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In the United States, striking racial disparities in COVID-19 infection and mortality rates were one of the core patterns of the virus. These racial disproportionalities were a result of structural factors--laws, rules, and practices embedded in economic, social, and political systems. Public policy is central among such structural features. Policies distribute advantages, disadvantages, benefits, and burdens in ways that generate, reinforce, or redress racial inequities. Crucially, public policy is a function of power relations, so understanding policy decisions requires attentiveness to power. This paper asseses statistical associations between racial power and state anti-eviction policies. Charting the timing of state policy responses between March 2020 and June 2021, I examine correlations between response times and racial power as reflected in state populations, voting constituencies, legislatures, and social movement activities. Ultimately, I do not find any significant associations. The null results underscore the complexities and difficulties of studying race, power, and public policy with theoretical nuance and empirical care. While the findings leave us with much to learn about how racial power operates, the conceptualization and theorizing offered in the paper, instructively underscore the value of centering racial power in analyses of public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While solidarity lies at the heart of collective action, it is not easily achieved. Social movements are characterized not only by difference within activist ranks but also by power asymmetries that reflect broader domination and distrust. The concept of intersectional solidarity is central to contemporary social justice movements' efforts to negotiate these divisions, but how can it be achieved? To answer this question, we offer some guidelines for enacting intersectional solidarity, drawing on a theoretically grounded examination of three contemporary social movements in the United States and abroad (Occupy, Gezi Park, and the Women's March). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship has long recognized the centrality of white racial sexual fears in the rhetoric and practice surrounding the lynching of African Americans in the U.S. South in the decades around 1900. The topic has not previously been taken up for systematic study beyond event-level analyses. This article presents theoretical and empirical evidence that whites' intersecting racial and gender concerns converging in racial sexual fears were conducive to lynching related to interracial sex, but not to those unrelated to interracial sex, under certain conditions. The empirical findings, based on lynchings in 11 southern states from 1881–1930, demonstrate that lynchings related to interracial sex were more likely to occur in contexts characterized by higher levels of white female dependents residing with white male householders, higher levels of white female school attendance, and higher levels of adult black male literacy. These findings suggest that interracial sex-related lynching served to recover and retain white men's racial and gender status, which postbellum developments had undermined, by oppressing not only African American men and women but disempowering white women as well. White racial sexual fears during the lynching era should, therefore, be seen as constituting a social force in their own right with long-term consequences for race and gender relations and inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We employ a unique sample of participants in the early 1960s Nashville civil rights movement to examine within-movement micromobilization processes. Rather than assuming movement micromobilization and participation is internally homogeneous, we extend the literature by identifying distinct types of pathways (entry and preparation) and distinct types (or modes) of movement participation. Pathways into the Nashville movement are largely structured a priori by race, by several distinct points of entry (politically pulled, directly recruited, or professionally pushed), and by prior experience or training in nonviolent direct action. Participation falls into a distinct division of movement labor characterized by several major modes of participation—core cadre, soldiers, and supporters. We demonstrate that pathways and modes of participation are systematically linked and that qualitatively distinct pathways contribute to understanding qualitative modes of movement participation. Specifically, all core cadre members were pulled into activism, soldiers were either pulled or recruited, and supporters were pulled, recruited, or pushed. Highly organized, disciplined, and intense workshop training proved to be integral in becoming a member of the core cadre but not for soldier or supporter roles. We conclude that social movement studies would do well to pay more attention to variability in structured pathways to, preparation for, and qualitative dimensions of movement participation. These dimensions are critical to further understanding the way movements and their participants move and add insights regarding an important chapter in the southern civil rights movement. The implications of our findings extend to modes of movement activism more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of the feminist anti-domestic violence movement in the United States illustrates the trajectory from a social movement field devoid of carceral involvement to one fully occupied by the agents of crime control. Countering a narrative that often begins with the Violence against Women Act of 1994, this study demonstrates how the roots of carceral feminism extend back to the movement's first decade from 1973 to 1983. This study analyzes data from 60 social movement leaders. The pluralist coalition resulting from a successful lawsuit against the Oakland Police Department, the creation of the victim witness program in San Francisco, and the development of the Community Coordinated Response in Duluth, Minnesota, represent mechanisms of engagement with law enforcement tied to innovative organizational forms. The process called the "carceral creep" describes how early social movement successes against an initially unresponsive criminal justice system evolved into collaborative relationships that altered the autonomy and constitution of initial