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Part 1 The international legal status of Taiwan: The international legal status of Taiwan, Hungdah Chiu Is Taiwan a part of China? H. Kuijper Toward modern concepts of sovereignty and statehood, M.C. Davis. Part 2 Responses to diplomatic isolation - informal diplomacy: Limitations and prospects of Taiwan's informal diplomacy, Linjun Wu Does flexible diplomacy improve Taiwan's international status? K. Moller. Part 3 Responses to diplomatic isolation - participation in international organizations: Taiwan's return to international organizations - policies, problems and prospects, D. Van Vranken Hickey Taiwan's 'return' to international organizations, Ko Swan Sik All dressed up but not invited to the party - can Taiwan join the United Nations now the Cold War is over? V. Wei-Cheng Wang The Republic of China's right to participate in the United Nations, Sheng-Tsung Yang Taiwan's right to be heard before the security council, J.E. Lord Taiwan's option of becoming a permanent observer, L.B. Sohn The United Nations framework for the participation of observers, N. Sybesma-Knol Taiwan, China and the United Nations, Lung-Chu Chen. Part 4 relations across the Taiwan Strait: The paradox of Taiwan-mainland China relations, J.C. Hsiung The development of Cross-Strait policies in China and Taiwan, Cheng-Wen Tsai. Part 5 Concluding observations: Self-determination in action for the People of Taiwan, J.M. Henckaerts. Appendices: legal aspects of the problem of representation in the United Nations general assembly resolution on the representation of China in the United Nations the Chinese White Paper on Cross-Strait relations the Taiwanese White Paper on Cross-Strait relations request to consider the exceptional situation of Taiwan in the international context.

The objective of this Memorandum is to provide a case study of the policies, platforms, and techniques employed and problems encountered by a major Communist party in a highly critical area during the decade and a half from 1945 to 1960. It does not attempt to assess the current prospects for Communism in Japan, nor does it attempt to evaluate current Communist policies or practices in themselves, since much has happened since 1960 that bears heavily on such judgments. It is intended to provide historical perspective and background for such assessments. Because of the importance Communists everywhere attach to the labor movement and because the postwar labor scene in Japan has been as turbulent as it has been significant, special attention has been devoted to Communist efforts to use labor as a political weapon. The Memorandum falls into two parts. Part I is an analysis of the main lines of Communist theory, organization and action in Japan through the important Seventh Congress of the Japanese Communist Party in the summer of 1958. It is supplemented by a brief summary of developments during the next two years based largely on a White Paper published by the Japanese government in 1960, and on the author's on-the-spot discussions and observations. Part II is a translation of the Japanese government 1960 White Paper on Communism in Japan. This provides detail and data in depth on the strategy, tactics, organization, and operations of the JCP in the critical period immediately preceding the anti-Haggerty riots of the summer of 1960.

In the field of international business, examination of the link between a market orientation (MO) and an export performance (EP) is quite popular. However, mechanisms through which MO affects EP have not been sufficiently investigated. The aim of this paper was to examine direct and indirect impact of MO on EP, as well as drivers of MO. In this paper, MO is defined as organisational culture. Based on the structure-conduct-performance paradigm and Resource-Based View, a model was formulated and tested on a sample of 121 large and medium-sized exporters operating in the Republic of Serbia. The method applied was partial least squares structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM). Obtained results indicate that there is a direct and positive effect of relational resources and competitive intensity on MO. It was also found that MO affects EP directly, and that differentiation strategy partially mediates the relationship between MO and EP.

Departing from a systemic perspective, the paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of ordinary citizens’ everyday political talk from a deliberative democratic point of view. Drawing on unique survey data collected in Germany it examines three prerequisites of deliberative democracy as a model of democracy that is rooted in political discussions among the citizenry at large: (1) The prerequisite of inclusivity expects citizens’ engagement in everyday conversations to be widespread and egalitarian. (2) The prerequisite of publicity demands citizens to be mutually aware of each other’s political perspectives. (3) The prerequisite of heterogeneity necessitates that the standpoints to which citizens are exposed when communicating about politics reflect society’s political pluralism. Analyses of citizens’ communicative engagement in their overall and core networks suggest basically positive diagnoses for all three prerequisites, but with severe limitations on closer inspection. The paper furthermore shows that with regard to everyday political talk social inequality gives rise to political inequality, and demonstrates how these effects are mediated by variations in citizens’ endowment with cultural and social capital.

The main aim of this paper is to synthesize the research results based on the developed multidimensional model of activities in family companies aimed at achieving employee engagement. Furthermore, this research outlines the components that impact employee satisfaction in family businesses as drivers of employees' engagement on the job. The paper is based on primary research, including a survey of family companies in Slovenia. To test the hypotheses of the study, we used structural equation modeling (SEM). The results show that factors such as leadership, employee relations, and intergenerational synergy have a positive effect on employee satisfaction, which in turn leads to employee engagement. Our research results and recommendations can help owners/managers in family companies to contribute to a better work environment and to understand the impact of family businesses’ leadership, employee relations, and intergenerational synergy on employee satisfaction engagement.

