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Social Catholic groups took firm control of the juvenile courts after General Franco occupied Madrid. They swiftly exercised their moral judgements on families which suffered executions, imprisonment, employment purges, dire living conditions, and the high cost of living. Court staff particularly loathed secular ‘Red’ worker groups and endeavoured to capture the children of these foes of the faith. Mothers forced into prostitution or petty crime, living in overcrowded and poor housing whose lives were marked by hunger and disease, proved especially vulnerable to child removal. They could also fall victim to their husbands serving jail terms for political offences who, from prison, could battle to deprive them of custody. In other cases, families managed to keep bonds alive by visiting children and youngsters petitioned the authorities to be allowed home to help look after their parents.

The monuments created by the Greeks to celebrate victories were of many kinds, as were the victories celebrated. The focus of the present discussion is monuments associated with success in the major athletic games; these were usually in the form of free-standing statues erected in the sanctuary where the games took place. Some fundamental questions are addressed, not least, what the idea of a monument signified to the Greeks? Who qualified for this extraordinary honour? What form did it typically take and how much did it cost to create? Were the statues erected merely a reward? Or did they also have political value which affected the choice of location? In ancient Greece, as now, athletic monuments stood as markers of glory achieved, but also as statements to the viewer.

This chapter traces US populism back to President Andrew Jackson (1828–1836), providing early characteristics of a US populist leader. Major US populist issues have included immigration, the banking sector, and more recently, foreign trade. While Franklin D. Roosevelt’s populist-inspired New Deal reforms included trade liberalizing measures, postwar populists linked advancing globalization in the late twentieth century to elitist trade policy, inspiring new populist movements. Anti-trade populists were unsuccessful third-party presidential candidates until Donald Trump exploited this issue, capturing the Republican Party nomination and developing particularly provocative anti-trade rhetoric. He successfully integrated an anti-trade platform with a host of other populist issues, and vowed to alter US trade policy to “make America great again.”

Post-war Labour and Conservative governments saw the UK’s global interests as lying primarily with the United States and the Commonwealth. They took no part in the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community or in the proposed European Defence Community, though, when the EDC idea foundered, Prime Minister Anthony Eden played a prominent role in promoting European defence, just as Labour Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin had done in fostering the establishment of NATO. The British sent only an observer to the Messina Conference (1956) that negotiated the terms of the Treaty of Rome establishing the European Community (EEC). The UK set up its own trading bloc (EFTA) but it could not compete politically or economically with the EEC and, in 1961, the government of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan applied for EEC membership, despite the opposition of France’s President de Gaulle.

This chapter argues that the concept of evil in the book of Revelation is defined in terms of opposition to the kingdom of God and is, therefore, closely tied to the book’s social situation. Some scholars argue that the oppression of faithful Christians by Rome is the underlying context; this has led to a view that evil is primarily external to the church. Other scholars argue that compromise and accommodation with Roman culture is the underlying context, which has led to a view that evil is both internal and external to the church, but it does not involve overt oppression. This chapter suggests that Revelation addresses both the oppressed and the compromised through the use of a warfare metaphor. Revelation posits that victory over evil occurs through faithful witness, both of Christ and of his followers, and the faithfulness of God to his creation.

This chapter’s point of departure is the thirteenth and final meeting of the Big Three at Potsdam. During the first few days of August, as the chapter states, the entire outlook for the Pacific War changed dramatically—namely, by one single event: on August 6 (Washington time), the first atomic bomb was exploded 1,900 feet above the city of Hiroshima. The chapter covers the ramifications of this historic point in time. One question was, to what extent should Japan be spared the psychological and physical burdens of defeat? The answer: they shouldn’t be spared it at all. The surrenders conducted throughout Asia relied on displays of force and potent symbols to convey the irresistibility of Allied power and impress upon the Japanese the unconditional nature of their defeat.