social movement organizations. The creation of new organizational forms and their replication contributed to today's carceral feminism. These developments were accompanied by persisting gender, race, and class tropes used to justify pro-criminalization strategies and obfuscate impacts on marginalized communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study of African-American consumers living in a large racially segregated midwestern city adds to extant theory on ideology in consumer behavior by considering the role of normative political ideology in provisioning. The specific roles of traditional black liberal and black nationalist political ideologies are discussed. We conclude that normative political ideology is central to understanding shopping as an expression of social and political relations between households confronting attenuated access to goods and services, ranging from housing to food, in a setting stratified by gender, race, and class. Beyond the specifics of this demographic group and setting, we suggest that contemporary consumption in the United States is a primary arena in which political ideology is expressed and constructed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we develop an institutional movement logics approach to analyze the structure and dynamics of the US social movement field from 1960 to 1995. Using protest event data taken from the Dynamics of Collective Action dataset, we elicit the most salient combinations of issues, tactics, and targets reported to co-occur at protest events in four periods: 1960–1965, 1966–1972, 1973–1987, and 1988–1995. The analysis reveals the existence of six movement logics of varying breadth, flexibility, and stability. We also detect two important shifts in the overall structure of the field, one toward a broad and flexible form of state-centric politics and one toward several differentiated and narrowly defined forms of nonpolitical contention. We find support for two key premises of the institutional movement logics framework, limited diversity, and relative stability within and between logics while showing that a longer time frame offers a window on field dynamics not visible with shorter study time frames. We close by providing suggestions for further research seeking to build on the institutional movement logics approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does religion promote or deter political activism? Most arguments and evidence on this question do not account for variation by social position. We argue that for the 2006 spring immigrant rights marches understanding the influence of religion on participation requires a careful assessment of the relationship between various dimensions of religion and the risks, barriers, and motivations that are rooted in citizenship status of potential participants. Dimensions that enhance efficacy are important for overcoming the participation obstacles that noncitizens faced. In contrast, dimensions that contributed to solidarity, opportunities, and framing fostered citizens' mobilization. Our findings from the Pew Hispanic Center and the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life national survey of Latinos are consistent with the view that Charismatic identity and a salient personal religious faith were sources of empowerment that inspired noncitizen participation. Conversely, the emphasis on "law and order" of the biblical literalist as well as the pietistic orientation of a faith marked by personal prayer hindered marching among Latino noncitizens. Catholic and mainline Protestant traditions and a close association between faith and politics influenced citizen protest but not noncitizen involvement. Integration into congregations activated for immigrant rights and involvement in congregation-based volunteerism encouraged participation for both citizens and noncitizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about the extra-political consequences of contemporary U.S.-based nativist mobilization as well as the resilience unauthorized migrants display in the face of anti-immigrant mobilization along the U.S.-Mexico border. Bringing together social movements and immigration literatures, we examine these interrelated issues using original survey data from the first wave of the Migrant Border Crossing Study. In so doing, we examine: (1) factors influencing repatriated unauthorized migrants' awareness of nativist mobilization (i.e. Minutemen) along the Arizona-Sonora border, and (2) factors explaining why some migrants would or would not be potentially deterred from attempting future unauthorized crossings if encountering the Minutemen were a possibility. Results from a Heckman probit selection model indicate that higher levels of general, financial, and migration-specific human capital are associated with awareness of the Minutemen, while higher household income and status as an indigenous language speaker predict who would be less likely to be deterred from crossing. We also uncover an interesting paradox: migrants traveling with coyotes were less likely to have heard of Minutemen and more likely to be potentially deterred. Collectively, our results provide insight into the overlooked extra-political consequences of contemporary U.S. nativist mobilization, how resiliency in the face of such a deterrent is structured among repatriated unauthorized migrants, and how seemingly powerless migrant groups can mitigate potential threats initiated by relatively privileged groups of U.S. citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article places the neoliberalization of protest policing in conversation with the counter-surveillance tactic of video activism to understand how the surveillance of Black Lives Matter (BLM) reinforces what Simone Browne called "dark surveillance." As state violence against communities of color is increasingly captured on smartphone cameras and broadcast on social media, these images catalyze movements championing police reform and racial justice. Through a case study of Black Lives Matter 5280 (BLM5280), I argue that although counter-surveillance tactics such as "cop-watching" and video activism illuminate law enforcement misconduct and elevate the discourse of social movements, the preemptive suppression of dissent by privatized and militarized police agencies creates an asymmetry between state surveillance and counter-surveillance that limits the efficacy of video evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses insider ethnographic and interview data to examine one of the largest sustained collective actions in the history of the United States--the Wisconsin Uprising of 2011. It finds that this event took a highly unusual form due to a social relation that I term escalating moral obligation, a sense of solidaristic duty that grows increasingly fervent as others struggle on behalf of a shared cause. Each of three active groups within the movement engaged in arduous and unconventional resistance to controversial legislation, and did so in a manner that induced moral debt among the other groups. Fervency of commitment to the cause increased as a result of allies taking risky or self-sacrificial actions. Each group felt obligated to continue difficult mobilization as long as others continued theirs. Escalating moral obligation develops a simultaneously emergent, endogenous, and cognitive dimension of social movements. It is a relational mechanism linking political opportunity with actual mobilization. The political opportunity in this case was a combination of several conditions: an elite cleavage over the desirability of public unions, a more local balance of power allowing dissident legislators to obstruct but not defeat legislation, and an immediate severe popular reaction. This mechanism is potentially generalizable to other risky or arduous protests. When activists are motivated by the sacrifice or risk-taking of allied activists, escalating moral obligation is present. The concept links group-level imperatives with individual-level motivations. Escalating moral obligation shows one way that individual subjectivities can change through group interrelations and emotionally intense interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the significance of the political and social movements in the U.S. associated with the year 1968, particularly concerning the concepts of liberalism, feminism, and what is called Third-Worldism, or Third World identification. She discusses the impact of the Vietnam War on U.S. politics, the connection between race and resistance, and decolonization.

Progressive faith communities joined the hundreds of thousands of others who took to the streets in downtown Chicago on January 21, 2017 to protest the Trump regime. The Women's March on Chicago (WMC) provides an opportunity to shed new light on religious resistance given its unique features. Unlike protests in prior studies of progressive faith-based activism, the WMC was a secular event, involving little costs and risks, and for which religious communities did not have to cultivate grievances. Drawing on and analyzing in-depth interviews with clergy and laity who participated in the WMC, our study complicates the established scholarly view of progressive religious activism in three main ways. First, for the Trump resistance, faith was a secondary rather than a primary motivation for progressive religious marchers. Second, clergy did not mainly drive mobilizing efforts in that laity played a key role. Last, while many progressive faith communities self-identified at the event to show the world they were there in solidarity, they eschewed strong, distinctively religious expressions during the WMC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump's calls to "Make America great again" loosely unified a Republican coalition divided over policy, priorities, and style. In contrast, Democrats in 2016 were divided between two stories about America. Progressives today seek a new narrative that can unite their ideologically and socially diverse coalition while also providing a compelling alternative to Trump's account of national decline. This article argues that one such narrative already exists. It is most closely associated today with a diverse set of progressive religious leaders including Rev. William J. Barber U. This narrative differs from Trump's in terms of its portrayal of the country's historical trajectory, American identity and belonging, and citizens' responsibilities to the American democratic project. Presidential elections are as much about disagreements over the American story as they are about policy differences. Attention to these competing stories offers new insights into the 2016 election and the role that progressive religious leaders are playing in the resistance movement that has emerged in its aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a quasi-natural experiment in the Latino National Survey (2006), I examine the effect of the 2006 immigrant rights marches on attitudes about assimilation among Mexican immigrants residing in the United States. I test the hypothesis, dominant in the existing literature, that major sociopolitical events raise ethnic consciousness and lead to reactive or retentionist attitudes that privilege maintenance of ethnic culture over "blending in." Contrary to established findings, I show that the marches did not increase retentionist attitudes nor strengthen ethnic nationalism. Instead, in the period during and after the marches, Mexican immigrants were more likely to hold incorporationist attitudes that place value on both assimilation and ethnic cultural maintenance, as well as assimilationist attitudes which privilege "blending in" to American society. These findings suggest that attitudes were influenced by the incorporationist and assimilationist messages promulgated by protest organizers and the Spanish-language media. The specific discourse used by media and activists can shape both individual attitudes and conceptions of how minority groups relate to wider society, evincing a more expansive approach to American identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under which conditions do social movements receive coverage by the mainstream news media? News coverage matters for movements for political, cultural, and organizational reasons, but only rarely have scholars analyzed the coverage of movements comparatively and at the movement level. To address the question, we apply a political mediation model of the influence of movements to professional news media, using ideas from the social organization of the news perspective. From this model, we hypothesize four main multicausal paths to extensive coverage for movements. These involve the joint occurrence of two specific movement characteristics--disruptive capacities and extensive organization--and two specific political