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In this white paper the Chinese government assesses the security environment; defines, and elaborates on, its national defense policy including its commitment to the policy of no first use of nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances; and describes the defense situation and activities in 2006. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background The COVID-19 pandemic demanded quick exchanges between experts and institutions supporting governments to provide evidence-based information in response to the crisis. Initially, there was no regular cross-country forum in the field of population health. This paper describes the set-up and benefits of implementing such a forum. Methods A group of public health practitioners from academia, national public health institutes and ministries of health decided in April 2020 to meet bi-monthly to discuss a vast array of population health topics in a structured format called a Rapid Exchange Forum (REF). An ad-hoc mailing group was established to collect responses to questions brought forward in the forum from at least five countries within 24 h. This endeavour, which evolved as network of networks was awarded an EU grant in autumn 2020 and was called PHIRI (Population Health Information Research Infrastructure). Results Responses from up to 31 countries were compiled and shared immediately via the European Health Information Portal. This exchange was complemented by special REFs that focused on the advantages and disadvantages of vaccination, for example. By July 2023, 54 REFs had taken place with topics going beyond COVID-19. Conclusion The REF demonstrated its value for quick yet evidence-based cross-country exchange in times of crisis and was highly appreciated by countries and European Commission. It demonstrated its sustainability even after the acute crisis by expanding the topics covered and managing to continue exchange with the aim of capacity building and mutual learning, making it a true EU response and coordination mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This issue of the Oxford Review of Economic Policy explores the origins of the US-led liberal multilateral economic order in the post-war world and the threats which that order now faces, drawing on contributions from two different groups of people—academic international relations (IR) scholars and international economists. This introductory essay attempts to weave the various strands of this intellectual collaboration together. First, it provides a narrative history of how economic collaboration emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War. Second, it describes the nature of the global economic governance that emerged and provides a new formal framework for analysing it, making use of the idea of 'concerted unilateralism'. Third, it explores how contemporary challenges—a broadening of policy requirements, the rise of economic nationalism, and the rise of China as a new hegemon—mean that the global economic order is now in flux. And finally, it concludes with a general observation that runs through the paper: that IR scholars are inclined to analyse international economic regimes, economists to study particular policy proposals, and that these two perspectives can—and should—complement one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various papers published within the issue including "Career Preference 'Transients' and 'Converts': A Study of Social Workers' Retention in Child Protection and Welfare," "Introducing 'Deviant' Social Work: Contextualising the Limits of Radical Social Work Whilst Understanding (Fragmented) Resistance Within the Social Work Labour Process," and "Religion in the Lives of Unaccompanied Minors: An Available and Compelling Coping Resource."

The article reports on the significance of the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland. The Act of Union between the two countries which come into force on January 1, 1800 was the outcome of immediate military necessity. It was also the outcome of decades of spasmodic thought by politicians on both sides of the Irish Sea concerning the relationship between the two islands. But while the overall intention was undoubtedly an integrative one, a failure to understand the nature of Irish politics and society together with the pressing imperatives of war with France generated a casual and shallow attitude towards administrative detail and undermined those master plans.

