vital national security interests. Second, a state in financial crisis seeks to avert confrontation on its border to stabilize its economy and attract foreign investments. Third, fatal impacts on national economy limit extracting and mobilizing power of government, which are required to conduct hostile policy towards neighboring country. These findings provide a potentially new interpretation of foreign policy making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Controlling corruption is one of difficult tasks for new democracies. Statistical studies show that only mature and stable democracies that are 40 or more years old are significantly less corrupt than autocracies. New democracies, on the other hand, are on average no less corrupt than authoritarian regimes. This paper attempts to document the trend of decreasing corruption in South Korea during the last decade, a new democracy that has been known for its high level of corruption in spite of splendid economic growth..x000d.Examination of various available data from surveys of perceptions and experience of corruption reveals that the incidence of petty corruption in public administration and election campaigns has substantially decreased over the last decade in South Korea. Also, there is evidence that high-level political corruption has been decreasing. This study illustrates the unreliability of perceived measures of corruption such as CPI and Control of Corruption for the purpose of trend analysis and the usefulness of data from surveys of experience of corruption. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper seeks foreign policy behavior of a medium power by focusing on South Korea's security policy. I analyze South Korea's policies on nuclear armament, Theater Missile Defense, and ballistic missile development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Korea reached a settlement on the Korea-U.S FTA which expected heavy loss, yet did not conclude Korea-Japan FTA talks which expected to be relatively less severe. This paper shows that ‘consensus’ plays a significant role in explaining this paradox. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses a gap in the literature on protest and repression: how do protest activities spread? Using techniques from political geography, the paper studies presence of spatial autocorrelations and contagion of protests. If protest spread like “wild fire”, a regime might find it difficult to contain protests because repressing protesters in one region may not be enough to prevent protest nationally. Protesters adopt successful protest strategies from other regions and apply them in their own regions. Moreover, a regime, like any other political organizations, is not omnipotent due to limited resources, and therefore, a regime has to choose where to put its resources. However, when protests spread, such a limit may prevent a regime from ending protests. Therefore, a regime incapable of quickly containing protests nationally will continue to suffer from enduring protests. In order to test the theory, this paper studies protests in South Korea facilitating three models using daily data of protest and coercion. First, tests of spatial autocorrelation trace the presence of spatial element of protests. Second, generalized linear models explain that the presence of spatial elements is due to contagion effects. Last, predator-prey models are used in order to specify characteristics of the identified contagion effects This study shows the presence of contagion effects of protests and explains why and how protest spreads to others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines factors, which contributed to a sudden rise of left-wing parties in South Korea. Left-wing parties in Asia in general and in South Korea in particular were non-existent or very weak. However, recently left-wing parties in South Korea have risen up. The center of left party (the NCNP and the MDP) won the presidential election in 1997 and 2002 in a row and has been a ruling party, and the newly formed Democratic Labor Party finished the third in the 2002 presidential election. Why have left-wing parties risen up suddenly in South Korea. This paper argues that globalization (measured in financial openness based on Denis Quinn’s measurement) and economic insecurities (measured in unemployment and income inequality)the globalization produced have made voters give more electoral supports to left-wing parties for the public provision of social protection. This paper also claims that the actual increase in social spending during the tenure of the left-wing government contributed to an electoral success of left-wing parties. In addition, an improvement in the relationship between North and South Korea led to an increase in electoral support for left-wing parties in South Korea. Dismissing the arguments of convergence thesis, which say that globalization make agenda of left-and right-wing governments converge, therefore, this paper insists that the policy or agenda of left-wing party in South Korea cushioning market dislocations by distributing wealth and risk and expanding welfare state has been popular in a globalization era and contributed to the electoral success of left-wing parties in South Korea and that the agenda of left-wing parties has been different from that of right-wing parties in the globalization era(Garrett 1998 and Boix 1998) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates the candidate-endorsement process of political parties in South Korea during 1990s. We ask following questions. Why some get party endorsement but some don’t? What determines the winners and losers in candidate-endorsement process? To answer the question, we employ network analysis. In “The Strength of Weak Ties” Granovetter(1973) suggests that individuals with more weak ties may have better jobs and higher wages. We apply