contexts--unified partisan regimes and enforced policies. Working from scholarship that argues that rightist movements have different determinants, we also devise hypotheses for their coverage. These hypotheses are appraised through qualitative comparative analyses on an updated Political Organizations in the News data set. The latter includes information on all the coverage of national US movement organizations in four major national newspapers across the twentieth century. These analyses provide extensive support for the mediation model and support claims that rightist movements have separate and in some ways more difficult routes to extensive news coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on interviews with leaders of the effort to promote the 2016 Bernie Sanders U.S. presidential candidacy on social media, this study contrasts the structure and content of various organizational networks to map the hybrid ecosystem of the contemporary digital campaign. While the 'official' Sanders organization built applications to transform supporters into a tightly controlled distribution network for its social media messaging, this was complemented by 'unofficial' grassroots networks that circulated more informal and culturally oriented appeals. The latter are classified according to the models of organizationally enabled and self-organized connective action in digital social movements, with structural differences in oversight and moderation that suggest varying levels of creative autonomy for citizens and reputational risk for the associated campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social work has engaged with and led the revolutionary social movements of the past century. Yet today, as activism by and for racial others unfolds across the United States and Canada, our discipline remains largely silent. This article considers new ways for social workers to conceptualize social work activism, challenge the existing erasures within the profession, and construct innovative strategies to locate social work within the critical social movements of our time. Recognizing the continuity of histories of colonialism, slavery, and genocide, the author argues that social workers must engage with racialized communities' resistance through their legacy of exclusion and displacement. The author demonstrates the significance of an evolving politics of race and social justice for social work practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do religion and race affect political engagement in black churches? Studies of black church-based politics typically use religious frameworks of emancipation in the form of social gospels, associating politically engaged groups with socially liberal politics and movements for racial justice. In contrast, this article draws on two years of fieldwork as well as interviews with clergy and laity to explain how nonemancipatory religious frameworks and politically conservative religious activism operate in black churches. Using the case of African American Christian Zionism, which draws on racial and religious motivations to foster political support for the State of Israel, this article argues for increased attention to theologically and politically conservative social movements within black churches. The discourse of this movement provides an instructive example of how black church political engagement is increasingly focusing on alternative motivations and social solidarities, rather than exclusively operating in contexts that emphasize racial justice and emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship at the intersection of social movement and organizational theories has illuminated intra-organizational factors that shape agencies' efforts to implement policies social movements have fought for, emphasizing the roles of agency leaders' ideological commitments to movement policy, organizational capacity, and sanctions to ensure compliance. I argue that social movement policy implementation is also shaped by bureaucrats' tacit understandings of key movement concepts, albeit conditioned by how able they feel to implement those interpretations in light of political contexts. I make this argument through the case of government agency environmental justice (EJ) grant programs, analyzing program documents, funding patterns, and confidential interviews with agency representatives to explain why most EJ grant programs deviate from longstanding EJ movement priorities while one program coheres with them. I show that these outcomes stem from the fact that many staff--even while avowing support for EJ policy--hold tacit understandings of key movement concepts that differ from those of advocates. Social movement policy implementation can align with movement principles when institutional logics consistent with the movement are held, promoted, and defended by agency representatives who feel that their institutional environment permits them to implement those ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the causes of movement and countermovement mobilization, focusing specifically on the effect that the national movements have on each other by responding directly to mobilization and indirectly through their policy successes. We discuss the mechanisms by which national movements respond to each other, and we examine the influence of political parties and social, political, and economic changes for women. We analyze these relationships using a Poisson Autoregressive (PAR(ρ)) estimator, which is uniquely designed to model both the time dependence and the count distributions, on quarterly time series of feminist, anti-feminist, pro-choice, and anti-abortion events. Results show that movements and countermovements respond to each other and that anti-feminist movements mobilize in response to national policy change and societal change. The results suggest that many quantitative analyses of women's movements may be misspecified and that feminist mobilization does not always abate during conservative backlash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study analyzes news coverage by The New York Times of an 'unworthy' social movement, which opposed official U.S. Navy policy to continue its presence and training on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques. Vieques represents an opportunity to elucidate and assess expectations of the media dependence model in relation to a case that involves changing