Start with manganese (Mn). There is plenty of bioavailable manganese in the U.S. west, but in part because Malone mostly lost his bid to support extensive domestic manganese mining, it is less associated with the region's mines than it is with smelting and milling sites like those of the Sharon Steel Company's Salt Lake City, Utah facility - a Superfund site contaminated with, among other things, high levels of manganese almost certainly mined abroad.[89] The geography of manganese helps to underscore Walker's, LeCain's, and Murphy's contentions about the historical nature of toxic exposures, and it is worth thinking more broadly about the overlaps between historical thinking and epidemiology alongside the story of George Malone and the President's Materials Policy Commission in the early Cold War. Increasingly pugnacious over his short Senatorial career (a champion boxer, Malone would nearly come to blows with a British diplomat at an official state dinner in 1956), Malone also harbored a special, almost visceral loathing of U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson.[70] What makes Malone particularly interesting, however, is the extent to which he rooted his opposition to internationalist foreign policy in a providential, isolationist resource ideology. Manganese is not only good for making steel; manganese and strategic minerals like it are also good for making sense out of the past, and about the material and ideological relationships between the past and the present.[2] This paper uses these two conflicting viewpoints on strategic minerals like manganese - Paley's and Malone's - to investigate the relationships among resource management, political ideology, foreign policy, and conceptions of nature during the early Cold War. [Extracted from the article]

In the closing decade of the 20th century the myriad challenges posed by infectious disease in a globalized environment began to be re-conceptualized as threats to national and human security. The most widely applied model for identifying and responding to such threats is securitization theory, as proposed by the Copenhagen School. Although its analytical framework is generally accepted, its utility remains contested; especially in non-European and non-state settings. The papers in this special edition have several aims: (1) to analyse ways by which Asian states and international organizations have identified health challenges as security threats, (2) to draw upon the securitization model as a way of understanding the full extent to which these states and international organizations have responded to the health threat, and (3) to identify areas where the theory might be strengthened so as to provide greater analytical clarity in areas of health security. This paper acts as a broad introduction to a set of papers on ‘Unhealthy governance’ and explores some of the key findings from the subsequent papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written on the occasion of marking the 30th anniversary of the reform and opening-up process starting in 1978 which ushered in a new historical phase of both China's own development and China's interrelation with the world, the paper asserts that international law has played a unique role in this process through facilitating an increasingly broader and deeper mutual engagement and interaction between China and the world. The paper reviews both the benefits China has gained from its engaging with and using international law and the contribution made by China to international law in a wide range of areas covering international commerce and trade, environment protection, climate change, combating transnational crimes, human rights, disarmament, etc. In view of the ongoing significant changes both China and the world order are experiencing, the paper foresees a more important and conducive role for international law in China's future development and presents recommendations for China's better interaction with international law. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "Law, Power and International Politics With Special Reference to East Asia: Carl Schmitt's Grossraum" by Michael Slater in a 2012 issue.

Comments on the foreign policy of George W. Bush in the U.S. Similarity of the Basic National Security Strategy paper issued by the Bush administration from those of its predecessors; Prevention of an action deemed harmful to U.S. policy; Imbalance between ideology and interest in the Bush White House.

This paper highlights several pivotal negotiating procedural steps that ultimately helped to promote the emergence of the final shape of the UNCLOS dispute settlement system. These steps include, for want of better phrasing, the following: (1) the package deal decision; (2) the consensus approach; (3) building consensus by privileging the best second choice; (4) building consensus by privileging the existing negotiating text through the rule of silence; and (5) failing consensus in the Negotiating Group, the Chairman presenting his own proposals as suggestions to the plenary. Needless to say, these steps are worthy of consideration by future treaty-makers and leaders in treaty-making when they are faced with complicated negotiating tasks, even if not as difficult as those during the monumental UNCLOS III. