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This paper introduces a normative, expert-informed, time-dependent index of Social Inclusion for European administrative regions in five countries, using longitudinal data from Eurostat. Our contribution is twofold: first, our indicator is based on a non-additive aggregation operator (the Choquet Integral), which allows us to model many preferences' structures and to overcome the limitations embedded in other approaches. Second, we elicit the parameters of the aggregation operator from an expert panel of Italian policymakers in Social Policy, and Economics scholars. Our results highlight that Mediterranean countries exhibit lower Inclusion levels than Northern/Central countries, and that this disparity has grown in the last decade. Our results complement and partially challenge existing evidence from data-driven aggregation methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the tight coupling between European climate science and policy. Drawing upon the analytical idiom of co-production it examines how knowledge-making practices are incorporated into European climate policy-making, and more importantly, how EU climate policy has influenced the funding, making and interpretation of useful European climate policy research. The paper identifies a tension between the critical/reflexive ambition built into the co-production idiom, and the more utilitarian interpretation of the term. Whereas the former sets out to expose and interrogate the ontological assumptions underpinning public policy, the latter seeks to be useful by responding to the knowledge needs of societal decision-makers. This tension is analysed through a case study of the integrated research project ADAM (Adaptation and Mitigation Strategies: Supporting European Climate Policy) funded under the 6th Framework Programme of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regularized intergovernmentalism refers to a distinct kind of foreign policy practice that connects and intertwines foreign policy processes in particular ways. This paper puts forth a concept to properly capture and expose such distinctive foreign policy realities characterizing certain periods and places. With this concept, the article systematically scrutinizes the intergovernmental fabric of bilateral Franco–German relations from 1963 to 2009. The characteristic features of Franco–German regularized intergovernmentalism represent a crucial foreign policy connection, foundational for European affairs of the past half century and a defining feature of Europe’s post-war order and regional governance. Exploring key aspects of what it is that links France and Germany in particular ways, this paper offers a historically deeply grounded constitutive analysis. Based on its constitutive inquiries, the papers points at new possibilities of causal theorizing and explores some of regularized intergovernmentalism’s hypothesized effects and limitations. Franco–German intergovernmental affairs may be the most developed instance of this practice. But regularized bilateral intergovernmentalism is not a Franco–German idiosyncrasy. Rather, it is an important and apparently growing approach to structuring foreign policy conduct, and seems an increasingly prominent aspect of how the world is organized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Type-2 diabetes (T2D) and hypertension (HTN) are two of the most prevalent non-communicable diseases (NCDs): they both cause a relevant number of premature deaths worldwide and heavily impact the national health systems. This study illustrates the impact of HTN and T2D in four European countries (Albania, Bulgaria, Greece and Spain) and compares their policies towards the monitoring and management of HTN and T2D and the prevention of NCDs as a whole. This analysis is conducted throughout the DigiCare4You Project (H2020)—which implements an innovative solution involving digital tools for the prevention and management of T2D and HTN. Methods The analysis is implemented through desk research, and it is enriched with additional information directly provided by the local coordinators in the four countries, by filling specific semi-structured forms. Results The countries exhibit significant differences in the prevalence of HTN and T2D and available policies and programs targeted to these two chronic conditions. Each country has implemented strategies for HTN and T2D, including prevention initiatives, therapeutic guidelines, educational programs and children's growth monitoring programs. However, patient education on proper disease management needs improvement in all countries, registries about patients affected by HTN and T2D are not always available, and not all countries promoted acts to contain the increasing rates of risk factors related to NCDs. Conclusions While political awareness of the risks associated with HTN, T2D and NCDs in general is growing, there is a collective need for countries to strengthen their policies for preventing and managing these chronic diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Family policies have been shown to affect men's and women's health throughout the European Union, though particularly in the case of women. This paper seeks to analyze this effect by creating two Synthetic Health Indicators (SHIs) differentiated by gender applying the P 2 distance method. We also aim to compare the results obtained by means of our SHI and the Self-rated health (SRH) indicator, as it is the most common indicator used to approach individuals' health. Methods The 2012 European Quality of Life Survey was used to construct the SHI. Dimensions such as physical health, mental health, psychosocial resources, the capacity of health services and community health status were included in our SHI. All proved to be relevant when measuring individuals' health. Results Gender health inequalities differed depending on the indicator used in each European country. When considering family policy, we found significant gender health gaps that favoured men in traditional countries, regardless of the indicator used (SHI or SRH). Moreover, with our SHI we found significant gender health inequalities in market-oriented and dual-earner countries that were not revealed by the SRH indicator, highlighting the fact that current equality policies are necessary but insufficient to overcome the gender health gap. Conclusions The SHI was more sensitive to gender differences and evidenced certain advantages compared to the SRH. The SHI includes a wide range of variables that incorporated large amounts of fresh information, allowing men and women to have a personalized design of their own