policy positions effected by an unworthy social movement. The case study also evaluates the extent that the propaganda model by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, as well as the indexing model by W. Lance Bennett, are instructive in terms of news coverage of the efforts of the people of Vieques to evict the over 4-decade long presence of a major U.S. naval base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gaining attention in the mass media is a key goal of many social movement organizations (SMOs). The dominant explanation of media attention to SMOs is that the media act like a filter, selecting some types of SMOs and events for attention, and ignoring others based on characteristics of these SMOs, events, and their political environment. In contrast to this "bias model," I argue that some media attention to SMOs is characterized by positive feedback, or rich-get-richer processes: past media attention increases the likelihood of future media attention through its effect on the SMO and on other media outlets. Like other positive feedback systems, media attention can be path dependent, is routinely punctuated by large cascades of attention to previously obscure SMOs, and can be contingent on "accidents" of history: at critical junctures, individuals, organizations, and events have the potential to radically impact the extent of media attention to their movements and organizations. Media attention to SMOs can also become decoupled from the types of events that initially sparked their media attention, becoming spokes-organizations for their movements and receiving media attention for events and stories that they themselves are not involved. In support of this theory, I first show that media attention is, similar to other positive feedback processes, power-law distributed across SMOs using two national (US) data sets. I then illustrate the process of positive feedback in media attention through a case study of the Black Panther Party's rise to prominence in media attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The human rights framework represents an important foundation of global activism for universalized healthcare. In the United States, in the state of Vermont, activists have recently centered on human rights claims in their efforts to pass successful, though tenuous, health reform legislation. This research, which examines single-payer and universal healthcare campaigns across the United States in the wake of the implementation of the Affordable Care Act, centers on these recent social movement innovations in Vermont. We present the results of 36 in-depth interviews with state and national leaders in the single-payer movement and consider how the human rights framework has entered into their strategic organizing, and how they interpret Vermont's experiences. This analysis of organizing efforts in Vermont reveals a deeply complex understanding of and engagement with human rights. Key organizations and activists in Vermont have undertaken a new approach to utilizing not just the 'Healthcare Is a Human Right' frame, but also an ethic of rights-based power-building in their organizing approach. At the same time, not all actors or organizations have coalesced around this frame or this approach, creating some tensions within the movement, most notably between perceptions of activism led by elite policy experts versus grassroots actors. It has also contributed to broader speculation about what might lead to success for the single payer movement in a post-Affordable Care Act health policy landscape. The findings highlight significant understandings of both the value and vulnerabilities of human rights organizing toward universal healthcare in the US context, in Vermont and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A century of urban research has established that percentage black associates positively with violence at the neighborhood level. We extend traditional structural explanations for this association by drawing attention to the political contexts of cities that may influence the race-violence link. Drawing on insights from social movement and racial politics literatures, we contend that the relationship between percentage black and neighborhood violence will be attenuated in cities with greater black political opportunities and black mobilization. We examine this thesis using multilevel data from the National Neighborhood Crime Study that provide sociodemographic and violence data for census tracts nested within 87 large cities. We pair these data with city-level measures of black political opportunities and mobilization. Multilevel analyses reveal that the relationship between percentage black and violence varies substantially across cities, and that the average positive relationship often is attenuated, and reduced to statistical insignificance, in cities with favorable political contexts. We propose that the substantive and symbolic benefits set in motion by favorable political contexts lay the foundation for neighborhood organization against violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence of protest expansion both in the United States and abroad has stimulated theoretical discussion of a "movement society," with some arguing that protest activities are becoming a standard feature of democratic politics. In advancing this claim, many have highlighted the role of domestic factors-for example, generational change or economic affluence-without fully accounting for the possibility that international dynamics may play an important role as well. The lack of work is surprising not only because the trend in protest is international in scope, but also because work in comparative sociology suggests globalization may make an important contribution. This study addresses the empirical gap by examining how political globalization (as measured by memberships in international organizations) and economic globalization (as measured by trade activity and foreign investment) influence trends in protest participation. Using data from World Values Surveys of 37,716 respondents in 17 advanced democracies merged with data on several national and international indicators, this study examines how the probability of participating in protest has changed over time as a result of these two forms of globalization. The results of multivariate, multilevel analysis combined with simulations indicate that trends in political