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Little is known about the extra-political consequences of contemporary U.S.-based nativist mobilization as well as the resilience unauthorized migrants display in the face of anti-immigrant mobilization along the U.S.-Mexico border. Bringing together social movements and immigration literatures, we examine these interrelated issues using original survey data from the first wave of the Migrant Border Crossing Study. In so doing, we examine: (1) factors influencing repatriated unauthorized migrants' awareness of nativist mobilization (i.e. Minutemen) along the Arizona-Sonora border, and (2) factors explaining why some migrants would or would not be potentially deterred from attempting future unauthorized crossings if encountering the Minutemen were a possibility. Results from a Heckman probit selection model indicate that higher levels of general, financial, and migration-specific human capital are associated with awareness of the Minutemen, while higher household income and status as an indigenous language speaker predict who would be less likely to be deterred from crossing. We also uncover an interesting paradox: migrants traveling with coyotes were less likely to have heard of Minutemen and more likely to be potentially deterred. Collectively, our results provide insight into the overlooked extra-political consequences of contemporary U.S. nativist mobilization, how resiliency in the face of such a deterrent is structured among repatriated unauthorized migrants, and how seemingly powerless migrant groups can mitigate potential threats initiated by relatively privileged groups of U.S. citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the lessons taught by the Arab uprisings in countries such as Tunisia and Egypt to theorists of democratization and discusses the possibility of future democratization in the Arab world. Topics include the divergent trajectories taken by Tunisia and Egypt in their quest for democracy, the dynamics of democratization in Tunisia and Egypt, and why Tunisia is considered to be a case of successful democratic transition and Egypt is viewed to be a case of authoritarian reversion.

This article argues that the traditional retail market—a ubiquitous commercial feature of British towns and cities—produced a particular strand of heritage politics in late 1960s and early 1970s Britain. In recovering the activists involved in two campaigns to ‘save the market’ from redevelopment—one unsuccessful campaign in Bradford and one successful campaign in Chesterfield—I make the case for thinking through local urban heritage movements in comparative terms, focusing on how place-based citizenship collided with a nascent, national ‘anti-development’ mood in the early 1970s. The campaigns in Bradford and Chesterfield defended the transhistorical ‘publicness’ of the retail market—its spatial centrality, its collective ownership, and its relief of town or city rates—as a critique of contemporary, undemocratic privatization of communal space. Combining the archives of civic amenity, community action, and heritage societies with subjective attitudes towards preservation and redevelopment found in local ‘letters to the editor’ pages, this article reads the market as one physical nexus where local ‘politics’ and ‘publics’ collided and permutated in early 1970s provincial Britain. This focus on the lived heritage of socio-economic place has bearing on public history, the history of urban social movements, and architecture and planning historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents theses concerning learning and scholarship about the era known as Reconstruction, focusing on the period as a continuation of the U.S. Civil War, Reconstruction as an international social movement, and Reconstruction as a utopian struggle for the expansion of freedom. The article discusses various works by scholars including W.E.B. Du Bois, John William Draper, and Michel Foucault.