health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim This paper briefly reviews the history of alcohol policy development in Europe leading to the current consensus in the health field on strategic priorities. There is a review of recent policy developments in selected European countries, both EU and non-EU members. Methods Narrative review of published journal articles, publications from WHO, and other health organisations and government publications. Results The implementation of the WHO policy priorities has been variable across Europe. At EU level, there has been a recent pattern of trade considerations taking priority over health and a disinvestment in alcohol research and advocacy. Among EU member states new implementation of WHO strategies have been limited to a few smaller countries and regions. In Russia, there have been considerable falls in mortality following the introduction of controls on price, availability and marketing. Conclusion The implementation of WHO strategy at national level in Europe is highly dependent on the local political circumstances. Where there is concern about alcohol harm and political will, the WHO strategic priorities have been highly influential. In order to build public and political support for prevention, alcohol policy advocates should ensure that there is good data on trends within age, gender, and income groups and develops policies to respond to these trends. The concept of proportionate universalism, where interventions are understood to have a broad population effect but the effect is greater on the groups most in need, may be more useful than the traditional alcohol policy field conceptualisations of whole population and targeted measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study reviews 1,406 research articles published between 2016 and 2020 in the European Journal of Social Work (EJSW), the British Journal of Social Work (BJSW) and Research on Social Work Practice (RSWP). It assesses the proportion and complexity of quantitative research designs amongst published articles and investigates differences between the journals. Furthermore, the review investigates the complexity of the statistical methods employed and identifies the most frequently addressed topics. From the 1,406 articles, 504 (35.8 percent) used a qualitative methodology, 389 (27.7 percent) used a quantitative methodology, 85 (6 percent) used the mixed methods (6 percent), 253 (18 percent) articles were theoretical in nature, 148 (10.5 percent) conducted reviews and 27 (1.9 percent) gave project overviews. The proportion of quantitative research articles was higher in RSWP (55.4 percent) than in the EJSW (14.1 percent) and the BJSW (20.5 percent). The topic analysis could identify at least forty different topics addressed by the articles. Although the proportion of quantitative research is rather small in social work research, the review could not find evidence that it is of low sophistication. Finally, this study concludes that future research would benefit from making explicit why a certain methodology was chosen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advances our understanding of university spin-off creation and development in environments outside the high-tech cluster of the USA. It adopts a multi-level approach in its examination of this phenomenon in diverse institutional environments. In particular, units of analysis involving universities, technology transfer offices, spin-off firms, finance providers and individual entrepreneurs and teams are analysed. Policy implications are analysed and recommendations are proposed for current policy on university spin-offs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented which discusses topics related to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) set by the United Nations (UN) and featured within the issue, including the SDG framework for action, the health-related SDG in Europe, and the political aspects of the SDG.

As migrant workers, EU-8 nationals enjoy a right to equal treatment with nationals in respect of their terms and conditions of employment. While some employers have tried to meet their legal obligations towards EU-8 nationals, others have denied them their employment rights under UK law. In this paper, we explore how EU-8 migrants make use of Employment Tribunals (ETs) to enforce their employment rights. How many cases do they bring before ETs, and what are they about? Are claims brought alone or with support, and if so, from whom? How are EU-8 workers treated once they are before a Tribunal and how successful are their claims? If there is evidence that EU-8 migrants are successfully bringing claims to enforce their employment rights, then fears about undercutting and exploitation of vulnerable workers are perhaps less serious than they would first appear. If they are not, then concerns about (mis)treatment are justified and prompt the further question as to how their rights could be better protected in practice, particularly given the introduction of fees for accessing ETs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue celebrates the work of Bengt-Åke Lundvall on his 70th birthday. In the 1980s and 1990s he was a key player among a small group of academics in the USA and Europe that developed a new, systemic approach to the study of the interactions between science, innovation, and policy. He contributed to the popularity of the approach in the policy community in several ways, among other things through his period as Deputy Director at the Directorate for Science, Technology and Industry at the OECD between 1992 and 1995, and through his later work for the European Commission, as evidenced among other things by the highly influential booklet, The Globalising Learning Economy: Implications for Innovation Policy. His strong emphasis on learning, a hallmark of Lundvall's approach, is also evident in much of his recent work. This issue has six papers written by some of his collaborators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores transformations in institutional norms about same-sex sexualities across four European countries: Bulgaria, Norway, Portugal and the UK. Focusing on the period from the late 1960s to the present day, it examines both endogenous, path-dependent nationally specific factors at work in the changing regulation of same-sex sexualities, particularly the campaigns of lesbian and gay movements, and exogenous influences exerted by processes of Europeanization and transnationalization. Three processes of normative change are discussed: the legitimation of same-sex sexual practice; the protection of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) people; and the