The controversy over the altar of Victory shows how pagans and Christians expressed competing ideas on the public role of religion in an increasingly Christian empire. In 382, Gratian revoked funding from the Roman state priesthoods and removed the altar from the Senate house. Following Gratian’s death in 383, the Senate appealed to his brother, Valentinian II, through the urban prefect, Symmachus, whose communiqué was successfully countered by Ambrose of Milan. Recent scholarship has favoured Symmachus’ account, which it sees as an appeal for religious tolerance, and argued that the affair was decided by the power politics of a child emperor’s unstable court. In response, this chapter argues that Symmachus was actually trying to exclude the emperor’s Christianity from public decision-making. All religions may, for Symmachus, lead to God, but the old cults are Rome’s divinely appointed defence, as well as the bond between Senate and emperors. Ambrose put Valentinian’s duty to God at the heart of his appeal. Ambrose’s Senate contained many Christians, and Ambrose was bound to resist an emperor who endorsed pagan sacrifices (the closest either work comes to explicit political gamesmanship). Together, their works show how malleable Rome’s public religion still was, more than seventy years after Constantine embraced Christianity.

This chapter describes William T. Sherman’s approach march to Fort McAllister. The March to the Sea might be over, but Sherman had not yet reached the sea. He had managed to cross the Ogeechee River thanks to the reconstruction of King’s Bridge, but he still faced two problems. First, he needed to make contact with the Union fleet. Second, he still needed to seize Savannah, a risky operation that needed to be completed swiftly. It is true that Sherman encountered weak opposition and that the March had not pulled significant Confederate reinforcements to Savannah. Nonetheless, Sherman lacked the equipment for a prolonged siege and might yet be seriously embarrassed. The fall of Fort McAllister permitted Sherman to concentrate his energies on establishing contact with the US Navy. Once contact with the US Navy had been firmly established, it brought some unexpected pleasures. The chapter then looks at the interactions between Sherman and the Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton.

In this chapter, the outcome of the previous campaign is discussed in great detail. This was a decisive victory for the Antigonids, and in the aftermath of the victory at Salamis, Antigonus assumed the title of ‘King’ for himself and Demetrius, an action which the other dynasts copied within a few years. Demetrius also commenced his famous relationship with the courtesan Lamia, whom he had captured after the battle. In autumn of 306 BC the Antigonids attempted a massive invasion of Egypt by land and sea, but were thwarted by the weather conditions and Ptolemy’s clever defences at the Pelusiac branch of the Nile.

Since the colonial and early Independence eras, violence has been used in Kenya as a strategy to manipulate the electoral process and to ensure victory in the polls. It has been employed, in both highly instrumental and more ad hoc ways, by actors at all levels of political agency. This chapter explores Kenya’s legacy of violent electoral politics, reflecting on the causes and motivations that underscore its use, and tracing its manifestations at key historical junctures from the colonial period to the present day. It suggests that Kenya’s susceptibility to violence during election periods is rooted in four interrelated factors: the neo-patrimonial ethnic logic of politics, which creates incentives to utilize violent tactics; the persistent narratives of ethnic territoriality, which serve to legitimize certain forms of violence; weak institutions which both enable and provoke various actors to utilize violence; and the diffusion of armed actors and an embedded culture of violence, which facilitates mobilization during electoral periods.

Nehru considered the establishment of Mao’s People’s Republic of China an event of historical importance, transcending the Cold War and signaling the resurgence of free Asia. But China had never accepted the northern boundary with India, known as the McMahon Line, asserting it had been drawn by British imperialists intent on diminishing its control over Tibet. India, militarily much weaker than China, adopted a policy of unwavering friendship toward China as the best approach to securing a diplomatic solution to the border dispute. Once China entered an alliance with the Soviet Union, the United States perceived an expanded communist threat. Nehru, reiterating India’s nonalignment, advanced the notion of Asianism to consolidate Indian-China solidarity.