This article places the neoliberalization of protest policing in conversation with the counter-surveillance tactic of video activism to understand how the surveillance of Black Lives Matter (BLM) reinforces what Simone Browne called "dark surveillance." As state violence against communities of color is increasingly captured on smartphone cameras and broadcast on social media, these images catalyze movements championing police reform and racial justice. Through a case study of Black Lives Matter 5280 (BLM5280), I argue that although counter-surveillance tactics such as "cop-watching" and video activism illuminate law enforcement misconduct and elevate the discourse of social movements, the preemptive suppression of dissent by privatized and militarized police agencies creates an asymmetry between state surveillance and counter-surveillance that limits the efficacy of video evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a profile of the consumerist and tests for significant differences between the consumerist and the average consumer. The findings suggest that the consumerist differs significantly on socioeconomic, life style, attitudinal, readership, and listenership variables, while constituting a sizeable segment (15 percent) of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A personality-related study was made of individuals exhibiting socially conscious consumer behavior. It was found that these individuals may be characterized as "self-actualizing" as Maslow uses the term. The findings expand previous findings by Webster, and they are evidence that a holistic approach to personality measurement is possible in consumer research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For scholars of democratization, social movements and east Asian history, this English translation provides detailed documentation of a critical juncture in South Korea's democratization. In 2016, more than two million people marched on the streets of South Korea with candles and banners, calling for the immediate removal of President Park Geun-hye and her government's rampant corruption. The protests subsidized only when Chun Doo-hwan, then leader of the military dictatorship, sent soldiers to suppress the uprising through force. [Extracted from the article]

Networked content flows that focus or fragment public attention are key communication processes in multimedia ecologies. Understandings of events may differ widely, as networked attention and framing processes move from core participants to more distant spectator publics. In the case of the Occupy Wall Street protests, peripheral social media networks of public figures and media organizations focused public attention on economic inequality. Although inequality was among many issues discussed by the activists, it was far less central to the protest core than problems with banks or democracy. Results showed how public attention to inequality was constructed through pulling and pushing interpretive frames between the core and periphery of dense communication networks. Various indicators of public attention--such as search trends, Wikipedia article edits, and legacy media coverage--all credited the protests with raising public awareness of inequality, even as attention to problems with banks grew at the protest core. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the religious aspect of Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong, China which is a civil disobedience campaign. It mentions organizational nature of Hong Kong's Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP) which disrupt and paralyze the flow of traffic, and to demand genuine universal suffrage from Beijing, China. It also mentions role of religion in social movements and role of the Catholic Church in acting against perceived social ills.

The ultranationalist Action Conservative Movement (ACM), a network of new far right groups that emerged around 2007, has taken an interest in the controversy surrounding Japan’s colonial past. Influenced by the historical revisionism promoted by mainstream conservatives, such as Nippon Kaigi and the government under Prime Minister Abe Shinzˉo, they have engaged in street-level activism against former ‘comfort women’ and their support groups. Based on extensive fieldwork and interviews, this article discusses how ACM activists established an independent identity by differentiating themselves from other right-wing movements through aggressive and ‘active’ engagement on the comfort women issue. By looking at the different motivations and strategies taken by ACM activists, I demonstrate that even as the ACM criticizes the conservative establishment for inactivity, it functions to elevate claims by mainstream conservatives. Amplifying the establishment’s criticism of the comfort women’s claims as mere fabrications, the ACM has changed the perceptions of a wide range of right-wing groups and even the general public. By paying close attention to a number of activists’ narratives, I show that despite their critical attitudes and sensational tactics, ACM activists function to complement the revisionist stance of the conservative establishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses insider ethnographic and interview data to examine one of the largest sustained collective actions in the history of the United States--the Wisconsin Uprising of 2011. It finds that this event took a highly unusual form due to a social relation that I term escalating moral obligation, a sense of solidaristic duty that grows increasingly fervent as others struggle on behalf of a shared cause. Each of three active groups within the movement engaged in arduous and unconventional resistance to controversial legislation, and did so in a manner that induced moral debt among the other groups. Fervency of commitment to the cause increased as a result of allies taking risky or self-sacrificial actions. Each group felt obligated to continue difficult mobilization as long as others continued theirs. Escalating moral obligation develops a simultaneously emergent, endogenous, and cognitive dimension of social movements. It is a relational mechanism linking political opportunity with actual mobilization. The political opportunity in this case was a combination of several conditions: an elite cleavage over the desirability of public unions, a more local balance of power allowing dissident legislators to obstruct but not defeat legislation, and an immediate severe popular reaction. This mechanism is potentially generalizable to other risky or arduous protests. When activists are motivated by the sacrifice or risk-taking of allied activists, escalating moral obligation is present. The concept links group-level imperatives with individual-level motivations. Escalating moral obligation shows one way that individual subjectivities can change through group interrelations and emotionally intense interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance of global 1968 protest movements in Canadian politics. Topics include the impact of social movements on Canadian historiography, the role of indigenous history and historiography within Canadian history, and political responses to 1960s protest movements in Canada in relation to austerity and neoliberalism.