this theoretical framework in explaining the candidate-endorsement process. Does candidate with weak ties more likely to get party-endorsement? We measure the strength of ties for each candidate and show how network connection matters. Furthermore, we compare the network patterns of political parties in South Korea to show how different network patterns brings different candidate-endorsement outcome. Because of strong party identification in Korean politics, party endorsement is critical for the candidates to win the election. Since a small number of people, usually the “Party Owner” himself and his inner circle, control the candidate-endorsement process in Korea, it is commonly assumed that the candidates who want to be nominated by the political parties had better be more loyal to the “Party Owner” than to their constituents. Although it has been assumed that the Party Owner and his inner circle choose the loyalists, who are closer to them in party network, they also have the incentive to endorse the competent candidate to win more seats in the Assembly. Applying network model, this paper studies the factors that influence a candidate-wannabe’s chance to get endorsed [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic voting plays a central role when one theories about the direct links between economic conditions and the political decisions of voters. In the research of developed democratic countries, such as in Western Europe and the United States, economic voting is used to predict the voting behavior of citizens. Unfortunately, scholars tend to pay less attention to newly emerging democratic countries, e.g. Latin America, Eastern Europe and East Asia. The research generally avoids using democratization as an explanation for the emergence of economic voting. Among these countries, the relatively consolidated and stable democratization in Eastern Asia provides an essential case for examining the emergence of economic voting. There is insufficient research about economic voting in this field, so some scholars conclude that there is no economic voting in East Asia. Therefore, I assume democratization will lead to economic voting, especially in Japan, Korea and Taiwan; because all these countries went through a similar democratization process—shift of power followed by economic transformation. Overall, this research will contribute to going generalization about democratic theory and economic voting and how they compare with other Third-Wave democracies. According to the above hypotheses, I will use a cross-national method in my research. Moreover, the observed cases will focus on the important national election outcomes in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan before and after the transfer of power in these countries. In addition, I will especially observe the short-term voting behavior changes, and demonstrate whether significant economic events reinforce economic voting. The dependent variable is the difference in percentage of votes for the incumbent party and for the challenging party. I want to observe if bad economic conditions will punish incumbents and reward challengers. The independent variables in the research include economic evaluation, social cleavage and partisanship. Multivariable regression will be used in the research to estimate the effect of independent variables on the percentage of the vote. In addition, we use some demographic data as control, such as education, gender and age and so on. I have chosen the data of voting percentage results from the statistical electoral data in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan as my dependent variables. As for the independent variables, I employed the database of the East Asia Barometer for this research. It includes updated data for my cases and contains both complete economic evaluations and partisanship questions in the questionnaire. I will use the results of the survey for analysis in this research. The ultimate goal is to acquire an understanding of the relationship between democratization and economic voting, and then determine whether East Asian democratization leads to economic voting. It will become the foundation to research the emergence of economic voting in all newly emerging democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Korea’s recent FTA agenda with the United States brought about huge demonstration among civilians especially on the import of American beef issue. While foreign media suggested that this movement was related to the anti-U.S. nationalism, this paper aims at examining the relations between the nationalism and the cause of demonstrations, applying social mobilization theory..x000d.Nationalism per se, was not the cause of this event but was used as a tool for social mobilization by certain political groups at later stage, thus being more of an outcome of the demonstration, is the main point of this paper. The ensuing division between the conservative and the liberal, which was immanent feature of the Korean society, was gearing toward this event as well. .x000d.What caused such huge demonstration and resistance of civilians against the Lee Myung Bak administration that won the presidential election by a landslide just 6 months before? Analyzing the cause, the procedure, and aftermath of the event, in line with certain interaction patterns between the public and the Lee administraion, I will testify the relations among the demonstration, nationalism, and social mobilization theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of dramatic welfare expansion occurring right after the economic crisis, the Korean welfare regime still remained in its formative stage, lagging in its development even compared to member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation Development (OECD) with poorly designed welfare systems. This paper aims to introduce and assess