globalization have expanded protest activity, while trends in economic globalization have limited that expansion. These results suggest that social movement scholarship should continue to examine the implications of globalization for protest behavior and other social movement dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brown v. Board of Education is considered a crowning achievement of racial equality yet, to date, there remains marked racial segregation in U.S. public schools. One explanation for continuing segregation lies in the reproduction of racialized institutions initially designed to preserve the color line. In this article, we examine the persistence of one such institution, drawing on historical institutionalism and rational choice theory to identify forces potentially linked to the reproduction of segregationist academies in the South. Using spatial analyses of National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) data on public and private schools, we observe a process of the elite preservation of hierarchical advantage with linkages to former plantation economies, a legacy of lynching, and organization of white countermovement groups in response to civil rights mobilization. The findings highlight the reproduction of racialized institutions through organizational creation and adaptation and underscore the continuing relevance of spatial and temporal context in shaping specific manifestations of the color line. Keywords: segregation; race; education; mobilization; social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements interact in a wide range of ways, yet we have only a few concepts for thinking about these interactions: coalition, spillover, and opposition. Many social movements interact with each other as neither coalition partners nor opposing movements. In this article, I argue that we need to think more broadly and precisely about the relationships between movements and suggest a framework for conceptualizing noncoalitional interaction between movements. Although social movements scholars have not theorized such interactions, "strange bedfellows" are not uncommon. They differ from coalitions in form, dynamics, relationship to larger movements, and consequences. I first distinguish types of relationships between movements based on extent of interaction and ideological congruence and describe the relationship between collaborating, ideologically opposed movements, which I call "collaborative adversarial relationships." Second, I differentiate among the dimensions along which social movements may interact and outline the range of forms that collaborative adversarial relationships may take. Third, I theorize factors that influence collaborative adversarial relationships' development over time, the effects on participants, and consequences for larger movements, in contrast to coalitions. I draw on the case of the relationship between anti-pornography feminists and conservatives during the 1980s, charting the dynamics of their interaction across arenas and over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement coalitions present unique opportunities and challenges for collective action as they bring together organizations, movements, and individuals who hold diverse interests and social positions. The literature suggests that collective identity and shared ideology both offer opportunities for bridging these differences, but few have addressed their relative utility. Drawing on a case study of a university-based coalition of undocumented and citizen students working to build support for the federal DREAM Act, I find that a social justice ideology was used to facilitate fast-paced recruitment, create simplified participation guidelines based on legal status, and allow for the strategic renegotiation of participation. I argue that building a cross-status coalition through a shared ideology has two key advantages: (1) it allows for fast-paced coalition formation and (2) it promotes the mobilization and commitment of organizations and individuals who occupy different identities and social locations. Additionally, I suggest that conflict among members can be best negotiated through the development of discursive and interactive spaces that allow individuals to engage across their different social locations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In one week in the spring of 2006 more than 100,000 students walked out of schools all across America to protest the threat of H.R. 4437 to immigrants. Drawing on 50 interviews with students, educators, and community activists involved in 11 walkouts across five Texas metropolitan areas, we reconstruct the lived experience of these spontaneous protests. We identify three tightly interrelated aspects of a social and psychological process shaping these protests: the relationship between political threat and telescoping anxiety; the role of defiance and its emotion-switching effect; and the emergent and situational nature of the walkouts. We argue that the collective psychological process of telescoping anxiety punctuated by the situational thrill of defiance is indispensable in explaining these massive, farflung, and spontaneous protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the evolution and politics of the Chicano movement in South Texas. Framed around the mysterious death of Dr. Fred E. Logan Jr., the author argues that concerns around public health were at the heart of a long struggle to end poverty and overturn years of Anglo political rule in the small town of Mathis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time in thirty years of ever stronger intellectual property policies, a transnational coalition of Internet users was able to kill two US anti-piracy bills that were backed by some of the most politically connected and economically powerful interests in US politics. Combining insights from the literatures on social movements, networks, and Internet activism, I analyze the structure for social mobilization, the form of the coalition, the role of framing, and the use of technology contributing to its success. The literature on social movements and contentious politics addresses situations of threats or grievances that lead actors to mobilize for collective action. In this case, Goliath's latest gambit to ratchet up intellectual property standards threatened David's use of the Internet. This time David beat Goliath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To