The author discusses the significance of the political and social movements in the U.S. associated with the year 1968, particularly concerning the concepts of liberalism, feminism, and what is called Third-Worldism, or Third World identification. She discusses the impact of the Vietnam War on U.S. politics, the connection between race and resistance, and decolonization.

The article discusses the author's views about the political and social conditions in Italy during 1968, and it mentions student protests, the involvement of young people in social movements, and various protests involving secondary school students in Italian cities in 2017. Political participation and direct action events such as sit-ins and marches in Italy are assessed, along with graffiti slogans and a feminist movement in Italy in the 1970s.

Progressive faith communities joined the hundreds of thousands of others who took to the streets in downtown Chicago on January 21, 2017 to protest the Trump regime. The Women's March on Chicago (WMC) provides an opportunity to shed new light on religious resistance given its unique features. Unlike protests in prior studies of progressive faith-based activism, the WMC was a secular event, involving little costs and risks, and for which religious communities did not have to cultivate grievances. Drawing on and analyzing in-depth interviews with clergy and laity who participated in the WMC, our study complicates the established scholarly view of progressive religious activism in three main ways. First, for the Trump resistance, faith was a secondary rather than a primary motivation for progressive religious marchers. Second, clergy did not mainly drive mobilizing efforts in that laity played a key role. Last, while many progressive faith communities self-identified at the event to show the world they were there in solidarity, they eschewed strong, distinctively religious expressions during the WMC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump's calls to "Make America great again" loosely unified a Republican coalition divided over policy, priorities, and style. In contrast, Democrats in 2016 were divided between two stories about America. Progressives today seek a new narrative that can unite their ideologically and socially diverse coalition while also providing a compelling alternative to Trump's account of national decline. This article argues that one such narrative already exists. It is most closely associated today with a diverse set of progressive religious leaders including Rev. William J. Barber U. This narrative differs from Trump's in terms of its portrayal of the country's historical trajectory, American identity and belonging, and citizens' responsibilities to the American democratic project. Presidential elections are as much about disagreements over the American story as they are about policy differences. Attention to these competing stories offers new insights into the 2016 election and the role that progressive religious leaders are playing in the resistance movement that has emerged in its aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that we are living through a period when political institutions are out of step with dramatic, economic and social changes. In similar periods in the past, war has often played a key restructuring role. But contemporary wars are much less likely to achieve this. The main agents of change are social movements and new forms of communication. The article concludes that we need new forms of global governance and some critical rethinking of academic discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Notwithstanding recent interest in the politics of housing, squatting in the formative contexts of post‐Restoration rural England remains little understood and studied. Drawing upon a diverse archive of central government papers and those of the local officers of the New Forest – the largest Crown forest in England and Wales – this article argues that the resort to squatting was a function of the uneven contours of forest governance. Moreover, while squatting led to the formation of new communities, it was neither exclusively a plebeian act nor, against official discourses, necessarily an abuse of the assets of the forest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing literature examines the dynamics of social movement contention within and across "social fields." While fields tend toward stability, events and processes elsewhere in a broader system of fields can provide opportunities for movement mobilization. Most accounts see these cross-field dynamics as exogenous events, granting movements little control over when and how these opportunities might emerge. In contrast, this article argues that activists can and do purposely create cross-field effects. Examining changes in contentious practice in the American labor movement--which in recent decades, has reoriented contention over workplace issues away from workplaces themselves, and toward political arenas more traditionally dominated by community concerns--this article advances the concept of cross-field manipulation, purposive strategic action that accounts for the positioning of actors across social fields, triggering events in one field so as to reorder the dynamics of another. Using a historical study of evolving organizing practices in a Southern California hotel workers' union, including interviews and archival sources, the paper identifies three mechanisms--power analysis, alliance building, and actor-triggered crises--whereby labor activists purposely generate cross-field effects. Through repeated interactions with employers and polities, activists learned a unique campaign model that politicized workplace conflict in communities and markets, generating opportunities for workplace gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a response to Shirin Rai's essay on the good life and solidarity. The paper takes up many questions about solidarity and the good life raised by Rai, and discusses issues