Conventional wisdom claims that the Trump 2016 campaign was “disorganized,” but this judgment overlooks bargains with leaders of preexisting federated networks connected to millions of voters in pivotal states. Newly found data about the Fraternal Order of Police, the white police union, show that lodge and membership locations help predict Trump margins beyond other pro-GOP variables. Trump deliberately appealed to white police anger at the Black Lives Matter movement and (in a departure from his typical mass rallies) spoke in front of law-enforcement audiences. Similarly, Trump and his top lieutenants courted Christian right pastors and National Rifle Association leaders willing to disseminate campaign messages and mobilize followers in exchange for Trump’s promise to nominate right-wing Supreme Court justices. Many voters outside of big cities were receptive because they are embedded in evangelical and gun-friendly social networks and believe their lifeways are threatened by outside, liberal forces.

Italy is a founding member state of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and, subsequently, the European Economic Community (EEC). At the time, membership meant anchoring the newborn Italian democracy, regaining international respectability after the Fascist period renewed vest internationally , and securing much-needed economic support to boost development. While in the 1950s the left side of the political spectrum vehemently opposed ECSC/EEC membership, starting with the late 1980s, European integration became the most important pillar of Italian foreign policy, an issue of shared consensus among different partiesa. The golden period for Italy – that is the phase when Italy was at the peak of its influence in the Communities - was the decade ranging from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s,. At the time, Italian politicians such as Giulio Andreotti played fundamental roles in key moments of EEC/EU history: enlargement to the south, the single market, the Treaty of the European Union, and especially the creation of the euro are all key events in the history of the European Union which is safe to say would have never happened without the skillful contribution of Italy’s key government actors of the time. As European integration started again to be a contentious issue in domestic politics, so declined Italy’s influence. In more recent years: despite Italy’s formal status as a “big” member of the EU, Rome became less relevant than Madrid in EU decision making procedures. The parochial attitude of Italian elites, the incapacity of long-term programming, and relative government instability are all factors that have contributed to reducing the role of Italy in the EU.

This article examines the intersection between disability, gender, victory, and defeat in interwar Czechoslovakia. We look at a small but prominent group of disabled veterans: men who lost their sight fighting in the Austro-Hungarian army in the First World War. These veterans, unlike men who had fought in the pro-Entente Legionary divisions, were not celebrated in official and patriotic discourse in the First Republic. They had to find alternative outlets to express their place in society as disabled men. Through analysis of the most important associations for blind veterans, interwoven with a series of case studies, we consider how disability weakened, but did not completely remove, the social and cultural barriers that existed in interwar Czechoslovakia between “victorious” and “defeated” war veterans. We also analyze a series of literary and professional responses to blindness that show how blind veterans’ masculinity was renegotiated in the wake of their disability. Blind war veterans were considered throughout Czechoslovak society as the embodiment and the epitome of the disabled subject; their experiences thus speak more generally to the manner in which disability was experienced as a socially enforced category in Czechoslovakia.

An exploration of both the rhetoric of manifest ideologies and complex daily realities is necessary for an understanding of the religious changes of the late Roman Empire, particularly the shifting position of dissenting religious groups. The dramatic accounts of violence need to be balanced with dreary everyday life. Changes in economic structures and the social factors in local communities were more influential in terms of religious transformation than the uproars depicted in hagiographies and church histories. The religious changes and diversity in Late Antiquity can be outlined in many ways, not only as ‘Christianization’, which presupposes a dichotomy between pagan and Christian practices. The Mediterranean area had for centuries been diffused with different cults, practices, religious ideas, and beliefs, which were continuously cross-pollinating each other. The spread of various Christian groups is a part of these religious changes in Antiquity.

The final problem just war theorists perceive with victory reflects the belief that to speak about war in terms of victory is to court an escalatory logic that undercuts the spirit of moderation that the just war tradition champions. The pursuit of victory inclines armies to set the rules aside and fight in an unrestrained manner. Turning this concern on its head, this chapter contends that while it is true that the idiom of victory tempts an escalatory logic, so too does the idea of just war. This is demonstrated by the writings of two leading contemporary just war theorists: Michael Walzer and Jeff McMahan. The conclusion arising from this is not necessarily that we should back away from speaking about either victory or just war. It is, however, a reminder of both what is staked when we do engage them, and why they must always be approached with circumspection.