a new political explanation for the limitation of social policy development in South Korea after 1997. Admitting the potential of the competing theoretical perspectives, this paper holds that the major difficulty of the Korean social policy development stems from the political decisions of ruling elites who faced “systemic vulnerability,” which is political challenges of delivering side payments to restive popular sectors under conditions of extreme geopolitical insecurity and severe resource constraints. Based on the idea of path dependency, this paper suggests that the concept of systemic vulnerability is a key variable to trace the development of various social policies in Korea and their limitations after increasing democratic competition and the economic crisis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2005, Korean government announced the new territorial balanced development plan, including three distinctive new city development plans, innovative city, enterprise city and multifunctional administrative city in order to reduce the regional disparity and promote local economic growth through the regional and international competitiveness. Porter argues that economic vitality is a direct product of the competitiveness of local industries; that local conditions have a profound effect on international competitiveness, but that conditions affecting competitiveness are not always simply closely related factors or natural resources (Porter 1991). This paper traces industry cluster creation process in South Korea and the U.S. to investigate the effectiveness of top-down and bottom up decision making process. The paper illustrates two points; 1) in the era of the decentralization, Korean government’s top-down decision making process may not function properly, 2) by showing the different setting between US case and Korean case, it would investigate the effectiveness of top-down and central government’s semi-monopolized decision making and from below and market-oriented decision making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to its economic success, Korea has lagged behind concerning the level of integrity of civil service. This does not imply that attempts have not been made to curtail corruptions in civil service. Both the Korean government and society have recognized the harmful impacts of corruption such as maladministration and declining trust to name a few. Thus, each administration has tried to amend existing anti-corruption systems on the one hand, and to develop new institutions on the other. Whilst institution-building is important, it cannot be meaningful unless institutionalization accompanies institution-building. Anti-corruption institutions should alter individual values, beliefs and, eventually, the behavior regarding corrupt practices. If a discrepancy between formal restrictions and the actual law enforcement exists, it is less likely that civil servants will comply with anti-corruption laws. By utilizing survey results, this paper examines how Korean civil servants perceive the efficacy of anti-corruption laws as a means of controlling corrupt practices. In doing so, this paper identifies the deficiencies of anti-corruption institutions and offers suggestions to garner the efficacy of the anti-corruption system in Korea. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses that the national competitiveness discourse can be used as a factor to explain stem cell policies. This paper describes the development of Korean supportive stem cell research policies in terms of national competitiveness, using Kingdon's model. Supportive stem cell research policies in South Korea are demonstrated by the increase of a governmental funding in the research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With random parameter logit model, this paper analyzes the 2004 general election in Korea in terms of party system. Contrary to previous literatures interpreting either critical or maintain election, this paper argues that the 2004 election should be ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers spatial factors potentially conducive to protests and hypothesizes patterns from them. Testing local Moran's I, this paper examines whether or not there were expected special patterns of protests in South Korea from 1990 to 1992. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines patterns of policy responses to online privacy in three nation-states. Lessons is drawn for South Korea for her strategic positioning in the APEC where the notion of privacy is new, challenging its regulatory framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines political and economic factors, which contributed to a sudden rise of left-wing parties in South Korea [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The core argument of this paper questions the long-term sustainability of economic competitiveness for the South Korean economy, as based on an embrace of the 'Free Economic Zone' model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper evaluates the factors that influences the military's restraint in democratizing South Korea and Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the surprisingly rapid process of South Korea's rapprochement with China in the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explain variations among democracies concerning the timing and degree of health care expansion by examining two countries which democratized at the roughly same time: Korea and Thailand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Engagement Policy of South Korea and Identity of North Korea as a target. In analyzing deadlock between two Koreas, it is necessary to look inside North Korea of ?coldwar identity? and ?semisovereignty? between two Koreas and US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors determine Korean public opinion on Anti-American