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This paper will extend work originally presented in Pertierra and Turner’s Locating Television (2013) to argue that the reasons for which the demise of television was prematurely assumed can be understood and corrected by critically examining the geopolitics of television scholarship. The spaces from which television has been taken seriously as a topic of investigation have enabled a neglect of empirical and theoretical research that genuinely engages with the ways in which television might be understood as variously surviving, growing, innovating and even leading the current and future global media landscapes. The paper offers two ways in which television scholars might productively re-locate their spheres of concentration to understand the diversity of television worlds today: 1) empirically, it considers the case of the Philippines where broadcast television is successful in ways that could only be dreamed of by television executives in the so-called ‘world centres’ of the global entertainment industry. 2) theoretically, the paper refers to complementary attempts in sociology, literary and cultural studies to offer alternatives to Europe and North America from which scholars might locate the vanguard for modernity, globalization and innovation. It is by engaging with both of these strands in concert—empirically investigating television beyond the ‘usual places’ in such a way that responds to the call of cultural theorists to question our very assumptions about where television studies’ ‘usual places’ should be, that more nuanced understandings, and fewer premature declarations, might be made about what television is, and where it is going.

As current controversies about anti-Semitism in Europe show, anti-Jewish sentiments and views are not limited to single nations but represent a European-wide phenomenon. The paper presents a research seminar at the Center for Research on Anti-Semitism at the Technical University Berlin regarding the emergence and the development of anti-Semitism in Europe from 1879, when the term itself was first coined, up to the First World War, i.e. the formative phase of anti-Semitism as a social and political movement. This seminar consists of eleven individual research projects regarding different European countries and regions. The paper describes the leading questions of this research seminar, presents its main objectives and intentions, determines the underlying term of anti Semitism, and gives an overview of the individual studies.

Environmental issues continue to grow in international prominence, owing to the importance of environ- mental conditions to human wellbeing globally. This paper focuses on why people’s values toward care for nature and environmental protection change — one of the antecedents to pro-environmental norms and behaviour. We aimed to clarify how individual and country-level contextual factors affect environmental values in Europe. Our cross-national study used data on individual environmental values from the 2004 and 2012 rounds of the European Social Survey, in combination with macro-level data on socio-economic security, countries’ environmental performance and educational levels. Country-level results revealed that throughout the studied years, nature held more importance to people in countries with increased levels of unemployment and exacerbated income disparities, including in transitional, post-socialist economies. Care for environment is less prominent in countries already performing well in terms of socio-economic and environmental performance, i.e. in states that may have higher resilience capacity towards adverse environmental impacts. Besides a state’s science education, which functions as an effective socialiser of caring for nature, practical experiences with adverse environmental impacts (e.g. health impairment) could be used to predict an increase in the mean value of the natural environment in a country., Studies of Transition States and Societies, Vol 7, No 3 (2015)

The paper highlights two complex issues: the fundamentation of the concept of national interest and the definition of the national interest of the Republic of Moldova. The national interest is an objective-subjective category due to the fact that it encompasses imperishable purposes as well as purposes that are designed by the ruling elite, in accordance with its strategic options. The elaboration of the national interest should be based on the interests of the society and individuals, because the state exists for individuals and not vice versa. The national interest of the Republic of Moldova includes several components, starting with securing and ensuring fundamental rights and freedoms and ending with the realization of the European vocation of the people of Moldova.

The paper sets out to discuss a three stage framework for tackling the European intercultural dialogue and invokes Edgar Morin’s method that consists of three principles: dialogic, recursive, and hologrammatic. Firstly, it considers the idea of the consciousness of European intercultural dialogue and the attitudes that influence the changing trends. Secondly, it recalls some of the first peculiar manifestations of European interculturalism. Finally, it points out the idea of Europe through the prism of the universality of science and the specificity of literature, and the importance of the intercultural education.

The Euro crisis has hit "Europe" (the European Union, or EU) at its root. Economic harshness, social unrest and political turmoil betray a deeper problem: a weak pan-European sense of belonging - a common political identity thanks to which European citizens may regard each other as equals, and therefore as deserving of recognition, trust, and solidarity. This paper explores interculturalism from an analogical perspective, looking at the harmonious interplay between human rights and cultural plurality, as a possible source of trust and solidarity among European citizens. Only a common - even if analogical - political identity, whereby European citizens regard each other, if not as "siblings" at least as "cousins," can make the sacrifices required to overcome the crisis meaningful - and therefore less unlikely to happen.

A systematic typology or comparative analysis of European historical regions does not exist and there is relatively little literature on the topic. The argument in this paper is that a six-fold classification is needed to capture the diversity of Europe’s historical regions and that these should be seen in terms of different routes to modernity and have broad civilizational backgrounds in common. The forms of modernity that constitute Europe as a world historical region correspond to North Western Europe, Mediterranean Europe, Central Europe, East Central Europe, South Eastern Europe, North Eastern Europe.

The image of the European culture is given by the association of the concepts people – culture – history – territory, which provides certain local features. From this relation, we identify a cultural area with local, regional and national features beyond a certain European culture. Thus, we identify at least two cultural identity constructions on the European level: a culture of cultures, that is a cultural area with a particular, local, regional and national strong identity, or a cultural archipelago, that is a common yet disrupted cultural area. Whatever the perspective, the existence of a European cultural area cannot be denied, although one may speak of diversity or of “disrupted continuity”. The paper is a survey on the European cultural space in two aspects: 1. Europe with internal cultural border areas; 2. Europe as external cultural-identity border area. From a methodological point of view, we have to point out that despite the two-levelled approach the two conceptual constructions do not exclude each other: the concept of “culture of cultures” designs both a particular and a general identity area. The specific of the European culture is provided precisely by diversity and multiculturalism as means of expression on local, regional, or national levels. Consequently, the European cultural area is an area with a strong identity on both particular and general levels.