such as strategic essentialism and intersectionality in contemporary social movements. I raise up my voice . . . so that those without a voice can be heard. Those who have fought for their rights: Their right to live in peace. Their right to be treated with dignity. Their right to equality of opportunity. Their right to be educated. . . . Dear sisters and brothers, we realise the importance of light when we see darkness. We realise the importance of our voice when we are silenced Malala Yousafzai (July 12, 2013) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the relationship between social class and online participation in social movements? Scholars suggest that low costs to digital activism broaden participation and challenge conventional collective action theories, but given the digital divide, little is known about cost variation across social movement organizations from different social classes. A focus on high levels of digital engagement and extraordinary events leaves scant information about the effect of social class on digital mobilization patterns and everyday practices within and across organizations. This study takes a field-level approach to incorporate all groups involved in one statewide political issue, thereby including organizations with different social class compositions, from Tea Parties to labor unions. Data collection spans online and off-line digital activism practices. With an index to measure digital engagement from an original data set of over 90,000 online posts, findings show deep digital activism inequalities between working-class and middle/upper-class groups. In-depth interviews and ethnographic observations reveal that the mechanisms of this digital activism gap are organizational resources, along with individual disparities in access, skills, empowerment and time. These factors create high costs of online participation for working-class groups. Rather than reduced costs equalizing online participation, substantial costs contribute to digital activism inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a quasi-natural experiment in the Latino National Survey (2006), I examine the effect of the 2006 immigrant rights marches on attitudes about assimilation among Mexican immigrants residing in the United States. I test the hypothesis, dominant in the existing literature, that major sociopolitical events raise ethnic consciousness and lead to reactive or retentionist attitudes that privilege maintenance of ethnic culture over "blending in." Contrary to established findings, I show that the marches did not increase retentionist attitudes nor strengthen ethnic nationalism. Instead, in the period during and after the marches, Mexican immigrants were more likely to hold incorporationist attitudes that place value on both assimilation and ethnic cultural maintenance, as well as assimilationist attitudes which privilege "blending in" to American society. These findings suggest that attitudes were influenced by the incorporationist and assimilationist messages promulgated by protest organizers and the Spanish-language media. The specific discourse used by media and activists can shape both individual attitudes and conceptions of how minority groups relate to wider society, evincing a more expansive approach to American identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extensive scholarship addresses whether and how social movements can have consequences for outcomes of interest to them. Though divided in its conclusions, existing research generally shares a focus on potential contributions of movements to the codification of rights and adoption of policies, rather than their actual implementation. Often, however, palpable enactment of the crystallized laws and policies that movements demand is far from guaranteed, raising salient questions about whether and how movements can matter for implementation outcomes as well. To address such questions, the article uses a mixed-methods analysis to examine consequences of subnational office-holding by "sanitarista" activists from the Sanitarist Movement--contemporary Brazil's most important health movement--for rates of primary public health coverage and childhood mortality. Before reviewing existing theories and conceptualizing movement office-holding, it briefly describes the movement's role in codifying Brazil's constitutional right to health and demanding new local democratic institutions for enacting that right. Then, Prais-Winsten regression analyses of all major Brazilian capitals between 1995 and 2014 show that sanitarista office-holding atop a key subnational institution was associated with broader health service coverage and lower mortality. Comparative case-study analysis illustrates that office-holding sanitaristas helped generate these improvements by leveraging new democratic offices to marshal support of subnational executives for the movement's modest but effective state-building project in the municipal health sector. Ultimately, theories of movement consequences benefit from considering how in certain democratic contexts, subnational office-holding can constitute an important standalone outcome with considerable promise to also improve policy implementation and social development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under which conditions do social movements receive coverage by the mainstream news media? News coverage matters for movements for political, cultural, and organizational reasons, but only rarely have scholars analyzed the coverage of movements comparatively and at the movement level. To address the question, we apply a political mediation model of the influence of movements to professional news media, using ideas from the social organization of the news perspective. From this model, we hypothesize four main multicausal paths to extensive coverage for movements. These involve the joint occurrence of two specific movement characteristics--disruptive capacities and extensive organization--and two specific political