sentiment? I wish to explore whether or not nationalism, issue oriented political spectrum, ideological predisposition, gender, and generation gaps are correlated with public’s stances on Anti-Americanism. Although this is a significant area in the study of Korean foreign policy, few studies investigate the correlates of Korean public orientations on U.S. South Korea security relations based on quantitative data. The leading theories in international relations highlight the growing importance of domestic public opinion in the policymaking of foreign policy, yet the correlates of Korean public opinion on US Korea security issues has not been explored in extant research. Using data from a 2004 Global Views survey (N = 1,000), this paper examines the impact of nationalism, issue oriented political spectrum, ideological gaps, gender, and generational gaps in public attitudes toward U.S. Korea alliance. I find that issue oriented political spectrum and generational gap is strongly associated with Anti-American orientations among Korean public. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains party switching by legislators in South Korea by testing the following two theories. First, where voters prefer to receive programmatic goods to particularistic goods, legislators may think switching parties would not improve their chances of winning elections since voters seem willing to vote for the parties that promise desired programmatic goods even if the parties are not a part of the majority coalition because they know only the parties can deliver the goods. Conversely, where voters prefer particularistic goods, legislators may have a strong incentive to switch into the president's party/coalition since these voters would not expect their representatives to remain loyal to a party that doesn’t achieve power because any party can provide particularistic goods. Second, under electoral systems that encourage candidates to cultivate personal reputations rather than party reputations, sometimes their interests may conflict with party leaders’ interests. For instance, party leaders often want to divert more resources to electorally more important districts, which might harm the candidates whose districts receive few resources. Then, these candidates may want to switch to parties who promise large rewards. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Korean Tripartite Commission (KTC) established in 1998 by the newly elected government introduced societal corporatism to break through the financial crisis. It was a unique approach in the region where state corporatism is widespread. It was based on a broad social consensus for economic reforms. What factors affected the new direction of corporatist structure in South Korea? Why did each economic actor engage in the KTC? Early market liberalization and the Asian financial crisis changed the power structure of business, labor and state. The Korean government adopted societal corporatism to facilitate the reform process. Based on the theoretical framework of Katzenstein’s social corporatism, this paper utilizes Walter Korpi’s power resource model and Peter Swenson’s cross class alliance model. The Korean case demonstrates that social corporatism was a hybrid form consisting of decentralized labor, weakened capital organization, and a politically weak government, along with loose and strategic social class alliance to resolve the financial crisis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since current scientific advances bring ethical or safety issues, the more people have attempted to participate in science and technology policies in various ways, for example, governmental hearings, unofficial forums, and polls. However, these attempts were not always successful because the public should overcome two types of barriersâ€"1) internal barriers such as issue complexity and fundamental value conflicts, and 2) external barriers such as the existing policy-making traditions and power elites. This paper will discuss the limitations of public participation by presenting South Korean bioethics law-making process because this case shows that the contents of the bioethics law were predominantly determined by the Korean government’s original intention regardless of the exceptionally high level of public participation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science and technology policies attempting to correct for market failure in R&D efforts are now one of the most important areas of political economy. This paper focuses specifically on government-funded public-private R&D collaboration in Korea and Taiwan, making it clear that the existing East Asian developmental state discourse is no longer sufficient. Indeed, Korea and Taiwan are growing as a function of an innovation-based developmental state, confirmed with macro-level data analysis (OECD and USPTO) and comparative case study analysis. These two countries are not entirely similar, however. Comparative micro-level analysis using the unique KORTAI R&D dataset shows divergence between Korea and Taiwan in terms of industrial targeting of public research funds. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much postcolonial Third World feminism literature has emphasized the gendered nature of nationalism and its negative effects on feminism. Thus, to secure feminism in the postcolonial Third World in the feminist literature that gender take precedence over nation and feminist discourse abandon nationalism. This paper challenges the general understanding of gendered nationalism, which in particular prevails in postcolonial Third World feminism scholarship. Focusing on the history of the South Korean women’s movement, I propose to show not only that the Korean feminist struggle is compatible with nationalist activities but also that Korean feminism and Korean nationalism reinforce each other in a constructive way. I am primarily concerned with three cases of the South Korean women’s nationalist movement since the 1980sâ€"minjung feminism, the comfort-women issue, and the abolishment of the family-head system. In this regard, the South Korean women’s movement might be properly called feminist nationalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is electoral government spending distinct between pre- and post-democratization periods? A large literature suggests that allocations are structurally different: generally, total spending and civilian distributions increase following democratization while the military’s share of the budget decreases. Further, these trends are pronounced in election years. However, a smaller set of studies point out that governments in less-democratic countries also respond strategically to constituency demands. Curiously, few studies compare pre- and post-democratization spending. This paper fills the gap with data from South Korea and Taiwan. Three findings are useful: First, it establishes strategic constituency responsiveness prior to democratization. Second, it reveals the strategic use of electoral spending following democratization to develop one branch of the government â€" the executiveâ€" that penalizes legislative parties. Third, the result of such strategic spending is an increase in the number of parties in the legislature. This result suggests that party fragmentation may enhance rather than jeopardize democratic performance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigate the bases of support of and opposition to the United States among the general public in South Korea. While several scholars and commentators have expressed concerns about increasing anti-Americanism in South Korea, as it is evinced by recurrent mass protests with a direct or indirect anti-American dimensions, we show that there is a larger reservoir of support than it is usually acknowledged. We argue that this more sanguine pattern obtains because the Korean public systematically tempers their misgivings about the United States with their appraisal of many aspects of U.S. culture and society, above and beyond their evaluation of the security benefits of the U.S.-R.O.K. alliance. We also show how the personal connections between the Korean public and friends and relatives living in the U.S. moderate negative perceptions of the United States. We analyze survey data from the Pew Global Attitudes project and we employ a novel methodology, Classification and Regression Tree (CART) models, to identify the combination of political, cultural, and security factors that shape the image of the United States in South Korea. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I question why South Korea's humanitarian assistance to North Korea has shown a steady and rapid increase since 1998 while other countries fluctuated in their aid volume. Most popular explanation for South Korea’s aid provision can be found in the prevention of a sudden collapse of North Korea. In this paper, I would like to argue that nationalismâ€"which was often portrayed as “brotherly compassion” for the starved North Koreansâ€"is a more fundamental factor contributing to South Korea's increased assistance to North Korea. I examine the history of South Korea’s aid philosophy and policy since Kim Young Sam administration, and explore how public opinion has affected humanitarian policy making. I conclude that nationalism was an important motivator in the making of humanitarian policies during the mid 1990s. However, with the passing of time, humanitarian aid lost its nationalistic character and became a tool for confidence building measures between the Koreas, a major strategy with which South Korea pursues unification with North Korea. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the UNDP and the World Bank share the same goal of land reform to eradicate poverty and improve inequality, their policy designs and implementations including results are different theoretically and empirically. The paper uses South Korea and Thailand as the case studies. How the UNDP and the World Bank have influenced and helped these two countries design land reform policies? How successful of these reforms? What are the main similarities and differences between South Korea and Thailand? And what lesson could one draw from these two cases? The main argument is that the UNDP and the World Bank have developed different approaches to promote land reform in developing countries albeit they share the same ultimate goal. Whereas the UNDP focuses on the link between the central government and the society, the World Bank emphasizes on the role of voluntary activities between willing sellers and willing buyers in land market. Empirical evidence shows that land redistribution in South Korea is more successful than in Thailand due mainly to a comprehensive land programs from the central government and the cooperation between landlords and tenants. Meanwhile, land programs in Thailand are top-down and pro-elite design. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores democratization effects in policy-making process. Taking the example of Korea’s financial reform of the 1990's, this paper demonstrates that structural changes in policy-making first appear within the circle of political elites. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores what determines the success and failure of externally imposed democracies. This paper conducts a comparative analysis of South Korea and the Philippines between 1940s and 1970s. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes seriously political leadership in reform processes and its relationship with other political variables in explaining the very divergent economic reform outcomes in South Korea and Japan a decade after crisis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]