recognition of intimate relationships. We argue that there has been a radical shift in the landscape of heteronormativity in Europe, with the emergence of a new European norm of “homotolerance” and the progressive normalization of same-sex sexualities: a process of “homonormalization”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Marinova, Nadejda K. and Patrick James. (2012) The Tragedy of Human Trafficking: Competing Theories and European Evidence. Foreign Policy Analysis, doi: 10.1111/j.1743-8594.2011.00162.x This paper explores an issue that is both domestic and international: whether legalization of prostitution leads to an increase in human trafficking. For both theory and public policy, this is an important query to answer, with implications beyond the cases in question. The principal domains of investigation are Germany, Sweden, and the Netherlands. These states subscribe to UN, EU, Council of Europe and OSCE agreements and are located in the same geographic region, yet have adopted opposite approaches to prostitution. The Netherlands and Germany legalized prostitution in 2000 and 2002, respectively. Sweden outlawed it in 1999 and imposed criminal penalties for the purchase of illicit sex. The preceding characteristics make these states ideal for a comparative exercise in the context of competing perspectives on human trafficking and legalized prostitution. We find that legalization leads to an increase in trafficking. The dynamics of trafficking are also associated with numerous factors, among which the most critical are government efforts specifically targeting the activity in the field of law enforcement. Implications for theory and public policy are offered, along with ideas about future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decade, EU research policy has become more central to the EU's political ambitions and its instruments are expanding in scale and scope. Recently there has been mounting apprehension over the EU's R&D efforts, such as the Framework Programmes, and their adequacies in meeting European and global 'grand challenges'. How European-level and national research efforts interact is a key condition for enhancing Europe's research competitiveness and responsiveness. This paper presents data from Norway indicating that the R&D institutions adapt to European-level priorities directly, whereas the national authorities have a limited impact on the country's European research portfolio. It points to a need for thorough analysis of national path-dependencies, and how the nation states organise and coordinate their participation in European programmes, specifically for facing present and future 'grand challenges'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of national lotteries in financing state activities and also emphasizes on the fact that lotteries are a tax on the poor and the ignorant. The article points out that the share of revenue not paid out in prizes is generally between 50 and 55 percent, on which stake money reverts to the bank. The face value of a lottery ticket is always the same, but the expected value of a ticket varies when unclaimed jackpots are rolled over to subsequent draws. This variation in "price" and associated changes in ticket sales is used to estimate the responsiveness of ticket demand to variations in effective ticket prices. A more cynical view of state lotteries is that governments make little attempt to ensure the efficient level of provision, despite notionally signing up for such considerations in other aspects of competition and regulatory policy. They seek to maximize the profits withheld, which go in fixed proportions to charitable causes and to government itself.

The end of the Cold War, the unification of Germany and the removal of US troops has rekindled interest in European defence cooperation. The EC has common security policies on its agenda, the military role of the WEU is being enhanced, and the new NATO strategy emphasizes multilateral European forces. A European Defence Union offers large potential efficiency gains. Power, like any natural monopoly, is generated more effectively and more cheaply by joint forces than by the sum of fragmented individual forces. There are also large economies of scale in weapons production. Trends in budgets, costs and threats are making national provision problematic and national arms industries non-viable. An EDU may appear more attractive than either spending vast sums to attain minimum efficient scale or relying on forces that are so small and ill-equipped as to require either dependence on the US or acceptance of effective neutrality. However, an EDU reduces national sovereignty; poses problems of command, control and organization; risks free-riding and adverse reactions by the US and USSR; and is vulnerable to exploitation and rent-seeking by military industrial interests. This paper examines the economics of these issues and suggests a route towards effective cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deregulation of financial markets and the liberalization of international capital flows raises a number of challenging issues. Market participants and policy-makers are treading largely uncharted territories. This article offers some markers, exploring the implications of economic principles and producing new evidence on European stock exchanges. One vast set of issues concerns the design of market operations. The article compares the merits, both in theory and in practice, of auctions versus market-making, of concentration versus fragmentation of trading, of batch auctions versus continuous markets and of single- versus dual-capacity dealers. Policy conclusions are grounded on a detailed analysis of the experience accumulated on European and North American exchanges. Another theme runs through this article: the implications for the relative competitiveness of European financial markets. Rapid changes have already occurred in the late 1980s: while much wholesale trade has moved to London, continental exchanges have grown at an accelerated pace. We examine whether this is connected to innovations in trading systems and regulation. The paper also attempts to foresee the geographical structure of Europe s integrated stock markets. At stake is the hierarchy of financial centres, the potentially dangerous drift towards competitive deregulation and the scope for wholly computerized trading where market location becomes irrelevant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the main actions in the field of industrial, investment and innovation policy currently carried out at the European level, focusing on the changes in Europe's manufacturing production since the 2008 