contexts--unified partisan regimes and enforced policies. Working from scholarship that argues that rightist movements have different determinants, we also devise hypotheses for their coverage. These hypotheses are appraised through qualitative comparative analyses on an updated Political Organizations in the News data set. The latter includes information on all the coverage of national US movement organizations in four major national newspapers across the twentieth century. These analyses provide extensive support for the mediation model and support claims that rightist movements have separate and in some ways more difficult routes to extensive news coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1984-5 British miners' strike can be understood as a defence of place as well as jobs. Such a conception encourages us to foreground the local in accounts of the strike. However, I argue in this article that the local should not be understood in an excessively bounded way. By paying attention to relationships developed between London and the coalfields during the dispute, we can see how direct personal networks of solidarity were constructed between these very different places. This article discusses the spaces in which solidarity activity for miners in London took place. I argue that political activists rooted themselves in localities by constructing permanent spaces such as centres and bookshops, which enabled the development of concrete relationships between different places. I highlight 'twinning' as a distinct spatial tactic used by supporters of the strike to bridge geographical distance and develop personal connections between London and the coalfields. I also show that elements of the state were used to both sustain this solidarity and to restrict the space available for the miners and their supporters. I argue centrally, therefore, that opposing political visions for moving beyond the post-war settlement manifested in a struggle over space in the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the politics of victims' rights in Timor-Leste a decade after Timor's official independence from Indonesia. Using data from work and ethnographic fieldwork in Timor from 2002 to 2013, the article asks why Timor's victims' rights movement has had such difficulties achieving its goals, and whether and in what ways Timor's truth commission has contributed to these difficulties. It argues that Timor's victims' rights movement has floundered because of the emergence of a gendered victim-veteran binary in Timor, in which the 'victim' is defined in negative relation to the 'veteran' as one who did not resist Indonesian rule and is devalued accordingly. It further argues that Timor's truth commission unintentionally contributed to this binary through its discourse of innocent, suffering victimhood. The article concludes by examining how truth commissions can engage with the theme of past resistance to violence, so as to prevent the emergence of similar victim-veteran binaries elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we draw on ethnographic research to examine some key communication activism practices of Spain's indignados (15M) movement. The 15M radically transformed communication activism in Spain through its strong political-pedagogical orientation. Here lies the greatest 15M lesson for Communication for Social Change: Ordinary citizens in countries like Spain are rejecting traditional roles as 'beneficiaries' of institutional communication campaigns. Instead, they have become active political actors who are able to generate their own processes of political pedagogy and communication. We conceptualize this lesson by positing the existence of three principles of 15M communication activism as a school of politics: the principles of pedagogical sovereignty, action, and networking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the following essay, I offer and explain the concept of wild public networks as a tool for social movement scholars interested in taking a network approach to contemporary protests via poststructuralism. Wild public networks offer scholars a means of approaching social movements that moves past binaries to productively incorporate affect. In so doing, the concept of wild public networks advances an ontological shift for social movement scholars that also alters what we examine and how. Wild public networks consider how the movement of the social can be witnessed in changes to relationships between actants and the configurations of networks. To explicate this new concept, I turn to contemporary environmental protests in Maoming, China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing emphasis on collective action raises new questions for research and practice in communication for development and social change. What actors drive processes of collective action? What are the communication features of their interventions? What type of social change processes do they enhance? What evidence demonstrates the impact of collective action processes? What theoretical frameworks inform our understanding of collective action and social change? What is the role of communication scholarship in this context? In this article, we address these questions, review the contexts of contemporary transformation and key debates in communication for development and social change, and propose a research agenda for an interdisciplinary field of inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between 'contentious actions' and communication processes in communication for social change (CSC) theory. Beginning with an analysis of the contributions made by Charles Tilly to the understanding of the methods and repertoires of popular protest and E. P. Thompson's interpretation of the moral economy of protests, it explores the history of contentious action in India, before focusing on the empowerment potential of the 'Public Hearing' as contentious action, specifically in the context of the Right to Information Movement in India. It argues that contentious actions such as public hearings need to become a focus for study in CSC theory precisely because it contributes to the validation of Voice, and to individual and collective empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