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the Libya/Malta case, the ICJ held that where the area to be delimited between two opposite States measures less than 400 nautical miles, distance, not natural prolongation determines title to the continental shelf. This was the Court's interpretation of the definition of the continental shelf in Article 76(1) of the Law of the Sea Convention and of the relationship between the continental shelf and the exclusive economic zone. In the East China Sea which measures less than 400 nautical miles, China relies on natural prolongation while Japan relies on the distance principle. This paper analyses the Libya/Malta decision to ascertain its correctness or otherwise, and its usefulness for resolving the East China Sea dispute. The central argument in this paper is that the decision is inapplicable to the East China Sea dispute because it is incompatible with Articles 76(1), 77(3) and 56(3) of the Law of the Sea Convention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many coastal nations have embraced marine spatial planning (MSP) as a solution to maintaining ecological integrity of marine environments, while ensuring continued provisioning of economic, social, and cultural benefits. However, evidence supporting the idea that plans achieve—or are likely to achieve—these goals is limited. One gap in our understanding stems from questions surrounding the metrics against which MSP success is measured. Evaluation can be based on explicitly stated objectives, or might include metrics corresponding to broad social–ecological goals. This paper compares aspirational MSP goals gleaned from a literature review to the objectives extracted from 50+ finalized and implemented plans to better understand: (1) how well these two groupings align, and (2) in what ways any misalignment may shape MSP evaluation. Findings show that plans prioritize the environment, economy, and governance, while often excluding objectives related to cultural heritage, human well-being, Indigenous rights, human safety, and climate change. Social and cultural objectives have become more prevalent over time, yet overall stated objectives remain distinct from theorized MSP goals. As international efforts aim to expand MSP, narrowing the gap between how it is perceived and how its outcomes are evaluated is critical to better understanding what it is likely to achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European state-building experience has led many scholars to argue that war forces states to increase their fiscal-administrative capacity, or what we might refer to as political development, in order to compete in the international system. War also requires states to generate wealth to support such competition, which should lead to progressively increased levels of economic development. Yet, in contemporary empirical studies, war is often studied as a dependent variable, with economic and political development modeled as affecting its origination. This reading of theory and empirical work suggests that war, economic development, and political development constitute an endogenous system. In this paper, we develop expectations about how these three processes interact and test them using a three-stage least squares regression model. The results show significant simultaneous relationships between the three processes. We conclude that war, economic development, and political development are mutually constitutive processes in the contemporary international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the collaboration between church and state in U.S. foreign affairs in the early 20th century. He shows that a covert collaboration of church and state existed well between U.S. and Liberia from 1925 to 1947, despite its contradiction with both countries' constitutions. He argues that the individuals and organizations involved in this collaboration, which he calls the "Liberia Education Project," kept this project secret because of its constitutional barriers.

Discusses reasons why makers of American foreign policy during the 1930s were open to the suggestion that nongovernmental organizations (NGO) be given formal status with the United Nations (UN). Interwar activity of international NGO; Actions and rhetoric of American sections of transnational NGO created in response to horrors of World War I; Each group's promotion of world peace.

The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

Here are three studies in opinion climatology which were presented at an American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR) symposium during 1960 conference in Atlantic City. These papers are devoted to expositions of a technique for relating social structural variables to opinion, a technique which has attracted increased attention during the past few years. Opinion is surely not formed in a social vacuum, it cannot be understood without an understanding of its relations to its environment. Attempts to account for either the distribution of opinion on an issue or differences in the distribution observed among various subgroups of a sample of people have been a standard feature of public opinion research for several decades. On the simplest level, cross-tabulations by age, sex, socio-economic status, or place of residence constitute attempts of this kind. In short, quite apart from their substantive contributions, these three papers serve to illustrate some of the methodological procedures which are today on the frontier of opinion and attitude research.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "Law, Power and International Politics With Special Reference to East Asia: Carl Schmitt's Grossraum" by Michael Slater in a 2012 issue.