crisis. Current actions by the EU in this field are assessed—including funding programs, fiscal rules, competition policy, the Juncker Plan-InvestEU initiative and the activities of European Investment Bank. The present and potential space for such initiatives is examined in the light of the growing debate on the need for a return to a greater role for public policies in favoring sustainable growth and support investment. In view of the debate on the new EU budget 2021–2017, the scope for a more active industrial policy is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe has taken a world leadership position in setting policy priorities for Circular Bioeconomy (CBE) as a key determinant of economic, social, and environmental sustainability. Consequently, European R&D investment in this area keeps growing along with the societal pressure to demonstrate the return of investment of publicly funded projects. Thus, this work presents a pioneering exploratory analysis of the extent to which projects funded at the European level incorporate the policy priorities for which they are being designed in the context of CBE, and how can the impact they are having on society be assessed. Thence, project impact evaluation is carried out in the short- and medium-term, and categorized under Industrial Competitiveness, Sustainable Development, and Community and Public Policies. For this purpose, secondary information was gathered from the European projects database Cordis, as well as primary information through a questionnaire survey of project coordinators. The empirical data collected suggest that European Framework Programmes have been fulfilling their purpose, as they are increasingly societal challenges-driven and market-oriented. This is evidenced by market-related topics addressed in the projects analysed and by the active participation of companies that outnumber academic institutions. As far as impact is concerned, scientific publications continue to be the main result of this type of project in the short-term, whereas in the medium-term social and economic benefits were also identified. Notably, the creation of scientific jobs in the industry, of industrial joint ventures, and the generation of documents to support the improvement of public and EU policies on biobased products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Co-creation has become a major concern in science and public policy. It aims to give a more central role to end users in producing (public sector) innovation outcomes. This leads to a new variety of end user roles in innovation activities and poses challenges for both practitioners and policy makers. We offer an in-depth, comparative analysis of such end user roles in three cases of co-creative public sector innovation across Europe. We argue that the definition of particular end user roles is crucial in shaping both the inclusiveness and outcomes of co-creative innovation. We offer a typology of end user roles and their respective limits and potentials with regard to co-creation. Our analysis suggests that, for co-creation to produce useful and legitimate outcomes, the process by which roles are assigned to and negotiated with end users must be part of the co-creative process itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing proportion of immigrants enter Canada on temporary resident permits to study or work, or they enter as asylum seekers—all with limited rights or access to permanent residence. As a result, transnational family separation is a growing phenomenon among immigrants who are unable to migrate as a family or who face barriers to family reunification. Using a systems-centered intersectional lens, the authors examine pathways to transnational family separation among immigrant women who arrived in Canada with precarious immigration status. Analysis draws from qualitative interviews with 35 immigrant women living in different regions of Ontario, Canada. Through examining intersecting social systems and processes, the authors analyze how transnational family separation is constituted through embedded gendered, racial, and class processes in Canada's immigration system and labor market, which normalize family separation as a common experience for racialized immigrants in Canada. Given the harms associated with prolonged family separation, the authors urge the social work profession to advocate for immigration policies that prioritize family reunification and uphold the rights of migrants to maintain family unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Policy Evaluation Network (PEN), initiated in autumn 2018, aimed at advancing the evidence base for public policies impacting dietary behaviour, physical activity and sedentary behaviours in Europe. This is needed because non-communicable diseases—the leading cause of global mortality—are substantially caused by physical inactivity and unhealthy dietary behaviours, which in turn are driven by upstream factors that have not yet been addressed effectively by prevention approaches. Thus, successful policy interventions are required that target entire populations and tackle the 'causes of the causes'. To advance our knowledge on the effective implementation of policies and their impact in terms of improving health behaviours, PEN focused on five research tasks: (i) Adaptation and implementation of a Food Environment Policy Index (Food-EPI) and development of a Physical Activity Environment Policy Index (PA-EPI); (ii) Mapping of health-related indicators needed for policy evaluation and facilitating a harmonized pan-European approach for surveillance to assess the impact of policy interventions; (iii) Refining quantitative methods to evaluate the impact of public policies; (iv) Identifying key barriers and facilitators of implementation of policies; and (v) Advance understanding the equity impact of the development, implementation and evaluation of policies aimed at promoting physical activity and a healthy diet. Finally, and in order to provide concrete evidence for policymaking, existing exemplary policies, namely sugar-sweetened beverages taxation, active transport policies and school policies on nutrition and physical activity were assessed in consideration of these five tasks. At the end of the PEN project's formal runtime, considerable advancements have been made. Here, we present an overview of the most important learnings and outputs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Active mobility and public transport increase physical activity (PA) levels. With varying intensity and effectiveness, European cities implement Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans (SUMPs) to spur transport-related