H. Carr840 Khodorkovsky and Sixsmith: The Russia conundrum872 Lerner: From the ashes of history848 Long: The molecularisation of security865 Madhok: Vernacular rights cultures825 Martin: All necessary measures? H. Carr840 Khodorkovsky and Sixsmith: The Russia conundrum872 Lerner: From the ashes of history848 Long: The molecularisation of security865 Madhok: Vernacular rights cultures825 Martin: All necessary measures?. [Extracted from the article]

The Tractarian writers - Keble, Newman, Williams in particular - were hardly great poets, but their poetry infuses their theological writings through and through. Hunger, Poetry and the Oxford Movement: The Tractarian Social Vision. What Scholl's book lacks is the profoundly doctrinal basis of the Oxford Movement, clearly evident in Isaac Williams Tract 87, I On Reserve in Communicating Religious Knowledge i . [Extracted from the article]

We propose a regime change model in which people are uncertain about both the quality of a specific regime and governance in general. The poor perceive the current regime as bad, rationally infer that all governments are bad, and therefore believe mass movements are futile. The middle class are more sanguine about the prospect of good government, and believe that collective action is effective because they expect many fellow citizens to share the same view. This coordination game with incomplete information does not admit monotone equilibrium but exhibits multiple interval equilibria, where middle class people are more likely to attack the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the broad and challenging question of how to resource transformative grassroots organizations. These organizations not only carry the grievances of women, immigrants and workers, but build collective action, support the emergence of leadership, and connect to larger social movements. We explore how the resourcing and democratic legitimacy of such grassroots movements transgresses presumed boundaries between popular politics and manipulated participation and whether diversifying funding sources helps make genuine community organizing more or less likely. We ask how these organizations pay staff, support education, and continue to survive while also challenging power. In addition, how do they contend with forms of state support that privilege very narrow and depoliticized agendas? We conclude that there are radical grassroots organizations that have, to a limited degree, successfully negotiated these tensions. Our examples from England and Quebec, along with our wider analysis, provide a snapshot of the possibilities of diversifying funding for community organizing by adding public funding to the mix. But our critical perspective also highlights the values, infrastructure, and scale needed to advance community organizing and related social movements beyond these examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anne O'Donnell and Lydia Sapouna, based in Scotland and Ireland, respectively, are activists and writers who have made long-standing contributions to the debate about mental health and recovery. In this dialogue they exchange analyses of the achievements and lessons to be learned from mental health activism that has resisted dominant narratives of mental illness and that has created innovative, collaborative and critical spaces for the exchange of ideas, experiences and enthusiasms. The dialogue seeks to evoke the distinctive styles of activism adopted in each context, the successes engendered and the kinds of dilemmas and tactical choices navigated. Ann and Lydia have initiated a process of reflection and exchange, and out of this they have constructed a dialogical piece that highlights key organizational issues for mental health activists and for community based social movements more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to identify and explore the convergent features of social movements and community development, arguing that they already share a distinctive, if uneasy, alliance around what might be called the politics of democracy. Exploring connections, as well as points of difference, this article suggests that a critical dialogue between the two might, in the longer term, contribute to a positive realignment between social movements and community development groups. In our view, social movement praxis has much to offer community development in reviving and reasserting its more radical potential, by offering untapped opportunities for building community, forging collective identity and imagining political alternatives. Specifically, the article explores why and how protest tactics matter: their political significance and the dilemmas and possibilities they present both for movement participants and community development practitioners. The article, while recognizing the often complex and constraining contexts within which it is deployed, also identifies particular features of community development that may contribute to the building of more grounded and participatory movements. In highlighting the overlapping and progressive commitment of social movements and community development organisations, we recognize the acute challenges involved in building support and forging solidarity among disenfranchised peoples. In the final section, we highlight and explore potential sources of and approaches to solidarity, assessing their relative merits for a more politically engaged community development practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including a critical dialogue between social movements and community development, agrarian politics and land struggles against corporate development opportunities in Northern Uganda and the possibility of autonomy within historical-geographic circumstances.