This chapter aims to show that Pindar’s victory odes present athletic victors as enjoying, during the victory celebration, a moment of divine bliss as a reward for their achievement. The first part develops a general perspective on the themes of immortality and divinity in Pindar’s odes. Of particular interest are mythical narratives comprising a hero’s exploits and the subsequent reward in the form of his immortalization. This chapter argues that such narratives offer a paradigm for the victor’s athletic achievements and that the victory celebration serves as an earthly counterpart to the eternal symposium on Olympus. Sculpture at Olympia is interpreted to strengthen this interpretation. The second part of this chapter illustrates this argument through detailed interpretations of Nemean 1, Isthmian 4, and Pythian 10.

This chapter takes a wide-angle approach to Che Guevara as a symbol of antiestablishment and antisystemic sentiment in the late 1960s and 1970s. Guevara's popularity offers a critical point of entry into two principle dispositions of the global left: commitment to antiestablishment struggle and a desire for transnational solidarity. This spirit of emancipatory internationalism, which bridged multiple doctrinal positions, was born of egalitarian aspirations, a transnational imagination, and the belief that global socialist revolution was possible, even imminent. As a renowned proponent of radical-emancipatory politics, Guevara neatly embodied this internationalist ideal. In an era when coordinated action across national boundaries was difficult and radical politics was marred by factionalism, Guevara became a medium for claiming and broadcasting shared sentiments. As a link among movements in North America, Western Europe, Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East, Guevara iconography helped to create and sustain communities of sentiment and dissent.

Chapter 2 presents the Soviet chronotope embodied in Victory Day celebrations. Victory Day, which is the celebration of the Soviet victory over Germany in World War II, presumes the familiar Soviet genre of history, in which the Soviet Union brought civilization to Buryatia, and Buryats achieved full citizenship in the Soviet utopian dream through their collective sacrifice during the war. The ritual does not narrate Soviet history. Instead, through Soviet and wartime imagery, and the parade form, the public holiday evokes this genre in symbolic form, enabling local residents to read their own narratives of the past into the imagery. This space for interpretation enables both validation as well as critique of the Soviet experience in Buryatia. Although not everyone in Buryatia agrees on how to evaluate this history, this genre is the taken-for-granted backdrop against which other religious actors define their narratives.

The renewed relevance of “autochthony” and similar notions of belonging in many parts of Africa is symptomatic of the confusing changes on the continent since the “post-Cold War moment.” Africa is certainly not exceptional in this respect. The “new world order,” so triumphantly announced by President George H. W. Bush in 1990 after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the apparent victory of capitalism turned out to be marked by intensifying global flows, as expected, but also by an increasing obsession with belonging all over the globe, which was less expected. Yet, it may be important to emphasize as well that this upsurge of struggles over local belonging took on special aspects in Africa. The notion of autochthony has its own history on the continent, going back to the impact of colonialism, but building on older distinctions. However, it always sat uneasily with what many historians and anthropologists see as characteristic for African social formations: a heavy emphasis on mobility and inclusion of people: wealth in people. Since the last decades of the 20th century, there seems to be an increasing closure of local communities in many parts of the continent: a growing emphasis on exclusion rather than inclusion of newcomers, immigrants, or “strangers.” After a brief sketch of the history of autochthony on the continent, also in relation to parallel notions like ethnicity and indigeneity, the focus is placed on the factors behind such a tendency toward closure: increasing land scarcity, and especially the changing global context since 1990. In many parts of the continent, the neo-liberal twin of democratization and decentralization had the effect that the feeling of belonging to the village became of crucial importance again, as well for people who had already lived for generations in the cities. The implications of such a growing preoccupation with autochthony and local belonging for national citizenship and notions on civil society are highly variable and depend on historical context. However, one recurrent trait is the paradox between a promise of basic security (how can one belong more than if one is rooted in the soil?) and a practice of deep uncertainty. The receding quality of these claims to belong—autochthony as a basic denial of history, which always implies movement—allows that they always can be contested: One’s autochthony can always be unmasked as “fake,” with someone else belonging more. Autochthony can be institutionalized in various forms and to various degrees, but its basic uncertainty gives it a violent potential.