PA. Therefore, we aim to examine drivers and barriers to SUMP implementation and assess its influence on PA across European cities. Methods We screened policy reports to gain insights into SUMP implementation in one Danish, two German and two Polish cities. Further, we conducted semi-structured interviews with SUMP stakeholders in these cities to explore their experiences with SUMP implementation. Thematic analysis of interview transcripts was applied to identify similarities and differences across cities. To assess the effect of SUMP implementation on PA, we searched for data on indicators of transport-related PA. Results All investigated cities are committed to sustainable mobility. Nonetheless, complex institutional structures, the dominant role of motorized traffic as well as complex regional and local policy integration hamper SUMP implementation. Danish, German and Polish cities face different contexts in terms of financing, national guidelines and the prominence of sustainability as a policy objective. Each city adopts unique indicators for monitoring the effects of SUMPs on transport-related PA. The variety of indicators and limited data availability impede a comparative evaluation across cities. Constrained by this restriction, we identified motorization rate, modal split and public transport ridership as suitable indicators. Conclusions Local idiosyncrasies need to be accounted for when assessing the implementation of SUMPs. Nonetheless, consistent indicators and data transparency are essential for comparing the effectiveness of SUMPs and their impact on PA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxes have emerged as an effective and increasingly popular tool to reduce added sugar intake, an important contributor to obesity and non-communicable diseases. A common barrier to the implementation of well-designed SSB taxes is the opposition of commercial actors. Focusing on the WHO European Region, this study seeks to map if and how key stakeholders have experienced industry efforts to influence SSB taxes. Methods We identified 11 countries in the WHO European Region which have implemented SSB taxes or attempted to do so. Using an online survey informed by the global literature on industry interference with SSB taxation, we approached 70 in-country policymakers, advocates and academics. The data were analysed using an existing framework of corporate political activity. Results Twenty-three experts from nine countries responded to the survey. Transnational SSB producers and their business associations were identified as the most active opponents of SSB taxation. Industry claims that the policy would have negative economic effects were identified as the most common and powerful arguments. Direct lobbying was reported in all study countries. Shifts in political activity were recognisable across stages of the policy process, moving from outright opposition to attempts to delay or weaken the policy after its announcement. Conclusion Those seeking to introduce effective SSB taxation can use our findings to pre-empt and counter industry opposition. We identify several measures for preventing and mitigating industry interference with SSB tax policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Employees have witnessed rising trend in work stress over the last few decades. However, we know a little about country differences in those trends. Our article fills this gap in the literature by examining heterogeneities in trends in working conditions by country groups defined by their amount of investment into labor market policy (LMP) programs. Additionally, we provide findings on differences in occupational inequalities between country groups. Methods We use comparative longitudinal data of the European Working Conditions Surveys including cross-sectional information on employees from 15 countries surveyed in Waves 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015. Estimation results are provided by three-way multilevel models with employees nested within country-years nested within countries. Our work stress measure is the proxy version of job strain based on the demand-control model. Results Our regression results indicate that for employees in countries with the least LMP spending job strain increased by 10% from 1995 to 2015 compared to a smaller and insignificant change in middle- and high-LMP countries. In low-LMP countries, inequalities in job strain also widened during the studied period: the gap in job strain between the highest- and lowest-skilled increased by 60% from 1995 to 2015. This contrasts a stable gap in middle- and high-LMP countries. Conclusions Our results direct the attention to the vulnerable position of the least skilled and highlight that LMP investments may buffer some of the adverse impacts of globalization and technological changes and effectively improve the labor market situation of the least skilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We exploit two Norwegian parental leave reforms to investigate their effects on adolescents' household work. The main reform increased the parental leave time by 7 weeks, 4 of which were reserved for the father, while the second reform raised only the general parental leave time by 3 weeks. We find a robust and substantial effect of the main reform implying that adolescent girls born immediately after the reform are less likely to do household work. By analyzing the two parental leave reforms together, we show that the father quota drives the results. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Governments frequently intervene to support domestic industries, but a surprising amount of this support goes to ailing sectors. We explain this with a lobbying model that allows for entry and sunk costs. Specifically, policy is influenced by pressure groups that incur lobbying expenses to create rents. In expanding industries, entry tends to erode such rents, but in declining industries, sunk costs rule out entry as long as the rents are not too high. This asymmetric appropriability of rents means losers lobby harder. Thus it is not that government policy picks losers, it is that losers pick government policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a workshop on emerging pandemic infections research in Europe organized by the European Public Health Association section of Infectious Disease Control. One study focused on the differences in risk perception of infectious diseases in Europe and Asia. Another paper discussed the efforts of the international community to control the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), presenting an inventory of European health policies for the control of pandemic infections.

