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La RDC est membre de près de la moitié des organisations africaines d’intégration, parmi lesquelles la CEEAC et la SADC. À travers cette réflexion, l’auteur compare les niveaux d’intégration atteint par les deux organisations, en fixant les regards sur la place qu’occupe la RDC dans chacune d’elles. Partant d’un faisceau des critères dont celui du commerce, de la capacité productive, de la macroéconomie et des infrastructures ainsi que de la libre circulation des personnes, cette réflexion a eu pour objectif de montrer la position de la RDC dans les deux structures. Sur le plan de la comparaison, il apparaît que les deux organisations, la CEEAC et la SADC poursuivent sur le plan purement textuel, les mêmes objectifs. En revanche, dans leur état actuel, le processus d’intégration au sein de la CEEAC paraît balbutiant, plusieurs objectifs proclamés n’étant toujours pas réalisés. Au sein de la SADC, malgré certaines contraintes, le processus d’intégration a progressé de quelques avancées, en particulier l’opérationnalisation de la ZLE. A cause de cela, cette étude montre que les deux CERs sont inégalement intégrées à ce jour. Au sein de ces deux CERs, la position de la RDC nécessite un rattrapage parce qu’elle est devancée par plusieurs autres Etats membres. La RDC n’affiche pas un bon score selon les critères d’intégration retenus au sein de ces deux CERs. L’analyse de quelques indicateurs d’intégration régionale réalisée par différents organismes montre que la CEEAC et la SADC, deux CERs auxquelles participe la RDC sont à des stades d’intégration différents aussi bien en suivant le schéma global en cinq étapes qu’en se fondant sur l’indice multidimensionnel établi par l’UA depuis 2016., The DRC is a member of nearly half of the African integration organizations, including ECCAS and SADC. Through this reflection, the author compares the levels of integration achieved by the two organizations, focusing on the place occupied by the DRC in each of them. Based on a set of criteria including trade, productive capacity, macroeconomics and infrastructure as well as the free movement of people, this reflection aimed to show the position of the DRC in the two structures. In terms of comparison, it appears that the two organizations, ECCAS and SADC, are purely textually pursuing the same objectives. On the other hand, in their current state, the process of integration within ECCAS seems to be in its infancy, with several proclaimed objectives still not being achieved. Within SADC, despite certain constraints, the integration process has made some progress, in particular the operationalization of the FTA. Because of this, this study shows that the two RECs are unevenly integrated to date. Within these two RECs, the position of the DRC requires catching up because it is overtaken by several other Member States. The DRC does not have a good score according to the integration criteria retained within these two RECs. The analysis of some regional integration indicators carried out by different organizations shows that ECCAS and SADC, two RECs in which the DRC participates, are at different stages of integration, both by following the overall five-step scheme and by based on the multidimensional index established by the AU since 2016.

Each Chinese administration since 1991 has showed different styles of engagement with Central Asia. While the significance of Central Asia has remained largely unchanged, these policy differences under each Chinese administration have been led by domestic drivers of foreign policy. Under the Jiang administration, policy towards Central Asia reacted to weak international bargaining power coupled with a Soviet-influenced Chinese government. This has resulted in a careful, impactful policy on the ground. Driven by the Chinese economic miracle, the Hu administration implemented various strategies to bring closer the Chinese and Central Asian economies. For the Xi administration, an ideologically driven foreign policy in Central Asia has failed to pursue a clear actionable policy in the region compared to previous administrations. China-Central Asia relations post-COVID19 will be largely driven by how quickly the Chinese economy recovers, when financing becomes available to kick-start Xi's Belt and Road Initiative. The key to the argument in this policy brief is that analytical examination of Chinese foreign policy in Central Asia (and elsewhere) must in the first instance take into account China's domestic factors given their capacity to influence actions of the Chinese Communist Party. This theoretical ground subsequently offers policy recommendations for leaders of Central Asian states in understanding and working with China's pursuit in the region.

The border incident that took place in the Galwan Valley on June 15th and resulted in casualties - the first in over forty-five years - has severely deteriorated relations between India and China and caught analysts and policymakers off guard. The incident marks the end of the diplomatic phase commonly referred to as "the Wuhan spirit" or "the Wuhan consensus." Initiated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2017 and consisting of a series of summits with the Chinese President Xi Jinping, the purpose of “the Wuhan spirit” was to reset relations between the two countries, stabilize the border areas, and focus on issues of common interest. It is unclear what China was attempting to achieve by unnecessarily antagonizing a neighbor large enough to balance against its rise, but that was also willing to build a stable and pragmatic relationship at a time when Beijing is facing an increasingly challenging international environment. Going forward, India will most likely continue to invest in issue based coalitions by strengthening security and defense cooperation with a number of like-minded middle powers.