South Africa embraced constitutional democracy in 1994 following the collapse of the Apartheid regime. The constitution that was finally passed in 1996 promised the development of a social democratic society. Within two decades, much of the promise contained in its constitutional instrument had been hollowed out. This paper considers the manner in which the ruling party, the African National Congress, embraced a project termed State Capture in which the key guardrails of constitutional democracy were transformed into instruments for the perpetuation of rent seeking by a political elite who effectively eschewed the social democratic project begun in 1994. Apart from the rapacious effect of rent captures the ANC continues to be guided by the idea of democratic centralism in which all its members of the National Parliament place the interests of the party above those of the constitution and thus the nation. Within this context constitutional democracy is viewed as the enemy of the people, personified by the Party. In addition, the paper describes the rise of political populism, the continued high levels of inequality and the vested interests of traditional leaders. It then examines the manner in which these conditions may bring about the replacement of constitutional democracy with a form of autocratic legalism.

The paper starts from the observation that laws are full of conditional norms or obligations, the defeasible character of which prevents representing them by the material implication of classical logic. Material implication almost never adequately represents ordinary “if, then”; in particular, it can account neither for the legal syllogism nor for the practical syllogism ubiquitous in ordinary reasoning. In order to do better, the paper pursues a far-reaching analogy between beliefs (held by a person) and norms (held by an alleged authority). The analogy shows in doxastic and deontic logic. It extends to the Ramsey test, which is usually taken to be the basic explanation of conditionals, i.e., “if, then” sentences, to its treatment in the dynamic setting of belief revision theory and its normative counterpart, and thus to conditional logic and conditional deontic logic. A reflection of Chisholm’s paradox reveals a principled ambiguity in our normative talk; norms may be taken in a purely normative or in a fact-regarding way. In order to account for this ambiguity, the analogy must be further developed within so-called ranking theory which completes the dynamic perspective suggested by the Ramsey test and insufficiently explained in belief revision theory. Only in this account, fact-regarding norms can be explicated. In this way, finally, Chisholm’s paradox can be resolved, and the legal and the practical syllogism can be adequately represented. The paper attempts throughout to keep the connection to legal theorizing and argumentation. published

This paper analyses newly regulatory moves towards Foreign Direct Investment – FDI in Brazil. For that purpose, this paper explores the key economic rationale for regulating FDI and provides a legal baseline based on relevant FDI screening regimes already in force in mature jurisdictions. Later, this paper presents a brief assessment of the current Brazilian regulatory and governance scenario relating to FDI control, to demonstrate potential deficiencies that could emerge due to the lack of a structured FDI screening in the country, particularly the absence of quality control of FDI targeted to certain key areas, as well as risks of high political interference, which could generate undesirable effects on the country’s technological development and increase its level of dependence on technology developers.

The African Union (AU), which succeeded the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 2002, is based on a strong legal and institutional framework that reinforces constitutionalism at national, regional and continental levels. This framework is a response to the failure of the OAU to tame autocratic tendencies within its member states. It cements the organisation’s commitment to infuse the ideals, values and norms of constitutionalism into the conduct of domestic affairs and politics. The relevance of the framework stems from its ability, when adhered to by all member states, to prevent constitutional crises, many of which have a negative impact on national, regional and continental peace and security and often hinder the prospect of constitutional democracy. Using examples of AU interventions to stymie constitutional crises in the form of unconstitutional changes of government in the Central African Republic, Burundi and Southern Sudan, this paper highlights the dialectical relationship between constitutionalism, peace and security, which can ensure that AU interventions reinforce, rather than undermine, constitutional ideals. While noting the AU’s inability or unwillingness to apply this framework in all the constitutional crises it has been called upon to address, the article concludes that member states and the AU itself need to commit to the ideals of constitutionalism, otherwise the transformative constitutional framework will remain a mere paper tiger.

The paper analyses challenges that contribute to poor youth participation in agriculture. Access to land by the youth is identified as one of the challenges that contribute to minimal participation. Land is identified as a scarce resource which access by all the old and the young is a challenge. The author posits that improving access of land by the youth can enhance youth involvement in agriculture therefore which can make a positive contribution to food security and economic development of the country. This can go hand in hand with promotion of off farm activities which can be run by the youth who make up the population of the country. The paper discusses laws and policies on access to land and youth participation in agriculture as part of development activities. The author notes that the legal framework provides for interventions which if implemented can strengthen youth participation in agriculture. Comparatively, Kenya can adopt practices from other countries which have helped improve access of land for the youth. Such practices include creation of zones for planned agriculture development that can be set apart for the youth; inter sales of community land can be encouraged to favor the youth; inver vivos transfer of land can be encouraged from the old to young generations; and land can be leased from the community to be given to the youth for development.

