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The Yearbook of European Integration 2024 deals with Central Asia policy, in particular the intensified relations between the EU and the countries of Central Asia such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The EU has published a Common Roadmap to deepen cooperation in various areas such as interregional cooperation, economic connections, and the security sector. Individual EU members like Germany also contribute to strengthening relations, especially regarding the expansion of the Middle Corridor as a logistics route from Asia to Europe. China and Russia continue to play an important role in the region, with the EU needing to rethink its Central Asia strategy to support the autonomy of the states and promote respect for human rights. [Extracted from the article]

According to the so-called Irish clause in Articles 24 and 42 TEU, the common security and defence policy of the Union (CSDP) shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States. Both the obligation of aid and assistance of Member States to another Member State, which is the victim of armed aggression on its territory, as well as the current efforts to enhance the CSDP in its actual stage of development do not yet cause problems to neutral states. But the situation will have to be reassessed once the Union will have achieved an actual "common defence". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Art 42 (2) of the Treaty on European Union, the EU's Common Security and Defense Policy shall lead to a common defense policy. This in turn will lead (under certain circumstances) to a common defense. But these terms are not clearly defined and thus often confused and misapprehended. The article discusses the present state in the comprehensive CSDP review package undertaken since 2013, and to what extent the ground for an eventual common defence is currently being prepared. What lies behind the "European Defence Fund", "PESCO", "CARD", the enhanced NATO-EU cooperation, and the other measures? Will they lead, in the long run, to a common defense (and possibly a European army), or "only" to a common defense policy? Can Austria as neutral country participate, and what would participation mean for the Austrian neutrality? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]