Both security and economic reasons make Pakistan a partner of outstanding importance for China in the BRI. Their partnership is based on a sense of reality and the absence of a strategic alternative for both of them. This holds in particular with respect to the unifying rivalry with India and the distance to the West. While economic relations between the two countries have already deepened in recent decades, bilateral cooperation is now also being strengthened in the military sphere. As the article shows, Pakistan is not only interested in China's economic capabilities in this regard, but also in digital modernization and cyber warfare.

In March, China and Iran signed a 25-year Strategic Cooperation Agreement in Tehran. The agreement reportedly provides for up to $400 billion of direct investment, reflecting earlier commitments made during Xi's landmark visit in 2016. This year’s ceremony, attended by Foreign Minster Wang, coincided with the half centenary of the establishment of bilateral relations, and some commentators have hailed the agreement as marking a major strategic re-alignment. The reality is more complex, but the trajectory of Sino-Iranian relations is a pivotal one, particularly for Central Asia, the region separating two states that routinely eulogize each other in 'civilizational' terms. Tangible markers for a Sino-Iranian 'axis' in the region are noticeably absent however and the shared 'New Silk Road' vision has been stifled by sanctions, poor connectivity and regional wariness towards Tehran's revolutionary agenda. This policy brief reviews the China-Iran strategic relationship and identifies four key vectors for its future development in the region.

Since the beginning of the 2000s, China has embarked on an unprecedented path of economic development, as evidence of which is the largest economic project of the XXI century initiated by the People's Republic of China. The global Belt and Road Initiative announced by the first person of the country, Xi Jinping, is a shortened name of the ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ and ‘XXI Century Maritime Silk Road’. It covers the Asia-Pacific, Europe, Central Asia, Southeast Asia, West Asia, and Africa and involves more than a hundred countries, international organizations, and leading economic actors. The main participants in the project are China, Mongolia, Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Poland, Germany, the Netherlands, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran, and India. The article reviews the role of the Chinese project in a global context. The paper focuses on the role and purpose of Georgia in the Belt and Road Initiative. This study will try to reveal the results for the benefit of Georgia, which is one of the participating countries, and the role of China through research to be made from documents and academic studies on the subject. Georgia tries to conduct its relations with China, as a partner in the project, with a policy of balance without disturbing its relations with the West.

This paper aims to study the problems and issues of China's relations with ASEAN, which has achieved the establishment of ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. Taking into consideration the institutional framework constituted by the multiple agreements signed between China and ASEAN, how will the development of China-ASEAN relations be influenced by increasing economic interdependence between the two? What will be the difficulties ahead in enhancing trade and investments? Does promoting economic cooperation lead to more mutual trust in the political-strategic arena? China's recent policy in developing "one belt, one road", and Chinese relations to the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership and their implications to ASEAN will also be examined in this paper.

China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is believed to be a game changer for the whole region. Presently, some extra regional powers are also interested in taking benefits from this El-Dorado. In this scenario the phenomenon of this corridor is believed to have some genuine prospects and challenges. Where there some challenges are directly associated with the security of Pakistan there is also leeway of economic and social challenges. In any case, the first question of security is nevertheless related to Indian factor. Can India help Pakistan in making this project pragmatic for the whole region? Can Indian allies/buddies; in special context of War on Terror (WOT); USA and Afghanistan help Pakistan in making the deal prudent? In this contemporary era, security of any object is directly associated with economic affairs, hence the economic aspect of the same is worth discussing. What are the economic benefits of the huge partnership for Pakistan since the economy of Pakistan is still not developed? These are some of the pertinent enquiries which need to be probe into and this study will be throwing light on all these aspects.

This article analyses the reasons for Chile's aggressive Free Trade Agreement (FTA) policy. Assessing both how the Chilean government has converged with the export sector and how the government has been able to co-opt, soften and divide those on the losing side of any FTA policy, are key to understanding Chile's vast number of FTAs. However, FTAs are also a constitutive part of a country's foreign policy, which converts these accords into a vehicle for the achievement of state goals dealing with economic issues and power configurations and expectations. It is the interplay between domestic groups' interests and the state's foreign policy goals that explain Chile's rush to FTAs.

