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This article studies the contested legal–political dynamics around forced migration flows to and through an unrecognized state: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). We adopt an analytical perspective drawn from the literature on performative politics and the legal anthropology of documents to explore how migration dynamics interact with the contested legal status of the TRNC. Our two main questions are: What practical shape do the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers take in an interstitial legal space, where the foundation of law is itself subject to ambiguity, suspension, and contestation? And what implications—opportunities and hazards—does this constellation have for refugees and asylum-seekers? Drawing on interviews, lived experience and fieldwork observations, we make two arguments. First, we contend that the interstitial status of the TRNC represents both an opportunity for refugees and a threat. Secondly, we argue that a purely legal or technical understanding of legal identity and concurrent rights is inadequate; we must subject these phenomena to a politically informed analysis of the everyday practices through which legal norms and spaces are continuously shaped and reshaped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article PDF first page previewGraphGraphCloseBy Tomos HughesReported by Author [Extracted from the article]

Bringing together narrative elements, virtual affordances, and participants' embodied interactions, virtual reality (VR) movies instantiate new narrative techniques by offering an immersive experience. This study examines virtual narrative beyond mere interactional engagement and extends the phenomenon to include worlding, metaleptic embodiment, and instantiated possible selves. It aims at exploring VR narrative as idiosyncratic cognitive processes, with a special focus on the notions of empathy and emotional involvement as significant elements contributing to this peculiar interactional and cognitive experience. A cognitive stylistic approach is adopted to explain the functional ability of VR technology in transporting participants to alternate worlds and in making them experience a kind of self-transformation. The immersively metaleptic discourse of Baba Yaga is examined as engaging participants in a quest of how to act as morally and socially empathetic and responsible citizens— global citizens. Baba Yaga narrative deploys the narrative discourses of flashbacks, facework, doubly deictic 'you', performatives, and imperatives along with material processes to situate participants in a virtual space of actions and doings and hence encourage them to configure their desired self(ves) across different immersive interactions. The global citizen is embodied in the interactive narrative of Baba Yaga , through invoking various storyworld possible selves (SPSs): the feeling self, the responsible self, and the moral self, which encompasses climate activist self and interculturally aware self who manages to get rid of its own cultural biases as the narrative proceeds. Embodied in these selves, participants transform the virtual world into possible worlds of their own passion, agency, choices, hopes, and desires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We evaluate whether feelings of state pride in the USA are linked to the quality of democracy in one's state. Using two original surveys, we find no relationship between an objective measure of the quality of state democracy and feelings of state pride. In contrast, we find a consistent positive relationship between subjective evaluations and state pride such that citizens with more positive evaluations of the quality of democracy in their state report higher levels of state pride. Interestingly, feelings of state pride are not linked to the objective measure of democracy even when citizens are informed of where their state ranks in a survey experiment. However, subsample analyses reveal that there is a relationship between the objective measure and state pride among Democrats and political "losers" (citizens living in states where the government is controlled by the opposite party). We conclude by discussing implications for citizenship and state pride in an era of democratic erosion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When diagnosed with cancer or any other life-threatening condition, people must negotiate 2 once-separate but now integrated realms—a medical care industrial complex and an everyday life now lived in conscious awareness of mortality—a state of being subject to death. Life becomes a series of challenges and disruptions to relationships, body image and integrity, autonomy and independence, life goals, hopes, and dreams for the future. Whether one physically, emotionally, or spiritually survives, thrives, or succumbs to cancer is dependent on a treatment plan that accounts for the multiple and varied ways in which people experience dual citizenship in the realms of the well and the sick. A theory of cancer survivorship that integrates both medical and patient perspectives into a cogent and coherent framework has the potential to enhance the quality of cancer care and the patient experience. "Everyone who is born holds dual citizenship in the kingdom of the well and in the kingdom of the sick.... Although we prefer to use the good passport, sooner or later each of us is obliged ... to identify ourselves as citizens of that other place" (1). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Guided by the theory of stress proliferation, our study examined whether loneliness, citizenship status, and English proficiency were associated with psychological distress among older adults, and if citizenship status and English proficiency moderated these relationships. Methods Using the older adult subsample (65+ years) of the 2019–2020 California Health Interview Survey (N = 15,210), we assessed cross-sectional associations between loneliness, citizenship status, and English proficiency on psychological distress by conducting multivariable linear regression models. Interaction terms were included in subsequent models to determine if citizenship status and English proficiency moderated the relationship between loneliness and psychological distress. Results In unadjusted models, greater loneliness was associated with higher distress. Both naturalized citizens and noncitizens, and those with limited English proficiency (LEP) exhibited greater distress than US born citizens and those who speak English only (EO). After adjusting for sociodemographic and health covariables, loneliness remained significant for distress although the relationships between citizenship status and English proficiency became attenuated. With the inclusion of interactions, the magnitude of the relationship between loneliness and distress was stronger for naturalized citizens and those with LEP than native-born citizens and those who speak EO, respectively. Discussion Loneliness was the most consistent stressor affecting multiple life domains. However, our findings demonstrate that stress proliferation is occurring among older immigrant adults and the interplay between loneliness, citizenship status, and English proficiency is contributing to heightened distress. Further attention is needed in understanding the role of multiple stressors influencing mental health among immigrant older adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Precarious Lives of Syrians: Migration, Citizenship and Temporary Protection in Turkey" is a book that focuses on the situation of Syrians living under temporary protection in Turkey. The authors argue that temporary protection regulations often place Syrians in greater precarity, without permanent pathways to residency or citizenship. The book is based on extensive ethnographic research and interviews with Syrians, highlighting their experiences and perspectives. It also explores how Syrians actively negotiate and resist their precarious conditions through community initiatives and onward journeys to resettlement elsewhere. The authors emphasize the need for refugee rights and protection to be the starting point for any reforms to the international refugee system. [Extracted from the article]

Global biodiversity is increasingly threatened by the spread of invasive species. Understanding the mechanisms influencing the initial colonization and persistence of invaders is therefore needed if conservation actions are to prevent new invasions or strive to slow their spread. The Eurasian Collared-Dove (Streptopelia decaocto, EUCO) is one of the most successful avian invasive species in North America; however, to our knowledge, no study has simultaneously examined the role that climate-matching, human activity, directional propagation, and local density have in this invasion process. Our research expands upon a cellular-automata-based hierarchical model developed to assess directional invasion dynamics to further quantify the impacts of climate, elevation, and land cover type on the spread of EUCO in North America. Our results suggest that EUCO's dispersal patterns can largely be explained by the effects of habitat, climate, and environmental conditions at different stages of the invasion process rather than some innate preferred north-westerly spread. Specifically, EUCO initially colonized warm and wet grassland habitats and tended to persist in urban areas. We also found that while EUCO were more likely to spread to the northeast of existing habitats, directional preference did not drive persistence and recolonization events. These findings highlight the importance of incorporating both neighborhood effects and environmental factors in the modelling of range-expanding species, adding to the toolset available to researchers to model invasive species spread. Further, our research demonstrates that historical records of invasive species occurrences can provide the data resources needed to disentangle the characteristics driving species invasion and enable predictions that are of critical importance to resource managers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health literacy measurement studies are important for the success of health promotion efforts targeting adolescents. However, the majority of health literacy measurement tools were originally developed for adult populations and may not be reflective of health literacy in the context of adolescence. The present study sought to co-design a health literacy questionnaire and vignettes for adolescents in Ireland aged 12–18 years. This article describes the qualitative phase of the study. In 2019–2021, eight adolescents from the Irish Heart Foundation's Youth Advisory Panel participated in two concept mapping workshops during which they defined healthy living. Results of the thematic analysis indicated that adolescents defined 'healthy living' as a life that was balanced, prioritizing mental health and sleep. According to their definition, healthy living was comprised of six main constructs, namely, knowledge; sources of quality health information; facilitators and barriers; influence of others; self-efficacy, self-management and resilience; and citizenship and communication. These constructs were used to develop vignettes and items for the Adolescent Health Literacy Questionnaire (AHLQ). These were tested on a sample of 80 adolescents to check whether the respondents understood the items and vignettes as intended. Results of the nine cognitive interviews indicated that the adolescents understood the content of the 10 vignettes and 41 items. While the vignettes and AHLQ were developed with Irish adolescents, the approaches taken can be generalized to adolescents living in other countries. This will allow for the development of tailored and relevant solutions for health literacy development and health promotion for this sub-population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asylum-seekers, like any population, need healthcare services, yet national laws sometimes restrict access to such services. The European Social Charter (revised) protects the right to health and medical services. However, the Charter has a complex application, and its scope is limited concerning foreigners. This article analyses to what extent the provisions of the Charter on the right to health and medical assistance apply to adult asylum-seekers. It shows that the Charter may apply to various degrees to asylum-seekers depending on several circumstances, such as the national definition of residence or regular work, grounds for seeking asylum, citizenship or lack