In the past few decades, the post-Classical reuse of fragments of sculpture and architecture, commonly known as spolia, has become a subject of much scholarly interest. As a result, many of the interpretations first voiced in the Renaissance have been critically assessed. But others have not, such as the idea that the reuse of temple architecture was a statement of Christian victory over paganism. Building on the recent reassessment of evidence for temple conversion in Late Antiquity, this chapter suggests that reuse evoked different reactions from various audiences and at different moments in time. Consequently, it is likely that in many cases the religious interpretation of spolia was not a factor in the initial moment of reuse, but had its origin one or more generations later.

This chapter focuses on the aftermath of the Kut disaster and portrays how the British Indian force in Mesopotamia was transformed. The focus remains on command, organization, and technology of the Indian Army in the battlefield and the supporting logistical backup. The interaction between technology, tactics, training, and logistics is emphasized. Under Stanley Maude’s dynamic leadership and supported by large amount of resources from both Britain and India, the Mesopotamian Expeditionary Force emerged victorious over the Ottomans by early 1918. The first section shows the limited and cautious advance of the British Indian force. The second section portrays how the transformed British imperial force conducted deep penetration campaigns against the Ottomans. The last section describes the endgame in Mesopotamia.

This chapter analyses how German Catholics responded to the outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939, and continues its analysis until the fall of France in summer 1940. It explores how clergymen understood the conflict theologically, and the forms of patriotism embraced by laypeople and clergymen alike to justify involvement in the war. A particular focus of this chapter is on German Catholics’ responses to the Nazi regime’s treatment of Polish co-religionists—both in Poland itself, but also the Rhineland and Westphalia, where many Polish POWs and forced labourers were based as of autumn 1939. This chapter concludes by examining German Catholics’ responses to the defeat of France, and their attitudes at this height of the Nazi regime’s successes. Throughout its analysis, the chapter unpacks the diversity of Catholic perspectives, through the diaries and letters of laypeople as well as the pastoral letters and sermons of the clergy.

The history of Israel is framed by wars. However, the nature of Israel’s wars has changed over time, from mainly infantry-based warfare to modern armor warfare, and from conventional warfare to regular armies clashing with nonstate combatants, known in the professional literature as low intensity conflict (LIC). Conventional warfare took place within a clear and well-defined territory, with relative separation between civilians and soldiers. Low intensity conflict has blurred the battlefield boundaries, and armed operations take place in civilian areas. With these changes, the meaning of victory has changed as well. The decisive military victory that marked the military campaigns of 1948, 1956, 1967, and 1973 is no longer relevant in the LIC battlefield. Conquest of territory and destruction of the enemy’s military forces, the hallmark of victory during the days of the conventional wars, are much less important in a mode of fighting in which the image of being able to continue to inflict damage is much more important.

Much contemporary conflict bears little resemblance to traditional understandings of war. This is particularly the case for action intended to protect civilians in the midst of war and mass atrocities, as conceived of in the norm of the responsibility to protect. Humanitarian intervention is frequently invoked as an instance of just war. Yet, particularly within contemporary legal and political frameworks, this is a mischaracterization. It is not war in the traditional sense, although there may be war-like elements. It is more akin to police action, where certain international actors are upholding international law and norms. Some elements of peacekeeping also fall under this heading. This has significant implications for how—and whether—we can conceive of victory in such situations. Further, there are significant questions about what follow-through is required after a humanitarian intervention—and who has a responsibility to rebuild torn societies.

This contribution adds to the legal-philosophical approach to the subject of victory by focusing on defeat as a moral victory in collective memory, mentality, and culture. Such a defeat can take the form of the violent death of an individual or a group in battle. At times the dead are commemorated as fallen heroes, just as if they had won their battle, but in addition they will be seen as martyrs to a cause that is construed as giving meaning to their sacrifice. Their death is celebrated as a moral victory if the cause outlasted this event and ultimately triumphed, or is still pursued. Instances can be found where such events, long past, have even recently still fuelled wars, as with the Irish Troubles or the Balkan Wars at the beginning and end of the twentieth century.

