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It is widely accepted that economic indicators like efficiency, productivity, and profitability are key to explaining why some businesses survive and others do not. Yet not all work organizations ascribe to capitalist assumptions about ownership, authority, and even what constitutes success itself. Worker-recuperated businesses (WRBs) in Argentina—organizations closed by their private owners, occupied by their workers, and restarted as worker cooperatives—offer one such example. While research has documented the operational and financial challenges these businesses confront, we know little about why some survive and others do not. This article draws on qualitative and historical research in two WRBs in Buenos Aires: one that survived (Hotel Bauen) and one that closed (FORJA San Martín). Comparing the organizations' trajectories, we argue that labor process, geographic location, and political networks are key to understanding their survival. We find that different types of labor in industrial and service workplaces in conjunction with their geographic locations impacted efforts to develop networks with political actors, consumers, and social movements that provided legitimacy and resources to enable their continuity over time. The article discusses the contributions of these findings to theories of organizations and the implications for studying alternative work organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World-systems scholars have recently advanced a framework for the analysis of "antisystemic" movements, with one important component of this approach being the integration of global forces into causal accounts of social movement mobilizations. This perspective, both an extension and a critique of existing movement theories such as political opportunity structure and political mediation approaches, is an outgrowth of the long-running trend of constructing larger and more elaborate models of the economic and political structures that bear upon movement outcomes. I elaborate three strategies of antisystemic movement analysis, and go on to combine these strategies with Event Structure Analysis (ESA) in order to investigate episodes of syndicalist mobilization in Argentina in 1917 and Chile in 1923. These cases reveal a set of crucial world-scale determinants at work in each mobilization: the relations between local and foreign capitalists, fluctuations in the world market transmitted through foreign-dominated enclaves, and direct and indirect influence by powerful core states such as Britain and the US. In contrast to the sorts of nationally-bound causality assumed in many social movement theories, I demonstrate that these world-scale forces cannot be included merely as external context; instead, they actively condition ostensibly "local" actors and are crucial determinants of each mobilization's shape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the gay rights movement in Argentina, particularly the impact of international pressure and domestic activism in establishing such rights. The article examines the history of the homosexual subculture in Argentina that began during the 1880s, the 1967 establishment of the gay rights organization known as Nuestro Mundo, and the group the Frente de Liberación Homosexual (FLH). It also discusses the dissolution of the FLH, the Argentine military regime's campaign against dissenters between 1976 and 1983, and the exposure exiled Argentine homosexuals had to the international gay rights movement. The article also discusses the significance of the gay rights group the Comunidad Homosexual Argentina (CHA), discrimination against gays by the Argentine government, and the AIDS/HIV epidemic.

Between its inception in 1884/85 and the outbreak of world war in 1914, the Protestant Deutsche Seemannsmission problematized masculinity and national belonging among German merchant mariners. Sailors’ missionaries and their supporters aimed to refashion dissolute mariners into reliable German men by exporting the nation overseas along a ‘Brücke zu Heimat’. In doing so, they created a global network of missionary stations, focused above all on port cities involved in the busy Atlantic trade. Understanding mariners as Germany's ‘prodigal sons’, they built sailors’ homes, in which they hoped to counteract the ‘seductions’ of the foreign port city and reconcile sailors to family and fatherland. This image of masculinity resonated with state officials, shipping firms and a broader German public who were concerned about the rise of maritime labour unrest during the 1890s and its potentially detrimental impact on German expansion in world trade and politics. This article examines how gender, particularly conceptions of masculinity, shaped the rhetoric and practices of the Seemannsmission. It draws upon examples from the missionary stations in New York and Buenos Aires, two of this period's busiest ports for German merchant shipping. The history of the Seemannsmission underlines the production of Heimat culture in a global context. It also reveals a spatial ordering of masculine ideals in Wilhelmine Germany: real men had to be rooted in the nation. Finally, it suggests that gender was a powerful agent in constituting national boundaries in an era of increasing transnational mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that the concrete practice of autonomy by social movements is deeply embedded in socioeconomic and political contexts, and as such involves a contested relationship in and against the state, the market and hegemonic discourses on development. The task is then to explain and learn from this contested character of autonomy in each context, the processes by which social movements' autonomous practices remain vibrant, how they engage with the state, how they become institutionalized (if so) and the implications of such ‘contested institutionalization’ for social movements and the state. This argument is explored through the case of the Argentina unemployed workers or Piqueteros movement, taking the specific example of the municipality of General Mosconi. The ability of the unemployed workers to force the state and local enterprises to adapt to their demands and to give support with minimum intervention is seen as an example to other parts of the world of how autonomous community processes can both engage with the state whereas retaining their own dynamics and control. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the changing geography of the Third Cinema movement. The film "La hora de los hornos/Hour of the Furnaces" was completed by Grupo Cine Liberación, a group of filmmakers in Argentina, in 1968. At first, the filmmakers' intention was to make a social documentary in a manner established by Fernando Birri and the Documentary School of Santa Fe. However, the project underwent organic transformation as a result of the conditions in which it was produced. the specific change was the conditions in which it was made. The term "Third Cinema" originated at the Bandung Conference of 1955, which was also the founding conference of the Non-Aligned Movement.

This article discusses Italian immigrants to Argentina, Brazil, and the United States during the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. While Italian immigrants to the United States were excluded from labor unions and from participating in the labor movement, Italian immigrants were essential in the development of the labor movement in Argentina and Brazil. The author examines the reasons for this discrepancy, and describes the social situations during the time period for all three countries.