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This paper studies how social capital is divided across classes in Chile, one of the most unequal countries in the world. We analyse the extent to which upper-, middle-, and lower class individuals congregate in social networks with similar others, while following Bourdieu and expecting that in particular the networks of the higher social strata are segregated in terms of social capital. We test our argument with large-scale, representative survey data for the Chilean urban population aged 18–75 years (n  = 2,517) and build an integrated indicator of people's social class that combines measures of education, occupational class, and household income. Our regression analyses show that upper-class individuals have larger networks and access to more varied and prestigious social resources than their middle- and lower class counterparts. Interestingly, however, we found a U-shaped relationship between social class and class homogeneity, indicating that network segregation is high at the top as well as at the bottom of the class-based social strata. In contrast, the classes in the middle have more heterogeneous class networks, possibly forming an important bridge between the "edges" of the class structure. These findings demonstrate that whereas social and economic capital cumulates in higher classes, the lower classes are socially deprived next to their economic disadvantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stratification and inequality are among the most central concepts in sociology, and although related, they are fundamentally distinct: inequality refers to the extent to which resources are distributed unevenly across individuals or between population subgroups, whereas stratification refers to the extent to which population subgroups occupy distinct hierarchical layers within an overall resource distribution. Despite the centrality of stratification in theories of class structure, prior empirical studies have focused exclusively on measures of inequality, which do not accurately capture the degree of class stratification and suffer from a variety of methodological limitations. In this paper, we employ a novel rank-based index of stratification to measure the degree to which occupational classes inhabit distinct, non-overlapping, and hierarchically arranged layers in the distribution of personal market income. The stratification index is nonparametric, both scale and translation invariant, and independent of the level of inequality. Based on this index, our results show that the US income distribution is highly stratified by occupational class and that the degree of class stratification increased substantially from 1980 to 2016. Moreover, we find that this trend is almost entirely due to growing stratification among aggregate occupational classes rather than among the disaggregate occupations nested within them. Finally, a set of counterfactual analyses indicate that the rise of occupational class stratification is driven by increases in the income returns to education, deunionization, and deindustrialization, although the relative importance of these factors varies by gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Cardiovascular disease (CVD) is a leading cause of mortality. Numerous investigations have linked occupational factors and CVD. Occupational factors such as overtime work have an enormous effect on the CVD risk of industrial workers. However, risk factors for CVD are not systematically reviewed in the workplace. The purpose of the paper is to review work-related risk factors for CVD. Methods: A systematic review of work-related CVD risk factors was performed, yielding 180 articles. All articles were assessed in relation to inclusion and exclusion criteria, resulting in 44 articles being reviewed. The sole inclusion criteria was work-related environmental factors and intra/inter-personal factors (psychosocial factors), which is based on the socioecological perspective. The articles were also assessed regarding the quality of each study using the scoring methods developed by Cesario et al. and Brown et al. Conclusion: The literature review demonstrated that work environment factors such as shift work, overtime work, and noise and chemical exposures; and psychosocial factors such as job stress, social support, and socioeconomic status cannot be explained or intervened by one single risk factor. Furthermore, certain occupational factors were shown to aggravate or attenuate other risk factors. The implication of these findings is to incorporate work-related environmental and psychosocial factors into assessment of the patient's CVD risks and intervention plan. Future research should also incorporate a well-defined conceptual framework to address the effects of work-related environmental and psychosocial factors on CVD among CVD patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]