thereof. Depending on these factors, some asylum-seekers may receive full healthcare services, whereas others may have only limited rights. The article shows that the migrant statuses created by national and EU law do not fit in the system of statuses in the Charter, which might produce legal hindrances to accessing health-related rights for asylum-seekers. The article also discusses the possible ways for the European Committee of Social Rights to further expand the scope of the Charter's application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do native-born Americans evaluate citizenship claims made by immigrant groups? Prior research identifies three broad patterns: respondents (1) make judgments based on immigrants' willingness to adhere to national norms and civic values, (2) rely on ethnoracial cues, and (3) rely on economic cues. Using a conjoint survey experiment, this is the first study to examine how these patterns hold across two distinct dimensions of citizenship—legal membership (being considered a citizen of the state) and cultural membership (being perceived as a fellow American). The results reveal that legal status and age of arrival are powerful determinants for attitudes toward legal membership. By contrast, ethnoracial boundaries have a more significant impact on cultural membership, even after accounting for key predictors, such as legal status and English proficiency. Moreover, we show that evaluations of citizenship claims differ for White and non-White Americans in meaningful ways. Compared to White respondents, Black and Latino respondents express higher levels of ingroup preference for legal membership, and Latinos are significantly more likely to use an inclusive definition of cultural membership. In tandem, these results highlight the importance of measuring citizenship as a multidimensional concept and the limitations of focusing on the dominant group to understand immigration attitudes in contemporary diverse societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education is one of the key tools of nation-building, as it aims to create future citizens. Yet what happens in seemingly 'futureless' contexts where refugees cannot access even social membership, let alone legal citizenship? In this introduction to our special issue on education for refugees, we explore the aspirations and conceptions of possible futures that students, teachers, governments, international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), and funders have when they promote and pursue education as the solution to the liminal position that refugees in protracted refugee situations find themselves in. Based on insights from the articles, we analyse disconnects between aspirations for education and realities of access to quality education and to opportunities after completing education. We argue that to address these disconnects requires us to move beyond temporal and spatial binaries—present vs. future, here vs. there—that are so common in refugee education discourse and policy. Our suggestion is to draw on and support stakeholders' work, powerfully exemplified in this special issue, to contribute to improved conditions through pedagogies, practices, and policies that address these binaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dadaab camps of Kenya have 'warehoused' refugees from Somalia and elsewhere since 1991, providing their inhabitants with little hope to (re)gain the legal rights, participation, and membership that citizenship provides. Refugee youth in Dadaab hope that education can enable their access to citizenship rights—in particular, physical mobility and the right to work. Drawing on ethnographic research, semi-structured interviews, and life history interviews conducted in Dadaab and Mogadishu, this article discusses how refugee youth from Dadaab attempt to challenge their status as non-citizens through secondary education. Our study underscores that achieving citizenship rights, as well as civic participation and belonging, are key aspirations for these young people independent of whether they remain in Dadaab or (re)turn to Mogadishu. Yet, their ideas about what these key aspects of citizenship are and how to achieve them shift with their geographical location and in the presence or absence of citizenship rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines instances of de jure and de facto denationalization that arise from (suspected) terrorism by analyzing penal outcomes for affected citizens. The article first exposes cases of de jure denationalization that confine citizens to global spaces and draws parallels with instances of de facto denationalization that deny repatriation from abroad. I then argue that both situations signal state's avoidance of the duty to punish, deviate from conventional penal aspirations and engender volatile global penality. To support this argument, I explore three questions: (1) who punishes, (2) who is punished and (3) what the purpose of punishment is. I conclude by exposing the emerging features of global neo-colonial penality as they pertain to both its objects and objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many labour migrants in the Arab Gulf countries are from South Asia. Necessary to local economies, they enjoy few rights and protections from host states, particularly when accused of serious crimes. Our original empirical data suggests a disproportionate number of Pakistanis sentenced to death and executed in Saudi Arabia and we explore explanations within a wider discussion of the place and experiences of South Asian migrants in the Gulf. Our data suggest that drug laws and penal policies leave migrant workers particularly susceptible to capital punishment, with the administration of migrant employment recruitment processes exposing Pakistanis to coercion into drug trafficking such that some could be regarded not as criminally liable but as victims of human trafficking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses articles within the issue on topics including interrelationships between citizenship status, English proficiency and loneliness among older Californians, feelings of social belonging and integration among Han Chinese immigrants to the U.S., and gender differences and gender-segregated roles of Turkish and Moroccan immigrants.