social workers, extreme economic inequality is primarily a violation of social justice, but this article shows how growing economic inequality since the mid-1970s was not only unjust, but also dysfunctional to the U.S. economy and linked to the recent economic crisis with its devastating effects, particularly on the social work clientele. The article identifies interrelated changes in ideology, the market economy, and government policies since the mid-1970s; contrasts the political economy of this period with the preceding post-World War II decades when the trend was toward a "shared prosperity"; and shows how increased economic inequality and political consequences that undermined democracy itself contributed to the economic meltdown. The analysis has implications for the direction of social reform and for broadening the constituency of social movements in pursuit of the social work mission of social justice. How social workers can contribute to such movements and to a reduction of economic and political inequality is explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a political reform theory, a political and historical institutionalist argument that holds that shifts in political structures, partisan regimes and policy greatly influence movements. We appraise this argument, along with resource mobilization, political opportunity and media alternatives, by analyzing 600,000 articles in the New York Times and Washington Post that mention national U.S. social movement organizations (SMOs) in the largest 34 SMO industries across the twentieth century. We provide multivariate analyses of industry-level article mentions of SMOs and detailed analyses of the historical trajectories of coverage across the century. Although we find some support for major theories of movements and media influences, the political reform theory is strongly supported and outperforms standard political opportunity models. We conclude with suggestions to synthesize theories and for research on movement and media outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research on the consequences of social movements typically aims to identify determinants of success or to draw attention to ways that social movements are able to secure new benefits for constituents by gaining concessions from political authorities. Yet social movements, even those that are ultimately defeated, may have an enduring impact on the communities in which they were once active. This impact may be far removed from the movement's stated goals and may be detrimental to constituents and to society at large. We identify an empirical relationship between Ku Klux Klan activism in the 1960s and increased numbers of homicides in southern U.S. counties in subsequent decades. We explain this finding by drawing attention to ways in which right-wing extremism can disrupt community cohesion, generate mistrust in legal authorities, and promote interpretations of conflict and conflict resolution that weaken constraints on violent behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article looks at variations in the framing of arguments among 20th-century U.S. women's jury movements. According to the author, jury activists used both a traditional frame highlighting women's differences from men, and a radical frame highlighting their intellectual equality. It is suggested that frame variation among these activists was driven by their organizational identities and processes of counterframing and political and cultural resonance. Other topics include women lawmakers, political strategy, and political rhetoric.

Few studies examine whether the public agenda responds to different types of issue coverage in the same way. After outlining why such differences are likely, this study takes advantage of daily polling data and a rare sequence of news cycles surrounding the issue of gun control to compare how coverage of different political actors and events drives an issue’s placement on the public agenda. Coverage generated by the citizen activist group, the Million Mom March, is estimated to have a greater influence on public opinion compared to coverage of a string of school shootings or, finally, President Clinton’s campaign. Tests show that group or political biases do not drive these results but, along with evidence from the 2009 health care protests, coverage of citizen demonstrations consistently outperforms presidential news in its association with the mass public agenda. Although elected officials are granted greater access to news media coverage, the findings suggest that such access does not grant a corresponding influence on the public agenda. More generally, it demonstrates that news storyline content has measurable implications for news media agenda setting at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How do social movements influence corporations? Recent work suggests that movements can inflict material damage on their targets and shape categories of evaluation in organizational fields. Extending these ideas, we examine the effects of anti-sweatshop campaigns on sales, stock performance, reputation and specialized ratings of U.S. firms, using fixed-effects regression models and event study methods. The analysis demonstrates that social movements can in some circumstances shape both the markets and fields that firms inhabit. Specifically, anti-sweatshop campaigns (1. had negative effects on sales (though only among certain types of firms), (2. influenced stock prices, and (3. shaped specialized ratings of corporate responsibility. They also diminished previously positive corporate reputations (to a modest degree) but did not radically alter reputational hierarchies in the business community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article provides a comparative analysis of the health food movement of the 1830s in the U.S. led by William Sylvester Graham, and the organic foods movement in the U.S. of the 1960s and 1970s. The author contrasts the movements by focusing upon their differences in issue framing, the religious significance placed upon diet, and the relationship between personal growth and social change. The author asserts that many of the characteristics of the Grahamite movement were similar to the evangelical Christianity movement, while the organic foods movement's tactics resembled those of the New Left, environmentalism, and the counterculture of the era.