The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT) rules on the resolution of treaty conflicts are known as being despondently unhelpful. One identified lacuna is that these rules disregard many differences present in different kinds of treaties. This paper characterizes treaties on the basis of their differences and investigates whether this yields legal rules to resolve treaty conflicts. This paper presents three broad characterizations founded on: (A) the subject matter; (B) the number of State Parties; and (C) the intended objects and purposes of treaties. Respecting the intended objects and purposes, this paper presents three sub-characterizations, namely: (i) universal character treaties; (ii) constitutional character treaties; and (iii) treaties with conflict resolution clauses. The results are variegated, but the discussions expose the mythic role of treaty characterization in the resolution of treaty conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On 2 May 2011, a team of US Special Forces executed an operation against Osama Bin Laden in Pakistan. The extraterritorial use of force against a non-State actor in the territory of another State with the aim of using lethal force against an individual is recognized as the phenomenon of targeted killings. Such operations exist on two levels: the extraterritorial use of force in the territory of another State and the use of lethal force against an individual. However, such operations also appear to blur and challenge boundaries within the international legal framework. This paper aims to clarify the existing rules within international law which govern targeted killings. The operation against Bin Laden will be used as a study to facilitate understanding of the legal considerations which arise in assessing the prohibition and permissibility of Targeted Killings under the existing framework of international law. This paper will examine the official US position under international law on targeted killings and the operation against Bin Laden to identify the legal justifications put forward. The paper will then continue to examine these legal justifications under existing frameworks in international law from three legal regimes which come into play: (i) jus ad bellum; (ii) jus in bello; (iii) International Human Rights Law. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the nature, background, and evolution of the 'Camp David consensus.' Under this consensus, Egyptian intellectuals and political movements broadly accept that the Egyptian regime must deal constructively and 'correctly' with Israel as a state, but insist that society has the right and responsibility to resist Zionism. The consensus rests on particular ways of understanding Israel, and the nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict, that can be traced back to the formative years of the Egyptian republic under Nasser. This has served the interests of both regimes and opposition movements and in this sense represents a 'double instrumentalization' of foreign policy. The paper, which examines a range of regime and intellectual pronouncements during the Nasser and Sadat periods, as well as more recently, challenges the growing use within International Relations, particularly in the Middle East context, of the concept of 'identity' to explain state behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper takes stock of the debate about the so-called warning-response-gap regarding armed conflict within states. It argues that while the existing literature has focused strongly on 'better prediction,' it has neglected the analysis of the conditions under which warnings are being noticed, accepted, prioritized and responded to by policy-makers. This has led to a simplistic understanding of how communicative, cognitive and political processes involving a range of actors can influence both the perception as well as the response to warnings. The paper also criticizes that many normative judgments about the desirability of preventive action are suffering from hindsight bias and insufficient attention to balancing problems related to risk substitution, opportunity costs and moral hazard. In response to these deficits, the paper puts forward a modified model of warning as a persuasive process. It can help us to ascertain under what circumstances warning succeed in overcoming cognitive and political barriers to preventive action and to help establishing benchmarks for assessing success and failure from a normative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to advance our understanding of the development of English School thinking on international ethics by outlining three phases of ethical inquiry within the British Committee. The article argues that, throughout the life of the Committee, its outlook was conditioned by a pervading moral skepticism, which was reflected in the School’s commitment to a “middle-ground ethics”; however, at various times the Committee members’ views changed about how maximalist the “good” could be that oriented this ethical position. Awareness of this ebb and flow helps us better understand Hedley Bull’s characterization of the ethics of pluralism and solidarism within the School as well as the precise challenge contemporary English School theorists face if they are to move beyond the normative cul-de-sac that British Committee members encountered in each phase of their ethical discussions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How and why does distant political and economic history shape the functioning of current institutions? This paper argues that individual values and convictions about the scope of application of norms of good conduct provide the "missing link." Evidence from a variety of sources points to two main findings. First, individual values consistent with generalized (as opposed to limited) morality are widespread in societies that were ruled by non-despotic political institutions in the distant past. Second. well-functioning institutions are often observed in countries or