Background Tobacco-control policies have been suggested to reduce smoking among adolescents. However, there is limited evidence on the real-world costs of implementation in different settings. In this study, we aimed at estimating the costs of school smoking bans, school prevention programmes and non-school bans (smoking bans in non-educational public settings, bans on sales to minors and bans on point-of-sale advertising), implemented in Finland, Ireland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Italy and Portugal, for 2016. Methods We retrospectively collected costs related to the inspection, monitoring and sanctioning activities related to bans and educational activities related to smoking prevention programmes. We used an 'ingredients-based' approach, identifying each resource used, quantity and unit value for one full year, under the state perspective. Costs were measured at national, regional, local and school-level and were informed by data on how these activities were performed in reality. Results Purchasing power parities adjusted-costs varied between €0.02 and €0.74 (average €0.24) per person (pp) for bans implemented outside schools. Mean costs of school smoking bans ranged from €3.31 to €34.76 (average €20.60), and mean costs of school educational programmes from €0.75 to €4.65 (average €2.92). Conclusions It is feasible to estimate costs of health policies as implemented in different settings. Costs of the tobacco control policies evaluated here depend mainly on the number of person-hours allocated to their implementation, and on the scale of intervention. Non-school bans presented the lowest costs, and the implementation of all policies cost up to €36 pp for 1 year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of European Healthy Cities Network (EHCN) organized by the WHO Regional Office Europe. The focus is on the third of five phases covering the period 1998–2002. Fifty-six cities were members of the WHO-EHCN and over 1000 European cities were members of national networks. Association with WHO has given municipalities legitimacy to move into a domain often associated with health service. Equity and community participation are core values. City mayors provide political leadership. Intersectoral cooperation underpins a Healthy Cities approach. The WHO Regional Office for Europe supports WHO-EHCN, providing guidance and technical leadership. Cities’ processes and structures are prerequisits for improvements in health and are central to the evaluation of Phase III of the WHO-EHCN. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent waves of immigration have changed the demographic face of European societies and fueled considerable debate over the consequences of ethnic diversity for social cohesion. One prominent argument in this debate holds that individuals are less willing to extend trust and solidarity across ethnic lines, leading to lower social capital in multiethnic communities. We present a direct test of this proposition in a field experiment involving native-immigrant interactions in Zurich's Central Train Station. Our intervention consists of approaching commuters with a small request for assistance (borrowing a mobile phone), which we take as a measure of prosociality. We further differentiate between reactions towards natives as well as both high- and low-status immigrant groups. Compared to native-native interactions, we find lower solidarity in native-immigrant encounters, especially in cases involving stereotypically low-status immigrants. In exploratory analyses, we further show that discrimination only obtains in 'low cost' situations where commuters could easily justify not helping (e.g. by claiming not to carry a phone). Overall our results shed light on key theoretical mechanisms underlying patterns of solidarity in contemporary multiethnic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional economic divergence has become a threat to economic progress, social cohesion and political stability in Europe. Market processes and policies that are supposed to spread prosperity and opportunity are no longer sufficiently effective. The evidence points to the existence of several different modes of regional economic performance in Europe, responding to different development challenges and opportunities. Both mainstream and heterodox theories have gaps in their ability to explain the existence of these different regional trajectories and the weakness of the convergence processes among them. Therefore, a different approach is required, one that strengthens Europe's strongest regions but develops new approaches to promote opportunity in industrial declining and less-developed regions. There is ample new theory and evidence to support such an approach, which we have labelled 'place-sensitive distributed development policy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the role of public policy actions from policy researchers, policymakers and governments in promoting physical activities and healthy diets of the population in Europe. Topics mentioned include the creation of a Policy Evaluation Network to identify and evaluate policies to address sedentary behavior and health inequities, the value of policy monitoring and surveillance system to determine policy impact, and the call for agencies to prioritize and finance policy research.

The article discusses a study which examined the impact of introducing the European Union (EU) Tobacco Product Directive (TPD), which was created to regulate the design and labelling of cigarettes and roll-you-own tobacco, in England using a quasi-experimental design. Topics covered include the data from surveys which were used in the study, the demographics and smoking-related measures adopted, and the impact of standardized packaging on perceptions of pack/brand appeal.

Background: Previous research found poverty to be associated with adverse health outcomes among older adults but the factors that translate low economic resources into poor physical health are not well understood. The goal of this analysis was to assess the impact of material, psychosocial, and behavioural factors as well as education in explaining the poverty-health link. Methods: In total, 28 360 observations from 11 390 community-dwelling respondents (65+) in the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (2004-13, 10 countries) were analysed. Multilevel growth curve models were used to assess the impact of combined income and asset poverty risk on old-age frailty (frailty index) and associated pathway variables. Results: In total, 61.8% of the variation of poverty risk on frailty level was explained by direct and indirect effects. Results stress the role of material and particularly psychosocial factors such as perceived control and social isolation, whereas the role of health behaviour was negligible. Conclusion: We suggest to strengthen social policy and public health efforts in order to fight poverty and its deleterious health effects from early age on as well as to broaden the scope of interventions with regard to psychosocial factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disparities in health between social groups have been documented all over Europe. We summarize the methods and results of the Addressing Inequalities in Regions (AIR) project, which identified illustrative interventions and policies developed in European regions to reduce inequalities at the primary health care level. The first phase was a systematic review of the published literature. The second phase was a survey of European regions, collecting information on policies aiming at reducing health inequalities through primary health care and identifying regional, innovative and evaluated interventions. The third phase assessed interventions