Drawing on interviews with leaders of the effort to promote the 2016 Bernie Sanders U.S. presidential candidacy on social media, this study contrasts the structure and content of various organizational networks to map the hybrid ecosystem of the contemporary digital campaign. While the 'official' Sanders organization built applications to transform supporters into a tightly controlled distribution network for its social media messaging, this was complemented by 'unofficial' grassroots networks that circulated more informal and culturally oriented appeals. The latter are classified according to the models of organizationally enabled and self-organized connective action in digital social movements, with structural differences in oversight and moderation that suggest varying levels of creative autonomy for citizens and reputational risk for the associated campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Avoiding either a celebration of SlutWalk as global sisterhood or a dismissal of this movement as postfeminist, this article seeks to understand the SlutWalk phenomenon as cultural production. The article examines how SlutWalk Korea ( jabnyonhangjin) organizers bridge and traverse the cultural boundaries that arise among global SlutWalk movements, Korean feminist movements, leftist movements, and popular media. Through such traversing practices, the organizers not only produce activism as signified by posters, marches, and costumes, but also (re)construct a field of feminist cultural production. By participating in SlutWalk Korea, which recognizes their interdependence and acknowledges their interior otherness, Korean organizers create new feminist subjectivities that enable new political possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do we achieve social justice? How do we change society for the better? Some would argue that we must do it by changing the laws or state institutions. Others that we must do it by changing individual attitudes. I argue that although both of these factors are important and relevant, we must also change culture. What does this mean? Culture, I argue, is a set of social meanings that shapes and filters how we think and act. Problematic networks of social meanings constitute an ideology. Entrenched ideologies are resilient and are barriers to social change, even in the face of legal interventions. I argue that an effective way to change culture is through social movements and contentious politics, and that philosophy has a role to play in promoting such change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits a central tenet in the research on gay identity: namely, that industrial capitalism "created" gay identity and set the stage for the modern lesbian and gay movement in the United States. Although largely forgotten by social movement scholarship, I argue that this relationship continues. Specifically, different kinds of capitalism yielded different dominant understandings of gay identity held by the movement over its 70-year history: reform capitalism created a psychiatric gay identity; social contract capitalism created an "out" minority gay identity; capitalism-in-crisis created a decentered and contested gay identity; and neoliberal capitalism created a domesticated and consumerist gay identity. Rather than viewing gay identity and the movement through the prism of resources, opportunities, social networks, and social construction, the article argues that these processes are best subsumed under the broader rubric of capitalist political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do perceptions of the state shape social movements' strategies? Drawing on 16 months of participant observation and 70 interviews with activists in Arizona, this article illustrates how the politics of immigration plays out at the grassroots level as a struggle between expanding and restricting the state. Pro-immigrant activists in this study contended that the problem of undocumented migration resulted from the state's unchecked coercive power. Experiencing this strong-state effect, pro-immigrant activists' tactics focused on limiting the state's reach and reinforcing society's capacity to resist the state. Meanwhile, immigration restrictionist activists attributed the problem of undocumented immigration to the state's feebleness as a policing entity. In response to this weak-state effect, restrictionist tactics tried to expand the state's scope and build society's ability to aid the state. The article concludes by discussing how the strong/weak-state effect framework helps illuminate the field of social relations in which an activist group is embedded and provides an avenue for exploring the relationship between state practices and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Norm cascades often spark