regions where individual values are consistent with generalized morality, and under different identifying assumptions this suggests a causal effect from values to institutional outcomes. The paper ends with a discussion of the implications for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antidumping A recent phenomenon is the rapid spread of antidumping laws amongst developing countries (i.e. China, India, Mexico). Between 1980 and 2003 the number of countries in the world with an antidumping law in place more than doubled, going from 36 to 97 countries. This paper examines a number of potential explanations for this proliferation of antidumping laws. We look for determinants explaining the timing of trade law adoption using a duration analysis. Results suggest that retaliatory motives are at the heart of the proliferation. This raises serious policy issues since antidumping laws should be about combating unfair trade, not about retaliation which runs contrary to the spirit of the WTO. Results also suggest that past trade liberalization raises the probability of a country to adopt an antidumping law. The proliferation of antidumping laws has important policy implications. In the interest of all users, antidumping rules should be renegotiated at the level of the WTO to make their use less ‘easy’, in order to avoid an escalation of protection worldwide. — Hylke Vandenbussche and Maurizio Zanardi [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent increase in interest in scientific realist foundations for international relations theory, spearheaded by Wendt in various works, most fully articulated in his Social Theory of International Politics, and supported by a number of other authors, has brought to the fore a set of related issues in the philosophy of the social sciences. The advocacy of scientific realism in the international relations literature has largely taken the form of attacks on various nonscientific realist foundational theories. Consequently, the success of the arguments for scientific realism depends in large measure on the accuracy of the characterizations of the competing views. This paper argues that Wendt and others have misrepresented the challengers and have thus overstated the superiority of scientific realism. The paper further considers the aims and purposes of providing meta-theoretical foundations for IR theories, and argues that when the alternative accounts are properly described, the purposes are better satisfied by the latter and, in particular, by a version of Duhemian conventionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the failure of negotiations between the United States and Vietnam after the collapse of South Vietnam in 1975. Normalization of relations; Issue of reconstruction assistance from the US and the return of missing bodies from Vietnam; Political pressure on the Ford administration to deny Vietnam the right to enter the international arena.

Background National action plans (NAPs) are key instruments for governing antimicrobial resistance (AMR). In Europe, we can now observe many countries updating their NAPs which raise two key research questions; what substantial modifications are states opting for, and how do they wish to address challenges related to AMR governance in a comparative perspective? Methods Building on a previous analytical classification, we address these two questions by examining data of updated versions of NAPs in 13 European Union member states covering seventeen elements related to AMR governance. Results Our results substantiate the large variation with regard to both substantive issues and governance-related matters. Most tellingly, they highlight the growing importance of the One Health approach in updated versions of NAPs. Our analysis also shows that while substantive issues remain important, One Health and the coordination and collaboration issues it entails are becoming more salient in the second or third generation of NAPs. Conclusions Updated NAPs suggest that EU member states are becoming increasingly knowledgeable on the causes and consequences of AMR and how it needs to be addressed. The enhanced level of knowledge also leads these countries to address the next set of issues and challenges; to improve domestic and international coordination and collaboration. Thus, the revised NAPs present a noticeable development from substantive issues towards governance issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the impact of press on British diplomacy. Never does diplomats scoff too long at the latent mischievousness of the press, nor can they always be free from the atmosphere created by newspaper polemics; but their professionalism is something of a shield. British diplomatic mind when dealing with European politics, has no love for the press and very little respect. A distinction is made between the press and public opinion, and without denying the mischief of the former, does not identify it with the latter. The press may influence people, but it does not generally influence governments or officials. The press will usually follow the governments. Constant effort must be expended to ascertain which papers have an official "taint." So many apparent trivialities are reported that one feels diplomats watch the foreign press more than their domestic papers, which generally do not move them. But they must remember foreign diplomats may be angered by them. Cosmic forces, not the press, must be the main factor.`