Morocco is situated in a peculiar geo-political position, which makes it a catalyst of Western attention. This position is not only represented by the spatial proximity to Europe and the few kilometres of sea that separate it from Spain. The closeness to Europe and the western world is political and economic. Despite the lack of a vast amount of natural resources as in Algeria, the country has been integrated in the international economy for most of its post-independence existence. This not only for being favourable to some sort of a market economy, but most of all for its links with the West. In the last years this geostrategic relevance for the American and European interests has been increasing due to the "necessity of reliable partners in a volatile region". "Morocco is generally well respected by world powers as a stable constitutional monarchy... and an Islamic voice of moderation". This fundamental characteristic of Morocco, the fact that is an Arab-Islamic country with western pronounced features, makes it a fundamental bridge with the Arab world for the EU and the US. The US after having lost credibility with the campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, needs now more than ever the support of the Moroccan regime to take part in the dialogue which involves the region, and so they granted Morocco major non-Nato ally status in June 2004 . Everything is explained much better if we recall the relatively good relationship between Morocco and Israel. Although the natural and genetic brakes in the relations of the two states, as the Moroccan Islamic sensibility first of all, the interaction between Morocco and Israel still continues on a positive binary, promoted by the confluent interest of both. For the Moroccan authorities, a positive attitude towards Israel and the pacific conclusion of its conflict are useful for “bolstering the country’s image in the West and bringing in foreign currency” . So we arrive to a crucial point. Morocco owes its importance and its sparkling inclusion in the Western economic market to this image that it has been able to build during its post-independence history. The image of an economic liberal, pro-Western and Islamic-moderate country in a democratizing process makes it attractive not only for tourists, but for the USA, the EU and Israel policymakers as well. The problem is the following: in order to maintain this façade, Morocco had and still has to face very strong challenges like terrorism, Islamism and the democratisation issues. This paper aims to analyze how the country is dealing with these issues and how the image that it wants to show for maintaining its international relations influenced its attitude towards those questions. The analysis focuses on how Morocco responded to those three challenges. Exploring these issues, terrorism (par. 2), Islamism (par. 3) and democratisation (par. 4) I will highlight the particular attitude that it took, which I would define the Moroccan cosmetic approach.

The paper aims a comparative analysis of curricula for Bachelor studies in the area of administrative sciences. The objectives of research focused on elaboration of a set of indicators, based on the curricular contents of the programmes from the first cycle in administrative sciences, aiming to size 'the Europeanism degree' and curricular compatibilisation degree between Romanian and European universities.

The paper offers a comparative perspective at a European level of the memories of the 1848 revolutions, unveiling the discontinuities and fractures of the national traditions. Some nations or states although deeply damaged by these events are more likely to forget the 1848: France, Austria, Poland; other countries managed to transform it in a point of reference for their political and even social modernity: Hungary, Italy and Germany. The different types of practice and commemoration of the memory of the revolution were strongly linked to the political culture each man aged to develop. A common factor for such countries that underwent revolutionary events is that of socially remembrance influenced by political interest that results in different forms of commemorative practices taking place. Political figures tried to mobilize the memories of 1848, commemorating heroes, using funeral rituals, unveiling statues, attending processions and political debates that started to crystallize around these anniversaries. With respect to societies, the group didn't share the same version of the past; the reason was that their political, social and national goals proved to be contradictory. Some political currents, especially the liberals were celebrating the parliamentary fight in 1848, others emphasized the fight against the foreign influence (Central and Eastern Europe), whereas socialists built up upon the connotation of the dead on barricades.

Pierre Manent is viewed as a French thinker that develops in modern times the liberal tradition of political thinking. One of the most important issues of Manent's thinking that was not enough underlined it is the relationship between religion an politics and how this evolved from the beginning of Christianity until the main consequences of modernity. Manent view on religion and politics is the core of this paper analysis. The main contributions of Manent, such as Naissances de la politique moderne. Machiavel, Hobbes, Rousseau (1977), Histoire intellectuelle du lib.ralisme (1987) La cit. de l'homme (1994), Cours familier de philosophie politique (2001), La raison des nations. R.flections sur la d.mocratie en Europe (2006) are analyzed from this perspective. Our conclusion is that in the way Manent deals with the relationship between politics and religion there are some constants that may be found in all his work. These are: the relationship between the Church and the different forms of political organization in Europe (Civitas, Imperium, monarchy); the fact that Christianity is one of the few current relevant concepts for political, due to the failure of totalitarian ideologies; the idea that secularization in Europe is not irreversible; we live in "an age of separations", and Church-State is one of these separations; we witness the religion transformation process and the .tat la.que cannot survive to .tat-nation; the role of Islam in modern societies and his perpetual finding of a political form; the relationship between Judaism, state and nation; the issue of the Christian identity of Europe.

By mid 19th Century, three forms of how a republic should be shaped up were available for the political theorists and activists of Europe: the republic of Lamartine, the republic of Blanc, and the republic of Bonaparte. In this framework, the paper draws on the contribution of Mazzini and the London Manifestos to the framing of modern democracy.