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The ontic and epistemic, even ethical and aesthetic existence of human beings acquires meaning with identity. Identity is a paradoxical structure that expresses involvement and integrity as well as marginalizing and revealing differences. Common language, values, attitudes, opinions and beliefs are the causes and effects of identification. The individual or micro is surrounded by the society or macro, and macro has introduced to the micro. The macro world constructs the psychological and cognitive structure of the micro world. But at the same time, the background of this macro world is determined by the identities that it shares with the micro world. The identities that make up the collective identities may differ according to the conjuncture. Thus, identity has been built with understanding that changes according to time and society. Religious hegemony was dominant in most parts of the world during the Middle Age. Thus, religion which essentially means transforming chaos into cosmos, was used as the most important tool to maintain order by the states. It retained its dominant position over political and other decisions by the authority for many years. This situation brought a society based on religious identity. This structure had created an organic bond between the state and society. This link was the only representative of identity. The organic bond between the state and society was likewise built on religion in the Ottoman Empire. It was placed as the unique element that shaped the perception of individual or collective identity. Religious differences in Ottoman Empire constitutes the epistemological essence of identity. Placing religion merely in the semantic domain of the concept of identity was making it decisive of identity. The fact that social identity corresponds only to religious partnership, independent of cultural and linguistic partnership, has caused individual reality to deviate from social reality, in the population known as Karamanlides in the current literature that will be used in this paper as the Turkophone Anatolian Orthodoxes. This deviation would be particularly felt in the following centuries, when religious affiliation would be replaced by tribal belonging. This paper takes issue with cultural identities of two communities that were separated by religion. It seeks to reveal cultural identicalness of two communities when religious identity has not been replaced by tribal one. It is based on the work Ανατολ Τουρκιουλερι that was published in 1896 and was the first folk magazine in the Ottoman Empire, points out the commonality, in other words, integration in the individual existence of social identities separated by the religion. A particular focus is on one of the folk songs in the booklet Ανατολ Τουρκιουλερι, which contains folk songs collected through field research among Orthodox people: “A Girl Being Bride”. The Turkish poet in question has a pseudonym with the other image of his poet: The poet has a marginalised alias named: “Kul Shadi”. In the axis of Kul Shadi and his Turkish folk song with Greek Letters known as Karamanli Turkish in the current literature and named in this article as Turkish with Greek Letters, this article aims to determine language and cultural identities between two communities in the Ottoman Empire that had been separated by religious identities, however, essentially they could not be separated. Consequently, it is proper to say that a single subject as the bearer of social idendity is inadequate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Folk medicine, embodies a number of components containing the society’s values like tradition, ritual and language and is one of the significant factors ensuring the protection and continuity of these values. Today, although, as a result of the political and social obligations imposed to them, Ulupamir Kirgizs living in Ulupamir village in Erciş-Van, where the last stop of their migration waves is, appeal to the modern health institutions in Erciş and Van to solve their health problems, they prefer to solve the problems primarily in the Village, through their traditional methods. Due to the geographic and social conditions of the places where they live, Ulupamir Kirgizs, like the other aspects of their daily lives, have carried diagnose and treatment methods into modern times through their cultural memory and they ensured the continuity of the traditional treatment methods by adapting them to their new residential areas and the problems there. A lot of treatment methods for a lot of illnesses are practiced in the Village. Generally, these treatment methods are practised by women called “bübü”, described as “open-eyed” and known as “healers” by everyone. These treatments based on the insight power of the healer, are mainly based on the practice that a negative effect is removed by the combination of supernatural world full of symbols with words/prayers. In this paper, the structures of the folk medicine practices which have some shamanic features as we observed through the data of our fieldwork among Ulupamir Kirgizs, magical practices and symbols accompanying them are evaluated in terms of phrases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]