The role of evidence and expertise in policy-making has been of interest to public health professionals and political scientists alike. The public health community often sees its efforts as part of a linear knowledge transfer process and tends to blame itself for inadequate communication or translation of its arguments to policy-makers' language when its efforts fail. Political science, especially theories of the policy process, offer alternative perspectives to explain the success or failure of experts' preferred policy goals. This paper focuses on the concept of epistemic communities (groups of experts with a common policy goal derived from their shared knowledge) in policy-making, drawing on examples from the field of health technology assessment in Europe. By combining the parsimony and the central focus on experts of the linear knowledge transfer model with the recognition of complexity of political science, the epistemic communities concept provides a useful structure for the public health community to analyze its efforts to influence policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the civil wars in Libya and Syria, the rebel opposition groups were recognized by some as “the (sole) legitimate representative of the people” of these States. This paper, using the situation in Syria as a case study, examines what it means to recognize a group as “the legitimate representative of a people”, while the State's government is still in place. It shows that with regard to recognition statements wording is all important, and that the Syrian Opposition Council has been recognized in at least six different capacities of varying legal significance. The paper sets out the difference between the “legal” and the “political” act of recognition and finds that recognition as “the legitimate representative of a people” is a purely political act. Although four normative criteria for the status of “legitimate representative of a people” can be identified, what is lacking are clear standards for their application. The paper outlines the consequences of political recognition and examines its legality in terms of international law and its suitability as a political tool. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper, we discuss the trajectory of modern Islamic legal discourse on jus ad bellum questions, challenging the ideas that the choice is between either a defensive or an aggressive jihad doctrine, and that declaring and waging war is regarded in Islamic law as properly a matter to be monopolized by legitimate state authorities. The dominant modern doctrine of just war in Islamic legal thought is not quite as simple as a bare doctrine of mutual non-aggression. While it is understandable that many Muslims have been eager to conclude that the proper understanding of jihad in Islam is that it authorizes only defensive or humanitarian war, virtually indistinguishable from modern international norms, the reality of modern Islamic just war thinking is somewhat more interesting than this. In this paper, we introduce a third modern Islamic concept of just war that would permit war against a country that does not allow for peaceful proselytization of Islam within its borders, and discuss some of the ambiguities of this doctrine. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents the discussion on US-European global COVID-19 response exist due to alarming vaccine hesitancy in Europe and US contexts. Topics include emphasizing the urgent need for leveraging strategic multilateral diplomacy among US-European and ASEAN states combating pandemic; and emphasizing the important need for constructive education and awareness on public health information accepting COVID-19 vaccines in Africa.

Do democracies and autocracies intervene militarily in different types of civil conflict? In contrast to the existing literature that makes no distinction between military interventions undertaken by democracies and those by autocracies, I argue that democracies and autocracies are likely to intervene in different types of civil conflict. Specifically, I find that an increase in the rebel capabilities and the existence of an ethnic tie between the rebel group and the third-party state will increase the probability of a military intervention favoring the rebel group only when a third-party state is democratic. The evidence also shows that an autocracy is more likely to intervene when there are lootable natural resources such as secondary diamonds in a civil conflict, but there is no effect of lootable resources on a democracy's intervention decision. The analytical framework in this paper can apply to other types of military behaviors and would provide a more accurate picture of the effect of regime type on foreign policy choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising demand for water in water-scarce areas has led to frequent predictions of looming 'water wars,' although evidence suggests that water is also an important source of cooperation. This paper follows up on recent research suggesting that river disagreements are more likely to lead to both militarized conflict and peaceful negotiations when water demands and water scarcity are greatest, but that river treaties have generally prevented militarization while increasing negotiations. Here, we examine the effectiveness of these negotiations, in order to determine whether factors that promote negotiation onset have different effects on negotiation outcomes. Empirical analysis suggests that negotiations are most likely to succeed when they concern rivers with high value for the negotiating states (with many uses offering the possibility of negotiating tradeoffs), when they concern a current rather than future problem, and when the adversaries share closer overall relations, but less likely when water scarcity is more acute and when they involve a cross-border river with a stronger upstream state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most existing theoretical and experimental literatures focus on how a high probability of repeated play can lead to more socially efficient outcomes (for instance, using the result that cooperation is possible in a repeated prisoner's dilemma), this paper focuses on the detrimental effects of repeated play-the ''dark side of the future.'' I study a resource division model with repeated interaction and changes in bargaining strength. The model predicts a negative relationship between the likelihood of repeated interaction and social efficiency. This is because the longer shadow of the future exacerbates commitment problems created by changes in