Copyright exceptions and limitations in the United States have experienced dynamic evolution in light of new technological developments. There has been significant legal debate in the courts and in the United States Congress about the scope of the defense of fair use. The copyright litigation over Google Books has been a landmark development in the modern history of copyright law. The victory by Google, Inc., over the Authors Guild in the decade-long copyright dispute is an important milestone for copyright law. The ruling of Leval J emphasizes that the defense of fair use in the United States plays a critical role in promoting transformative creativity, freedom of speech, and innovation. The Supreme Court of the United States was decisive in its rejection of the Authors Guild’s efforts to challenge the decision of Leval J. There has been significant debate in the United States Copyright Office and United States Congress over the development of “the Next Great Copyright Act.” Hearings have taken place within the United States Congressional system about the history, nature, and future of the defense of fair use under United States copyright law. There remains much debate about the internationalization of the defense of fair use, and the need for the trading partners of the United States to enjoy similar flexibilities with respect to copyright exceptions. There has been concern about the impact of mega-regional trade agreements—such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership—upon copyright exceptions, such as the defense of fair use.

In the meantime great preparations were going on down in Suffolk for the marriage of that happiest of lovers, John Crumb. John Crumb had been up to London, had been formally reconciled to Ruby,—who had submitted to his floury embraces, not with the best...

Not every economic or political attribute is restricted to economic implications alone. And not every aspect of inequality is something everyone needs to know. Therefore we now abandon the question-and-answer format that we have used so far. In this epilogue we take up a...

This paper aims to detect some exceptions to the commonly accepted idea that elegy was an exclusively monodic genre. Pausanias (4.16.6) refers that a chorus of Messenian women celebrated Aristomenes’ victory against the Spartans with an elegiac couplet and this is not an isolated case. In the Laconian area the festival of the Gymnopaidia may have played an important role in the widespread of choral elegies, thanks to some well known aulodes and elegiac poets of the archaic age, such as Sacadas and Polymnestus. Choruses may also have been involved in the re-performance of sympotic elegies. Theognis (238-243) imagines that his song will be sung in the symposia by young men at the sound of the pipes, whereas Plato (Tim. 21b) attests that Solons’ elegies were sung by boys at the Athenian festival of the Apatouria.

The 70th anniversary of the signing and entry into force of the UN Charter provided an occasion to explore the historical underpinnings of contemporary global governance. This article redresses the neglect of the United Nations as a multilateral structure before the conference that drafted the Charter in 1945. It rehabilitates an underappreciated aspect of the period that began on January 1, 1942, with the “Declaration by United Nations,” namely, the combination of multilateral strategies for military and human security to achieve victory in war and peace. The wide substantive and geographic resonance suggests the extent to which the pressures of the second war to end all wars helped states to overcome their disinclination to collaborate. Today’s fashionable calls for “good enough” global governance abandon the strategy of constructing robust intergovernmental organizations; they are not good enough, especially, because our forebears did much better. Many insights and operational approaches from 1942 to 1945 remain valid for addressing twenty-first-century global challenges.