How confident are ASEAN as a regional organization? Will ASEAN turn into a mere coffee-talk forum? This article evaluates the bases for ASEAN and demonstrates that ASEAN has reasons to stay strong as regional cooperation. Rather than denying tensions, this article agrees that there are tensions among members but it also recognizes such challenge as the one that unites ASEAN members together. There are some dilemmas among members of ASEAN that does not left much room for members but to cooperate with each other: the dilemma of risking higher tensions among members, the dilemma of risking the benefits of existing pooling of resources, the dilemma of improving connectivity among members and the dilemma of facing global pressure on good governance and liberal democracy.

Indonesia had been the largest LNG exporter for almost three decades since 1977 to 2005. During 1970s and 1980s, Indonesia’s energy industry boosted its economic growth that valued 80% of the country’s annual exports and 70% of its annual revenues. Meanwhile, Indonesia presents an exceptional case since it decreases its LNG export while it has been developing its largest LNG plant in Tangguh due to prioritizing domestic energy demand. But, since Indonesia eagerly links its economy to China, it uses LNG export as a medium to strengthen Indonesia-China strategic partnership. Tangguh LNG export to China, although it is not Indonesia’s largest LNG export contract, reflects a unique case of a developing country’s international energy trade. Because it presents evolution of Indonesia’s LNG export policy through dynamics of regional and global economic turbulences. This paper analyses the LNG export in the context of Asian economic crisis and its recovery, the peak of crude oil price in 2008 and followed by global financial crisis as the context as well as Indonesia’s domestic political dynamics.

When facing the challenge of new global employment dynamics and the demand for the creation of economic growth and new jobs, joint cross-sectoral efforts to pool market and public sector resources promise to make the most of the complementary strengths, competencies and perspectives of different actors. The topic addressed here is the impact that management rationale -bureaucratic and entrepreneurial- has on cross-sectoral collaboration, and in particular how a mismatch in goals and norms between sectoral actors and the overall management rationale may affect joint efforts in terms of the capacity to recruit relevant actors and establish sustainable collaboration. The empirical findings, which are based on two cases of cross-sectoral co-operation -the EU programme EQUAL and the Swedish VINNVÄXT programme- suggest that management rationale is an important factor in accounting for success of cross-sectoral initiatives and that a mismatch risks undermining smooth co-operation and thereby policy delivery.

This publication contains the results of the research companies and expert analysis on the impact of cross-border cooperation on the competitiveness of small and medium-sized enterprises, thereby strengthening development processes in the peripheral regions. The research was conducted within the framework of the project "Development of cross-border economic co-operation subregion Bialystok-Suwalki and Grodno region of Belarus and subregion Przemysl and Krosno with Transcarpathian Oblast in Ukraine" co-financed by the European Union under the Cross-Border Cooperation Programme Poland-Belarus-Ukraine 2007-2013. Bialystok Personnel Training Foundation implemented the project in cooperation with a partner from Belarus State University in Grodno and partner of Ukraine, Foundation for the Development of Cross-Border Cooperation of Uzhhorod.

This publication contains the results of the research of enterprises in subregion Bialystok-Suwalki and expert analysis on the possible use of cross-border cooperation to strengthen the competitiveness of companies and strengthen development processes in peripheral regions. Presentation of studies was preceded by the description of business contacts in subregion Bialystok-Suwalki.

Since the 1990s, governments around the world have emphasized the core concepts of globalization. Many governments initiated a series of political policies regarding liberalization and privatization in response to the inevitable phenomenon. In Southeast Asia, Thailand participated in the development as well by reconstructing its financial system to allow greater foreign capital for investments. Unfortunately, the importance of prudential regulations was underestimated, and the neglect thereafter caused the Asian Financial Crisis which initially occurred in Thailand on the second of June, 1997. The Thai government received 17.2 billion US dollars from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to stabilize its domestic situation and implemented structural reform to minimize losses from the crisis. Meanwhile, different voices regarding the policies for globalization were expressed. These opinions mainly referred to regionalization/ regionalism and localization/ localism. This study discusses how the Thai state transformed under globalization from three industries: the Telecommunication industry, the Automobile industry, and the Cultural Creative industry. This article observes that Thailand turned to take regionalization and localization into consideration, which in turn demanded the state to increase domestic autonomy and capacity. The findings also suggest that cooperation with other governments in the region to accelerate economic recovery from the crisis was inevitable. However, political instability and close state-business relations continue to make the future of Thailand uncertain.