resistance from states under pressure to conform. Some react by further distancing themselves from the norm--a process known as "norm backlash." We identify a particular kind of norm backlash: the creation of legal barriers aimed at fending off a transnationally diffusing norm by blocking the ability of local actors to advocate for it. We call this phenomenon "norm immunization" and provide an account of the conditions that bring it about. In this account, transnational advocacy increases the local salience of the norm, which is discursively constructed as a national threat that calls for defensive regulations against the advocacy of the threatening norm. Using this model, we analyze Uganda's immunization against LGBT rights as instantiated in the Anti-Homosexuality Act of 2014. We find that the successful efforts of LGBT rights advocates elsewhere indeed precipitated the discursive construction of those rights as a national threat in Uganda, thereby unintentionally contributing to the adoption of the norm-immunizing law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011 a broad majority in the German Federal Parliament voted to abandon nuclear energy. This article explores the origins of the change in attitude towards nuclear energy and argues that seven years before the Chernobyl disaster, the accident at the U.S. power plant Three Mile Island near Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, in 1979, had a profound impact which nowadays seems to be largely forgotten in Europe. The article identifies the structural causes underlying the transnational reception of the Three Mile Island accident and explores international reactions, particularly in the Federal Republic of Germany. The accident near Harrisburg led to a loss of public confidence and created unease about nuclear expansion in many industrialized nations. Reactions to the accident can be understood as an attempt to tame nuclear energy both technically, by increasing safety measures and abandoning plans for new nuclear power stations, and politically, with a more critical appraisal of nuclear energy and with semantics that encouraged a long-term withdrawal from nuclear power. Critics were now also accepted as experts. Nuclear policy in all countries became closely dependent on public opinion, indicating a high level of political responsiveness. Various factors, however, including the contemporaneous oil crisis put the brakes on this critical approach to nuclear power, while safety improvements and the limited expansion of nuclear power created new confidence in the early 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Tea Party Movement (TPM) emerged, observers have drawn parallels between this movement and the Religious Right (RR). This article deepens our understanding of this relationship by providing a detailed analysis of religiosity in the TPM versus the RR. We find that compared to the RR, the TPM mobilized a religiously heterogeneous membership. Although roughly half of TPM members were also members of the RR, the other half of this movement reported lower levels of religious orthodoxy and commitment, and included relatively large numbers of nonreligious individuals. Yet a majority of TPM members, including disproportionately high numbers of nonreligious members, believed that America is a Christian nation. Our findings complicate the notion that religious "nones" are predictably liberal and that Christian nationalist views are necessarily linked to Christian identity, instead raising the possibility that Christian-America rhetoric can operate--even for some nonreligious individuals--as symbolic boundary-work that marks certain groups as political "others." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While social movement scholarship has emphasized the role of activists in socially constructing grievances, we contend that material adversity is a reoccurring precondition of anti-state mobilization. We test the effect of economic decline on the count of large-scale, anti-government demonstrations and riots. Using multiple sources of newspaper reports of contentious events across 145 countries during the period 1960-2006, we find a statistically significant negative relationship between economic growth and the number of contentious events, controlling for a variety of state-governance, demographic, and media characteristics. We find that the effect is strongest under conditions of extreme economic decline and in non-democracies. These findings highlight the need for social movement scholars to take seriously the role of economic performance as an important factor that enables mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A response to Philip Alston's lecture 'The Populist Challenge to Human Rights'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]