through methods defined by a formal consensus, and selected illustrative practices considered good practices for several of nine evaluation criteria. The review included 98 evaluations of interventions and 10 reviews; 80% of interventions were from North-America. Three main pathways to reduce health inequalities were identified: providing health promotion, improving financial access to care and modifying care provision. The first survey identified 90 interventions. Most national strategies included health inequalities issues. Education was the most frequently identified targeted determinant. Most interventions were health promotion general or targeted at specific health determinants, conditions or groups. The second survey assessed 46 interventions. Many involved the population in planning, implementation and evaluation. We also identified the multidisciplinary of interventions, and some who had an impact on empowerment of the targeted population. The AIR project documented that policies and actions can be implemented at the regional level through primary care providers. Policies and interventions are seldom evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As often pointed out in the literature on the European debt crisis, the policy programme of austerity and internal devaluation imposed on countries in the Eurozone's periphery exhibits a lack of democratic legitimacy. This article analyses the consequences these developments have for democratic support at both the European and national levels. We show that through the policies of economic adjustment, a majority of citizens in crisis countries has become 'detached' from their democratic political system. By cutting loose the Eurozone's periphery from the rest of Europe in terms of democratic legitimacy, the Euro has divided the union, instead of uniting it as foreseen by its architects. Our results are based on aggregated Eurobarometer surveys conducted in 28 European Union (EU) member states between 2002 and 2014. We employ quantitative time-series cross-sectional regression analyses. Moreover, we estimate the causal effect of economic adjustment in a comparative case study of four cases using the synthetic control method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Recent efforts to characterize integration policy towards immigrants and to compare immigrants' health across countries have rarely been combined so far. This study explores the relationship of country-level integration policy with immigrants' health status in Europe. Methods: Cross-sectional study with data from the 2011 European Union Survey on Income and Living Conditions. Fourteen countries were grouped according to a typology of integration policies based on the Migrant Integration Policy Index: 'multicultural' (highest scores: UK, Italy, Spain, Netherlands, Sweden, Belgium, Portugal, Norway, Finland), 'exclusionist' (lowest scores: Austria, Denmark) and 'assimilationist' (high or low depending on the dimension: France, Switzerland, Luxembourg). People born in the country (natives, n = 177 300) or outside the European Union with >10 years of residence (immigrants, n = 7088) were included. Prevalence ratios (PR) of fair/poor self-rated health between immigrants in each country cluster, and for immigrants versus natives within each, were computed adjusting by age, education, occupation and socio-economic conditions. Results: Compared with multicultural countries, immigrants report worse health in exclusionist countries (age-adjusted PR, 95% CI: men 1.78, 1.49-2.12; women 1.58, 1.37-1.82; fully adjusted, men 1.78, 1.50-2.11; women 1.47, 1.26-1.70) and assimilationist countries (ageadjusted, men 1.21, 1.03-1.41; women 1.21, 1.06-1.39; fully adjusted, men 1.19, 1.02-1.40; women 1.22, 1.07-1.40). Health inequalities between immigrants and natives were also highest in exclusionist countries, where they persisted even after adjusting for differences in socio-economic situation. Conclusion: Immigrants in 'exclusionist' countries experience poorer socio-economic and health outcomes. Future studies should confirm whether and how integration policy models could make a difference on migrants' health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1990s, a prominent strategy of economic adjustment to the challenges of competitiveness and budgetary retrenchment among the non-corporatist countries of Europe was the negotiation of social pacts. Since the onset of the great recession and the Eurozone crisis, social pacts have been conspicuous by their absence. Why have unions not been invited into government buildings to negotiate paths of economic adjustment in the countries hardest hit by the crisis? Drawing on empirical experiences from Ireland and Italy—two cases on which much of the social pact literature concentrated—this article attributes the exclusion of unions to their declining legitimacy. Unions in the new European periphery have lost the capacity either to threaten governments with the stick of protest or to seduce policymakers with the carrot of problem-solving. They are now seen as a narrow interest group like any other. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examined whether awareness of tobacco control policies was associated with social unacceptability of smoking and whether social unacceptability had an effect on smoking cessation in three European countries. Representative samples (n = 3865) of adult smokers in France, the Netherlands and Germany were used from two survey waves of the longitudinal International Tobacco Control Europe Surveys. Associations were examined of aspects of social unacceptability of smoking (i.e. feeling uncomfortable, important people disapproval and societal disapproval) with tobacco policy awareness (i.e. awareness of warning labels, anti-tobacco information and smoking restrictions at work) and smoking cessation. Only the positive association of awareness of anti-tobacco information with feeling uncomfortable about smoking was significant in each of the three countries. Important people disapproval predicted whether smokers attempted to quit, although this did not reach significance in the French and German samples in multivariate analyses. Our findings suggest that anti-tobacco information campaigns about the dangers of second-hand smoke in France and about smoking cessation in the Netherlands and Germany might have reduced the social acceptability of smoking in these countries. However, campaigns that influence the perceived disapproval of smoking by important people may be needed to ultimately increase attempts to quit smoking. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines whether a structural or a neo-institutionalist approach best explains cross-national variations in the retiree/nonretiree cleavage regarding pension policy preferences. Prior research on welfare policy attitudes shows that in European countries retirees are more likely to support intensive public pension provision than are nonretirees, while in the United States both groups are as likely to support it. As an alternative to the increasingly predominant, neo-institutionalist approach, I propose a structural explanation that focuses on the role of elderly poverty. I argue that higher levels of elderly poverty induce nonretirees to establish their pension policy preferences based on a principle of broad reciprocity. First, in a context of high elderly poverty, nonretirees react to the demand for reciprocity by their impoverished elderly parents by supporting improvements in public pension protection. Second, in the same context, due to perceptions of retirees as highly deserving of public support, nonretirees feel more compelled to demand more public pension protection that improves the economic well-being of retirees. The