The article examines the environmental movement in the U.S. between 1962 and 1998 and the role that ecological threat played in the level of activity among various environmental organizations. The authors state that environmental activism increased following ecological developments such as declines in wildlife population and increases in air pollution. The authors assert that the threat concept demonstrates that mobilization and organization patterns of environmentally-motivated groups respond to environmental conditions.

The authors utilize organizational ecology theory to examine variations in the formation of environmentalist organizations across U.S. counties during the periods of 1990 to 1999 and 2000 to 2008 as they relate to the location and density of other civil rights and environmental groups in the areas. The authors assert that, during the 1990s, civil rights density was positively associated with environmental justice organizations, and negatively associated in the 2000s. The authors posit that the results suggest initial cooperation followed by competitiveness among civil rights and environmental organizations.

The article presents an examination of the role that Jewish American women played in the peace movement during the interwar period in the United States. It explores how participation in peace activism was one of the ways that American Jewish women worked to gain acceptance and integration on national and local levels. It discusses Jewish immigration to the U.S. around the turn of the century and explores the role the Jewish women's organizations played in helping women transition to life in the U.S. It also explores how these organizations became involved with peace activism, discusses antisemitism in the U.S. and how participation in peace activism allowed Jewish women to show their dedication to the U.S.

The article presents an examination of the National Organization for Women's (NOW) case against Sears, Roebuck and Company in the 1970s regarding wages and the employment opportunities of women. It situates this case in the context of the changing environment of second wave feminism in the United States and explores how the movement shifted its goals as it attempted to develop into a cohesive national movement. It discusses the case as a turning point in liberal feminism and explores how ideological differences within NOW ultimately demobilized the movement.

The article presents an examination of abolitionist Dinah Nevil and the founding of the world's first anti-slavery organization. It examines the political and moral decisions involved in the American nation building process as well as in the transatlantic antislavery movement. It addresses the history of antislavery activism, discusses the idea that the American Revolutionary War was a necessary precondition for the abolition of slavery and examines how Nevil's case suggests that the war interrupted an ongoing effort to abolish slavery.

The article discusses the factors influencing the survival of U.S. community-based nonprofit organizations in low- and moderate-income areas, in the face of scarce financial and social resources. Factors discussed include: external financial resources, as well as local grassroots fundraising; local legitimacy, as well as extra-local legitimacy in the form of affiliation with regional or national organizations; organizational age, size, and structure; and urban or rural location. The research sample is drawn from grant applications to the Catholic Campaign for Human Development.

Contributing to the gender and federalism debate, this article explores how characteristics and historical legacies of the Canadian and U.S. federations shape women’s activism. Following discussion of three positions gender scholars and activists hold regarding federalism, their shared view that federalism is gendered is explored. Reversing the causal arrow to compare how organized women circumvent or change obstructive federal arrangements, the text uses abortion rights campaigning to illustrate. It shows that the weaker pan-Canadian women’s movement succeeded in effecting constitutional and judicial change because of a favorable division of powers and preoccupation with Quebec. But a negative historical legacy and division of powers, counter-movements and partisan polarization limited the stronger U.S. movement to circumvention strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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The article presents an examination into the events and politics surrounding labor relations in the United States during the 1940s and 1950s. Focus is given to the social movement perspective of repression and counter-movement organization as seen in the policy debates of the period. The author provides an event history analysis of the right-to-work laws taken up in multiple U.S. states after the New Deal. The ways in which the political powers of the states aligned with employers or labor unions are particularly highlighted. Conclusions are given expanding the implications of the historical case on social movements and labor relations in general.