The discourse of mastery is prominent in applied linguistics. The idea of mastery, however, does not remain only on the discourse level: curricula and policies are meant to be implemented, and therefore mastery and all that is associated with it (near perfection, dominance over something, etc.) is also practiced. In this paper, I argue that we might survive mastery by recuperating other ways of being, thinking, and learning. By drawing on examples from the South African higher educational context, I show glimpses of other ways of doing and thinking about language. Drawing inspiration from decolonial theory, I extend the notion of linguistic citizenship by showing that, for applied linguists, vulnerability, relationality, and failure could be points of focus as productive as mastery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Direct-to-consumer genetic tests (DTC-GTs) are genetic tests for a medical or non-medical trait that are sold directly to the public, usually ordered without the engagement of a healthcare professional. Our aim was to explore the knowledge, attitudes and behaviors toward DTC-GTs among European citizens. Methods We updated the most recent systematic review on citizens' perspectives toward DTC-GTs. Relevant English language studies were searched on PubMed, ISI Web of Science, Scopus, Embase and Google Scholar from October 2014 to April 2019. We extended our search on Scopus without publication date restriction, since it was not included in the former review. Eligible studies were conducted in European countries and reported original data. The quality of the studies was evaluated using a checklist developed by Kmet et al. Results We included six studies conducted in European countries between 2015 and 2018. The studies were performed among general population in the Netherlands, students in Italy and Greece, laypeople in Germany and older adults in Switzerland. The level of awareness, in overall low, differed by country and population group. Most of the participants were interested in undergoing a DTC-GT, mainly for knowing the risk predisposition to a common disease. Concerns were raised about tests' validity and utility and data privacy. Conclusions Our review shows that European citizens, overall, have a low level of knowledge on DTC-GTs and a high interest in their purchase. This understanding might contribute to the development of educational programs in order to the increase of general public capabilities to make appropriate health decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the importance of the 'people's war' by exploring the word history of the phrase. The article shows that the term was widely used and understood on the British home front during the Second World War. Our focus is on how it provided a framework to renegotiate citizenship. Drawing on a wide range of popular newspapers, magazines and life writing, we argue that the 'people's war' was a flexible concept. It was used, on the one hand, to explain extensions to the duties of citizenship and encourage participation, and, on the other, to demand a greater voice, recognition and rewards for citizens. This shaped the lived experience of wartime, and provided a language for 'ordinary people', as well as politicians and the press, to articulate their demands in the present and hopes for the future. We argue that the 'people's war' remains an important historical concept. The process of negotiation through the lens of the 'people's war' not only sheds light on wartime experience; it also suggests new ways to think through vernacular understandings of citizenship and the relationship between the people and the state, in the post-war world and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research shows that legal status is a critical axis of stratification in the United States but is less clear about the variably permeable boundaries around illegality and the systematic ways in which migrants are channeled into and out of the liminal states of illegality. Drawing on analysis of 105 interviews with a diverse group of undocumented or formerly undocumented immigrant young adults in New York City collected in 2018–19, we introduce the concept of stratified entry into illegality to illustrate how migrants' nationality, race, and socioeconomic status shape their mode of entry which, in turn, shapes opportunities to adjust legal status. Our comparison of migrants who entered the United States without inspection and those who overstayed visas reveals key differences in experience of illegality, including fear of deportation and future plans. We discuss the role of mandatory re-entry bans and hardship waivers on immigrants' relationships, the "fix" of advance parole for the more privileged Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients, and the gendered and racialized risks and pressures faced by visa overstayers seeking to adjust their status through marriage. Our comparison of undocumented young adults with and without DACA across mode of entry demonstrates how DACA serves as a class- and race-based filtering mechanism. We embed analysis of stratified entry into illegality within the US immigration regime and a global regime of racialized criminalization of migrants rooted in colonial and neocolonial relations of power and extraction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic backsliding, or the debilitation of democracy by those elected to protect it, looms large in the current debate about the global crisis of democracy, including Sara Wallace Goodman's Citizenship in Hard Times: How Ordinary People Respond to Democratic Threat. In keeping with the prevailing view of backsliding as a political phenomenon rooted in extreme partisanship and polarization, Goodman is concerned with strengthening the citizenry's commitment to democratic norms and practices—in other words, boosting democratic citizenship. Placing the roots of backsliding in the political system itself, this essay argues for pushing the debate about backsliding beyond citizen solutions and toward institutional remedies, especially accountability against those who harm democracy and modernizing the democratic infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reads late-twentieth-century race relations research projects from the perspectives of the black and brown Britons who were the targets of research. The analysis focuses on contestations around issues of epistemic authority and resource allocation in the relationship between black citizens and the state in the post-war decades, helping us to understand why so many black citizens saw the state and its programmes of