results are consistent with this expectation. Using a sample of 30 OECD country years and multilevel models, countries with higher levels of elderly poverty present smaller retiree/nonretiree divides in support of public pension provision and pension spending increases [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European self-regulation to ensure children's safety on social networking sites requires that providers ensure children are old enough to use the sites, aware of safety messages, empowered by privacy settings, discouraged from disclosing personal information, and supported by easy to use reporting mechanisms. This article assesses the regulatory framework with findings from a survey of over 25000 9- to 16-year-olds from 25 European countries. These reveal many underage children users, and many who lack the digital skills to use social networking sites safely. Despite concerns that children defy parental mediation, many comply with parental rules regarding social networking. The implications of the findings are related to policy decisions on lower age limits and self-regulation of social networking sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ideas about what is 'fair' influence preferences for redistribution. We study the dynamic evolution of different economies in which redistributive policies, perception of fairness, inequality and growth are jointly determined. We show how including beliefs about fairness can keep two otherwise identical countries on different development paths for a very long time. We show how different initial conditions regarding how 'fair' is the same level of inequality can lead to two permanently different steady states. We also explore how bequest taxation can be an efficient way of redistributing wealth to correct 'unfair' past accumulation of inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent European and member state policy shows innovation to be a current guiding logic of government. This article offers an analysis of how innovation, seen partly in terms of learning but more significantly in terms of research, forms part of the discourses and practices of government today. Research is now something that all actors must engage with and so constitutes the individual's self-understanding. Both the European and UK policies that I discuss speak of a shift away from excessive measurement and control in order to open the way for greater flexibility, mobility, and thus productive innovation. The openness and mobility required by these policies exemplify a shift in governmental rationality that places responsibility on the individual, not only in relation to their own conduct and performance, but also to that of society as a whole. The demand for competitiveness becomes a demand for innovation and specialisation. The notion of the Big Society is discussed as an example of the operation of the logic of innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the implications of the EU Biofuels Directive (BFD) using a computable general equilibrium framework with endogenous land supply. The results show that, without policy intervention to stimulate the use of biofuel crops, the targets of the BFD will not be met. With the BFD, the enhanced demand for biofuel crops has a strong impact on agriculture globally and within Europe, leading to an increase in land use. On the other hand, the long-term declining trend in real agricultural prices may slow down or even reverse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Devolution has increased the divergence in law and policy, and this has impacted on the social work services as part of the welfare state. It has led to debate about the changing nature of social citizenship within the UK. Many adults who come to the attention of social work services already have conditional citizenship by virtue of poverty, environment, illness and disability. This article demonstrates how this can be further compounded by the welfare agencies themselves by comparing the mental health law frameworks for Scotland and England. It argues that differences in participation ultimately led to the different civil and social rights being enshrined in law. However, law is just one ingredient that defines citizenship; the political ethos and the public service culture are two other key ingredients. This article will demonstrate that these have also been significant in creating divergence. Finally, the article will explore whether this social citizenship model for mental health has a wider relevance for all people who use social work services. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that the existing philosophy of EU law, such as it may be perceived, is flawed. Through a series of propositions it claims that EU law is infected by an underlying indeterminacy of ideal that has deeply affected the appreciation and realization of stated values. These values, the most fundamental of which appear in Article 6(1) of the Treaty of European Union, have been applied in a haphazard fashion and without an understanding of normative content. The European Court of Justice has instead adopted a largely pragmatic approach that has focused on principles or virtues of governance rather than attempting to offer a way of satisfactorily defining values or ensuring their realization. The underlying philosophy thus appears to be based on a theory of interpretation (of original political will) rather than a theory of justice. The recent decision in Kadi paradoxically offers not only confirmation of the argument presented but also a judicial appreciation that a new direction may be desirable, one inspired by a law based on the predominance of fundamental values with particular emphasis on respect for fundamental rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue of International Affairs seeks to stimulate more debate and interest in Britain on North Africa. This relatively neglected area of British foreign policy has largely been funneled through the European Union (EU), where the focus of policy has been on preventive security, above all policing against illegal migration and the spread of radicalism and terrorism. The main driver for regional change and potential insecurity is now demographic, evident in the high levels of youth unemployment across North Africa. In facing the challenge of leadership successions over the next decade, it is in the interest of the EU, and in turn, Britain, to engage more closely with North Africa's younger generations to ensure the region's longer term security and stability. Britain has few strong bilateral links with North African societies, however, with the exception of private sector investments in the energy sector and security cooperation. New investment opportunities and a demand for English language and other forms of training for employment could put Britain at an advantage in responding to North African demands for diversified international relationships. A greater focus is also needed on local development opportunities to assist new actors to assume their own economic and political roles, as a better means of delivering security and jobs than relying on central states to deliver both. The articles in this special issue offer new insights into developments in the region, as well as analyses of European and American policy responses to the challenges identified. A common theme is that the region has been held back by a combined lack of institutional safeguards and political participation, with negative impacts on the spread of the economic benefits of higher growth rates and investment. Authoritarian leaderships have proved reliable partners for the EU and Britain in the past, but will they continue to do so in future? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]