The development of auto industry needs a series of related policies and conditions, including market, technology, management, basic infrastructure, etc. Several Southeast Asian countries are hoping to develop their auto industries in order to lead the development of other industries in their countries. Having the largest auto market in Southeast Asia, Indonesia is supposed to have more favorable conditions than Thailand and Malaysia on the development of auto industry. Unlike Malaysia's auto industry that has its own national brand, Indonesia does not have a national auto brand, nor like Thailand as the largest auto exporting country in Southeast Asia, a Japanese scholar even contends that Indonesia's auto industry is "technology-less industrialization". Based on the above analysis, the paper argues that the failure of Indonesia's auto industry has to do with the structural factors in Indonesia's political economy. This paper therefore will, by taking the perspective of political economy, explore the following four factors over the failure of Indonesia's auto industry: (1) inappropriate state intervention, (2) distorted government-business relations, (3) failure to join international complementarities in the auto industry, and (4) ineffective management on globalization.

In the article, the cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union in the field of green entrepreneurship is considered as mutually beneficial in the light of strengthening the competitiveness of both economies. The author reveals such main domains of the cooperation as ecoagrofood, bio- and renewable energy. There are also highlighted the key programmes and projects as outcomes of governmental, communitarian, international and corporate efforts related to cooperation. A special attention is paid to the identification of some problems regarding the development of green entrepreneurship in the Republic of Moldova. For solving them as well as making the cooperation in the field more systematic and synergetically positive, the author suggests the elaboration of a joint RM-EU Strategy for the Development of Green economy and entrepreneurship.

This article seeks to explain the role of identity politics in defining the national elite’s perceptions of the European Union and their foreign policy choices. It is argued that when analyzing foreign policy choices of the national elite, not only the interests and preferences but also the identity questions must be taken into account. In any national context, ideas, identities, and perceptions of self and the EU are expected to impact on the subsequent policy choices about Europe. This article seeks to explain this impact by applying a combination of the fusion approach and social constructivist approach on Norwegian policy-makers. Although not a member of the EU, Norway established a good level of economic integration and political cooperation with the EU through the European Economic Area Agreement. This article seeks to analyse this relationship empirically using Justice and Home Affairs Policy as a case study area.

The aim of this paper is to present the theoretical basis of public diplomacy and the characteristics of methods and areas of cross-border cooperation conducted by local governments in Podlaskie Voivodship. Report, in particular, draws attention to the civic and local government dimension of Polish foreign policy. Undertaken analysis was targeted to recognition of existing practices in this area, as well as to identify conclusions and recommendations for further development of decentralized foreign policy. This report first discusses the basic theoretical concepts related to citizenship and local government cross-border cooperation. Attention was drawn to priorities of Polish decentralized foreign policy and sectoral diversification of cross-border cooperation actors in the Podlaskie Voivodship. Next the existing and planned cross-border cooperation initiatives present in the public programs and strategies of local governments and districts were discussed. Later in the report an attempt to summarize the areas and methods of cooperation were undertaken as well as some main conclusions and recommendations were pointed out.

Studies presented in this publication were aimed at provide data necessary for the conducting of local government and citizenship dimension of the enlarged Polish foreign policy in Podlaskie region. The main objective was to investigate the diagnosis, as the local government units, non-governmental organizations, businesses and universities alluded cross-border cooperation with partners in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia (Kaliningrad). The publication indicated areas of the greatest potential, as well as barriers to such cooperation in the region. Particular attention was paid to the cooperation of these entities, combining their potentials and create joint projects., Badania prezentowane w niniejszej publikacji miały na celu dostarczenie danych koniecznych do prowadzenia polskiej polityki zagranicznej rozszerzonej o wymiar samorządowy i obywatelski w województwie podlaskim. Głównym celem diagnozy było zbadanie, jak jednostki samorządu terytorialnego, organizacje pozarządowe, przedsiębiorstwa oraz uczelnie wyższe nawiązywały współpracę transgraniczną z partnerami na Litwie, Białorusi, Ukrainie i w Rosji (Obwód Kaliningradzki). W publikacji wskazano miejsca największego potencjału, jak również barier na drodze do takiej współpracy w regionie. Zwrócono szczególną uwagę na kooperację tych podmiotów, łączenie swoich potencjałów i tworzenie wspólnych projektów.

In this article I analyse the way in which European Union manages its relations with India using the neo-liberal institutionalismapproch and I focus mainly on the economic cooperation as an instrument to improve and develop this link. In the first part I'll present the theory of reference and the concepts that I use and then the methodology and the arguments for this choice. I will use a case study: the relation between EU and India in order to see how this has developed and is related to the process of development. I'll present the history of this relation, stressing the way in which the cooperation has influenced the interests that those two entities have. In the last part I'll present the area in which the cooperation was more present and I’ll explain why that happened. The article concludes that the main interests in these relations are related to the economic area.