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After 9 Thermidor and the institutional reorganization following the Constitution of September 1795, and reflection on the reciprocal relationship between human society and what was not yet termed 'milieu' or 'environment' occupied a central place in Republican thought. It seemed that to shape republican citizens, the new relations between the nation, its population and its natural territory, needed definition. What were the material circumstances, the natural resources and the territorial makeup that the Republic required? Or, what perceptions and ways of using nature should be taught to citizens, so that the regime could be implanted, not only in the French towns and countryside, but also beyond the country's frontiers? In response to these questions, various thinkers attempted to define the contours of a 'republican ecology'. This article examines, first affirmation of a 'naturalist' cosmology in the Constitution of September 1795; then the attempt to create an environment for republican life, seen as the 'common good'; and finally, the ecological underpinnings of the 'republican' political economy of the Directorial bourgeoisie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the legal status and classification of Ottoman-born Jews in France during World War I and its immediate aftermath. According to the author, this population was given special protection which allowed them to avoid surveillance, deportation, and internment. Details on the roles of gender and class in Ottoman-born Jews' legal status are presented. Other topics include citizenship, legal pluralism, and the effects of Ottoman law on French wartime policies.

In this article, we analyze the extent to which Muslims self-identify as French. A common interpretation of Muslim political attitudes assumes that Islam fundamentally conflicts with mainstream European society and that when Muslims are more attached to their religion they will be less likely to identify as French. We examine this assumption by exploring whether Muslim national identification is more strongly related to religiosity or other factors such as socio-economic status, social networks, and immigrant integration. Our results offer some support for each explanation, but we find that religiosity is not the dominant force shaping Muslims' attitudes. Instead, factors associated with immigrant integration have the most profound relationship with Muslim identification. These conclusions are supported by the fact that religiosity and immigrant integration variables have similar effects on the national identification of Christian immigrants. Our findings suggest that focusing on religiosity is not the best way to analyze Muslims' attitudes or identities, and that tensions surrounding Muslims' self-identification with France are likely to decrease in future generations, as immigrant integration proceeds through the increased prevalence of birth in France, having French citizenship, and French language fluency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the militarism, socialism, communism and conscription that emerged in France and Britain. It presents the struggle of House of Commons legislator William Gallacher to defend the actions and pronouncements of communists internationally. The British communist party and its French counterpart were committed to strict principles of international discipline. It notes that militarism was described as the shared civic duty of self-defence, adding that the identification of citizenship with military service does not necessarily mean the barracks life. Moreover, universal military service in France has been legitimized as an exercise in citizenship, while Great Britain identified it as free British citizen having exempted from compulsory service.