The African Union (AU), which succeeded the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 2002, is based on a strong legal and institutional framework that reinforces constitutionalism at national, regional and continental levels. This framework is a response to the failure of the OAU to tame autocratic tendencies within its member states. It cements the organisation’s commitment to infuse the ideals, values and norms of constitutionalism into the conduct of domestic affairs and politics. The relevance of the framework stems from its ability, when adhered to by all member states, to prevent constitutional crises, many of which have a negative impact on national, regional and continental peace and security and often hinder the prospect of constitutional democracy. Using examples of AU interventions to stymie constitutional crises in the form of unconstitutional changes of government in the Central African Republic, Burundi and Southern Sudan, this paper highlights the dialectical relationship between constitutionalism, peace and security, which can ensure that AU interventions reinforce, rather than undermine, constitutional ideals. While noting the AU’s inability or unwillingness to apply this framework in all the constitutional crises it has been called upon to address, the article concludes that member states and the AU itself need to commit to the ideals of constitutionalism, otherwise the transformative constitutional framework will remain a mere paper tiger.

This paper explores main drivers that influence consumers’ decision related to the usage of a sharing economy service: trust, interaction, and experience. These three driving forces are put together in the functional form in order to explore its synergy influence on potential consumers’ interest in SES. The theoretical contribution of the paper is reflected in the design of the original simulation model for predicting the number of potential sharing economy users. Our findings and qualitative cluster analysis provide an insight into the behaviour of sharing economy customers which might help sharing economy providers to thoroughly analyse target users in order to meet their preferences. The proposed approach is tested through a small-scale experiment for the peer-to-peer carsharing service.

This special issue introduces new perspectives on emotional labor in the service context. That is, while service work has been a focus of much of the emotional labor research world, explication of the context in which that service work occurs (including the customers served, the leadership of those who serve, and the larger organizational context) has not received much attention. In addition, the emotional labor of customers has also not been much explored. The papers included in this special issue explore these issues from the viewpoints of both the fields of organizational behavior and services management; they consider emotional labor from both employees’ and customers’ perspectives; and they explore the outcomes of emotional labor in ways that signal the common human experiences of people when in interaction with each other. Together, these papers offer new insights on emotional labor by translating service characteristics and service leadership into attitudes and experiences of service workers and customers, their behaviors and emotions, and ultimately into their health and wellbeing. This introduction provides a series of lenses useful for interpreting the papers in this special issue. We hope that the depth and diversity of new directions for emotional labor research and practice that are suggested by this special issue will inspire many researchers and practitioners navigating this world to provide both understanding of it and further the health and well-being of those involved in it.

Studies in Public interest Litigation (PIL) in India are predominantly about the Supreme Court's approach in meeting the ends of justice through indigenously evolved jurisdiction. The High Courts as important constitutional bodies are more often than not remain out of detailed discussion. As the High Courts enjoy concurrent jurisdiction with the Supreme Court with regard to PILs, this paper aims to study the pattern of invocation of the jurisdiction at the regional level. It surveys the variety of pleas and consequent action under PIL jurisdiction (or inaction, as the case may be) of different High Courts in India relating to covid crisis and consequential matters. To that end, it undertakes a survey of High Court orders or judgments from April to July, 2020. It seeks to lay bare the extent of demands that are made before the Courts through PIL. What kinds of action were expected from the High Courts during the pandemic? How did different Courts respond to such pleas? Were the directions and level of response homogenous or varied? The paper pursues these questions, and describes the pandemic though the lens of PIL in Indian High Courts. It goes on to argue that the High Courts in India need to take greater cognizance of their orders inter-se especially in PIL matters, as human rights protection through PIL cannot have contradictory voices.

On 26th October 2018, Sri Lankan President surprised the nation with his abrupt removal of the Prime Minister in office and the appointment of another Prime Minister on ambivalent constitutional grounds. Through his actions, President Sirisena was attempting to bring to the power the former strongman Rajapaksa from his own party to entrench himself as well as their party, while undercutting Wickremasinghe and his party. Constitutional Coup 2018 was executed meticulously to ensure that the President and his old enemy, now his new-found ally could capture governmental power. The result was that Sri Lanka had two Prime Ministers claiming to be appointed to office. The paper discusses the dramatic and complicated actions and reactions that occurred during the Constitutional Coup 2018. This paper analyzes how the Constitutional Coup exposed the persisting imbalance of power as a weakness of the Sri Lankan Constitution of 1978 that undermines constitutionalism and how this weakness persisted despite the 2015 constitutional reforms. Even though the constitutional coup 2018 was resolved affirming the supremacy of the constitution the paper analyzes how the weakness exposed during then paved the way towards the deterioration ofthe system of checks and balances.

The paper examines the relationship between personality traits, customer focus and work motivation based on the sample of 203 hotel employees in Novi Sad (Serbia). The results show the existence of the mediating effect of Intrinsic motivation on the effect of Extraversion on Customer focus, as well as on the effect of Neuroticism on Customer focus. The study also indicates that Extrinsic motivation and Identified and Introjected regulation have a moderating effect on the effect of Agreeableness on Customer focus. The findings of the paper will assist managers to shape an employee profile that will be customer-oriented.