bargaining strength. I test and find support for the model using incentivized laboratory experiments. Increases in the likelihood of repeated play lead to more socially inefficient outcomes in the laboratory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of recent discussions of cognitive and ethical dilemmas related to International Relations (IR) scholarship, this paper proposes to engage the 'problem of values' in IR as a composite question whose cognitive treatment requires the objectivation of the more profoundly institutional and social processes that subtend its emergence and evolution within the discipline. This analysis is hereby offered as an exercise in reflexive scholarship. Insofar as the question of values constitutes a defining cognitive and moral concern for reflexive knowledge itself, the paper also points to the need for its reformulation within an epistemic framework that is capable of moving beyond reflexivity to Reflexivism proper, understood as a systematic socio-cognitive practice of reflexivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the structure and domestic political relevance of foreign policy beliefs in contemporary Britain. Confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) of data gathered in five national surveys conducted between May and September 2008 show that the British public's foreign policy beliefs are organized by two latent factors, which we label Liberal Internationalism and British Militarism. These factors closely resemble those reported in studies of the foreign policy beliefs of the American public. Analyses reveal significant covariation between the two foreign policy belief factors and voting intentions, as well as with partisanship and feelings about party leaders-key predictor variables in voting behavior models. These relationships remain significant in the presence of several controls, including measures of incumbent government performance in domestic and foreign policy domains. Demonstrating that foreign policy beliefs matter for the fates of political parties and their leaders helps to explain how public opinion in democratic politics affects the conduct of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While almost a decade old, Ted Hopf’s observation that the democratic peace is an observation in search of a theory still holds validity. In particular, the mechanisms behind the democratic peace are poorly understood, making it difficult for scholars to provide a compelling explanation. Underappreciated in the existing work is the role of identity and the importance this has for driving the democratic peace. With a focus on developing a dyadic democratic peace mechanism and using a case study approach, this paper utilizes the Copenhagen School’s securitization framework to examine how identity plays out in the US response to the Indian and Iranian nuclear programs. It finds that in fact identity does play an important role in how security policy is constructed. In policy terms, if the democratic peace does rely on identity to trigger the constraining norms that limit the escalation of conflict to violence, it is unlikely the democratic peace can be spread by force and it is possible that states nominally democratic can be excluded from the community of democracies if their behavior or significant other aspects of their perceived identity are at variance with the accepted democratic identity standard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes as its starting point the possibility of empirical and theoretical cross-fertilization between strategic culturalists and realists. Indeed, recent neoclassical realist writings indicate that there is currently a move away from the more abstract theorizing of Waltzian neorealism. In order to conduct detailed foreign policy analysis, these authors have included an increasing array of variables including nonmaterial factors. The paper argues that much can be gained from examination of the alternative explanations of state behavior provided by strategic culture and neoclassical realism. Yet the benefits of competitive collaboration depend upon the particular conception of strategic culture under consideration. The paper identifies four main conceptions of strategic culture and examines the type of collaboration with neoclassical realism that is possible for each one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between trade openness and the size of governments, both theoretically and empirically. We argue that openness can increase the size of governments through two channels: (1) a terms-of-trade externality, whereby trade lowers the domestic cost of taxation, and (2) the demand for insurance, whereby trade raises risk and public transfers. We provide a unified framework for studying and testing these two mechanisms. Our main theoretical prediction is that the relative strength of the two explanations depends on a key parameter, namely, the elasticity of substitution between domestic and foreign goods. Moreover, while the first mechanism is inefficient from the standpoint of world welfare, the second, instead, is optimal. In the empirical part of the paper, we provide new evidence on the positive association between openness and government size and we explore its determinants. Consistent with the terms-of-trade externality channel, we show that the correlation is contingent on a low elasticity of substitution between domestic and foreign goods. Our findings raise warnings that globalization may have led to inefficiently large governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the principal competing visions of global politics that are currently advanced in the public discourse about globalization in opposition to the traditional state-centered perspective. The first part of the paper develops an analysis of ideal models as cultural resources that grounds the different reading of human bonds. The second part applies the notion of ideal models to the new scenario of globalization, and identifies four alternative interpretations