Preface Acknowledgements List of Tables List of Abbreviations INTRODUCTION: NORMALIZATION OF THE 'POST-CONGRESS POLITY' Suhas Palshikar, K.C. Suri and Yogendra Yadav 1. Between fortuna and virtu: Explaining Congress' ambiguous victory in 2009 Yogendra Yadav and Suhas Palshikar 2. Modi's Political Craft and Limping Congress Ghanshyam Shah and Mahashweta Jani 2. Rajasthan: Stable Two-party competition Sanjay Lodha 4. Punjab: Towards Consolidation of a Bipolar Polity Ashutosh Kumar and Jagroop Singh Sekhon 5. Congress win reverses the trend of Lok Sabha Elections in Haryana Kushal Pal and Praveen Rai 6. Himachal Pradesh: Continued Bi-party competition Shreyas Sardesai 7. 2009 Parliamentary Elections in Jammu and Kashmir Rekha Chowdhary 8. Delhi Elections: Mandate for Policy Consonance Biswajit Mohanty 9. Uttarakhand: Resurgence of the Congress Annpurna Nautiyal 10. Uttar Pradesh: The ebb and flow of party support Mirza Asmer Beg, Sudhir Kumar and A.K. Verma 11. Bihar: Development finally delivered Sanjay Kumar and Rakesh Ranjan 12. Permanent Incumbency Shattered: Development dilemma and electoral choice in West Bengal Jyotiprasad Chatterjee and Suprio Basu 13. Sikkim: A case of dominance of the ruling party Banasmita Bora 14. Arunachal Pradesh: Ruling Party Syndrome Nani Bath 15. Nagaland: Electoral Politics amidst Insurgency Amongla N. Jamir 16. Meghalaya's Fluid Party Alignments R.K. Satapathy 17. Triumph for Congress in Assam Sandhya Goswami 18. Jharkhand: Defies the National Trend Harishwar Dayal and B. K. Sinha 19. Madhya Pradesh: Unexpected Gains for Congress Yatindra Singh Sisodia 20. Chief Minister Wins Chhattisgarh for BJP Anupama Saxena and Pravin Rai 21. Survival in the Midst of Decline: A Decade (1999-2009) of Congress Rule in Maharashtra Suhas Palshikar, Rajeshwari Deshpande and Nitin Birmal 22. Goa: Decline of the North-South Divide? Maria Do Ceu Rodrigues 23. Karnataka -2008-09: BJP penetrates the South Sandeep Shastri and Veena Devi 24. Andhra Pradesh: Political shifts and electoral volatility K.C. Suri, P. Narasimha Rao and V. Anji Reddy 25. Kerala's Electoral Pendulum Swings Back and Forth K.M. Sajad Ibrahim Appendix I Appendix 2 CINDEX About the Editors and Contributors

Leeds Metropolitan University In recent years, many instances of positive collective emotional manifestations of widely shared forms of pride, joy, and happiness have been reported in international media. Reactions to Obama’s election victory in 2008 included pride, excitement, and euphoria amongst supporters within the USA and worldwide. In 2010, the successful rescue of trapped miners in Chile produced contrasting emotions of national pride within the coun-try and transnational collective joy in the global audience following the drama. In Japan, the women’s soccer team triumph in the 2011 FIFA World Cup produced widespread hap-piness only a few months aft er the nuclear disaster and devastating tsunami. In the Ivory Coast in April 2011, supporters of rebel Alassane Ouattara celebrated in the streets aft er the UN confi rmed the capture and surrender of former President Gbagbo. Finally, 80% of the 1002 Britons (aged 16 years and over) surveyed about the 2012 Olympics felt that the “games has made people more proud to be British”—although 53% also agreed with the statement: “the eff ect will be short-lived” (BBC, 2012). Th ese instances of intense collective positive emotion represent only a brief list of events that require greater investigation, understanding, and explanation by an interdisciplinary combination of work from philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, political science, and social psychology. Although multiple perspectives can be taken toward the emotions that occur in groups, it is important to identify some common features. Even when groups (or subgroups) are ephemeral, collective emotion is felt by most members of the group. Th is demonstrates not only the means by which a group is identifi ed by other groups and how group members conceive themselves, but also displays common group inter-ests, values, and aims. It is useful to be aware of: (1) the wide variety of groups in which collective emotions can occur; (2) the degree of commitment, attachment, or identifi ca-tion involved; and (3) the types of collectives that aff ord collective emotions. Salmela (forthcoming) reminds us that collective emotions can occur on the basis of voluntary commitment to “teams, fan clubs, social clubs, bands and orchestras, theater ensembles, political parties, religious sects, as well as other identity groups that focus on gender, sexuality, health, environment, spirituality, or ethnicity.” Furthermore, events affi rming