of the notion of global politics: namely Neo-liberalism, Cosmopolitanism, Alter-globalism, and Dialogue among Civilizations. The principal characteristics of these four notions are presented in order to map the current debate on the future of global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews economic principles for optimality of the taxation of international profit, from both a global and national perspective. It argues that for traditional systems based on the residence of the investor or the source of the income, nothing less than full harmonization across countries can achieve global optimality. The conditions for national optimality are more difficult to identify, but are most likely to imply source-based taxation. However, source-based taxation requires an allocation of the profits of multinational companies to individual jurisdictions; this is not only very difficult in practice, but in some cases is without any conceptual foundation. The taxation of interest income on a residence basis is also hard to justify if the aim of the tax system is to tax only the income arising from economic activity in a given country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on democratization and authoritarian survival has rightfully studied the role external forces play in such processes. These external actors and structural constraints are said to be especially substantial when dealing with small and poor authoritarian states. Although this literature acknowledges that small states are not entirely powerless when confronting hegemonic external forces, little effort has been made to refine and specify the role they play and the actions they undertake to engage international democratization pressures. This paper addresses this lacuna by using the framing approach and the concept of “extraversion” to analyze the process by which weak African authoritarian states draw on and change the representations that Western powers hold about them. These representations provide a specific lens through which Western governments and experts look at political dynamics in developing countries, and eventually shape policies toward these countries. This paper analyzes how two small authoritarian African regimes, Guinea and Mauritania, have enacted a series of performances such as the arrests of alleged “Islamists,”“warlords,” and other transnational “subversive threats,” thereby framing their domestic and foreign policies in ways that can resonate with hegemonic international discourses, seeking to obtain either more support from Western states or to lower their democratization pressure (or both). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the disputed consequences of global economic integration is the possible effect that foreign economic liberalization exerts on social cohesion. Proponents of commercial liberalism see stabilization as an indirect consequence of growing economic interdependence, while globalization critics are much more skeptical. They expect, at least during the liberalization process, destabilizing effects. We examine in this paper the contradictory claims in the light of what we call the distributional theory of civil war. This variant of commercial liberalism qualifies the peace-through-trade hypothesis and expects, based on political economy models of trade policy making, that the redistributive struggle associated with foreign economic liberalization can culminate in violent forms of protest. We demonstrate that a higher level of economic openness is indeed associated with a lower risk of civil war. At the same time, economic liberalization increases the chances of instability weakly. None of the following factors are found to exert any compensatory influence on instability: social spending, foreign aid, and financial flows from the International Monetary Fund. Discontent over the process of globalization is thus a destabilizing force despite the pacifying effect that the level of economic integration exerts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dilemma faced by the United Nations Organization at the beginning of the 21st century lies in its inability to reconcile the structural realities of power politics in a unipolar world with the requirements of the international rule of law. The paper analyses the normative contradictions in the UN Charter that result from the antagonism between power and law and reviews the prospects for a fundamental reform of the United Nations Organization that would guarantee its survival under the radically different circumstances of the post-Cold War environment. In that regard, the paper emphasizes the need for a new paradigm of international organization that will do away with the idea of special privileges accorded to the great powers of 1945, and emphasizes the need for a better regional balance in the decision-making processes at the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the complex relationship that exists between ideology, international relations theories, and the world of practice. It focuses on the role of theoretical concepts in forming foreign policy, asks whether theoreticians and theories act as agents in the political arena, and if so, what the consequences of this agency are. The paper attempts to show that theoretical concepts have a political role to play in the field of foreign affairs, and that to some degree they shape the reality that they try to study. As such, they blur the dichotomist distinction between subject and object, and should not be considered outside observers, which is a necessary precondition to objectivity. This agency and lack of objectivity, I claim, endow theoreticians with moral responsibility, and obligate the founding of research on morality. In order to demonstrate my claims I focus on U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America under the Kennedy administration, the influence of Walt W. Rostow regarding that policy, and what can be termed the rise and fall of modernization theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]