social research not as enabling or providing but surveilling and disempowering them. Relative to the dominant reading among historians of late-twentieth-century Britain of the rise of social research as a democratic story, in which 'ordinary' voices were listened to and given weight in the development of social policy, the study of race relations research in this article reveals a far less consensual, less democratic relationship between state-sponsored research institutions and the black and brown people who became targets of race-relations research projects. It highlights the ubiquity of challenges or evasions to those research institutions and their claims to epistemic authority, and it shows how these researches were indicted as distractions, attempts at pacification, and misuses of funds. Reading the social encounters of 'race relations' research as moments in which state power and state-sanctioned racial knowledge were engaged and contested reveals the steady process by which the foundations of an unpopular and ineffective 'race relations industry' were cast into doubt, or consent for it refused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political struggles over national belonging often involve ideas on what a 'proper' family looks like. This article connects this important insight from the field of family migration politics to the study of postcolonial citizenship. Rather than focusing on dominant (State) perspectives, we ask: how do citizens from formerly colonised territories themselves conceptualise 'the family' and 'the nation' in the former metropole? We do so in a historical exploration of the political claims that three different Surinamese–Dutch organisations made regarding family migration rights, in the wake of Suriname's independence (1975). We find that the organisations collectively claimed the recognition of Suriname-specific family forms in Dutch migration policy, such as unmarried coupledom (konkubinaat) and temporary foster children (kweekjes). Thereby they put forward a vision of postcolonial citizenship which challenged dominant conceptions of nationhood in the Netherlands, assuming instead that formerly colonised subjects and their 'difference' inherently and inevitably belong to Dutch national history and identity. In this vision, they reframed the Dutch nation's spatio-temporal boundaries (the colonial past did not end at independence and there are ongoing transnational ties), and cultural boundaries ('Surinamese difference' is a constitutive element of Dutch postcolonial citizenship). In view of contemporary calls for decolonisation of European societies and scholarship, these claims represent important and inspiring contributions to ongoing debates on citizenship in a postcolonial nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the salience of the principle of equality before the law, there is growing interest in understanding the relationship between immigration and sentencing disparities; however, research remains relatively scarce in Europe. This article examines, firstly, whether non-citizens receive harsher punishment outcomes in Spain and, secondly, the role of several decisions made by judges and prosecutors in producing punishment inequalities. The results show that foreigners are more likely to be imprisoned and that this is related to disparities in prosecutorial recommendations, plea bargaining and the suspension of prison sentences. However, we find mixed evidence of discriminatory practices in the imposition of prison sentences and no evidence with regard to sentence length. The findings are discussed in relation to theoretical debates and practical implications regarding immigration and criminal justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas H. Marshall's insights on citizenship in 1950 have long been a foundation for most contemporary debates on citizenship, and social citizenship has emerged as a new device that revolutionized the methodologies for making people equal in an unequal world.[9] The Marshallian approach to citizenship also invited criticism, mainly because of its unitary concept of citizenship in Western industrial states. Although a plethora of definitions of citizenship revolve around the questions of what citizenship is, where it takes place, and who a citizen is, citizenship can generally be defined as a collection of rights and obligations that give individuals a formal legal identity.[11] The fundamental aspect of citizenship is legal membership in a political community, and the eventual form of the political community is a state. The nexus between religious conversion and citizenship remains understudied in the sociology of religion, partly because religious conversion is considered a divine personal experience, whereas citizenship is seen as a secular state matter. For example, Ahmet Kuru classified forty-six Muslim-majority states into three categories: Islamic states, states with an established religion (Islam), and secular states.[1] Eleven countries in the first category, such as Saudi Arabia and Brunei, have clearly defined themselves as Islamic states. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the lives and experiences of two Yavapai first cousins during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. One of these men was very well known (Wassaja, or Carlos Montezuma), while the other was less so (Hoomothya, or Mike Burns). While both secured American citizenship and a degree of success in mainstream American society, their lives were also plagued by bitter disappointments and personal turmoil. Using the Yavapai concept of nagock hona umi—a Yavapai term meaning unwellness in an individual—the article demonstrates how and why these two Yavapai cousins experienced profound, lifelong unwellness. This unwellness began in childhood, when both were captured by enemies and ripped from their families, and it remained untreated throughout their lives. This article serves as an invitation to scholars to utilize Indigenous methodologies originating from Indigenous communities to better understand how they experienced—and continue to experience—colonialism, genocide, assimilation policies, citizenship and liberalism, and life in the "modern" world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship acquisition is often promoted as one factor that can facilitate the economic integration of immigrants. However, not all individuals and groups experience positive benefits from naturalization. This article argues that social distance from the native-born is an important factor that influences who does and does not benefit from citizenship acquisition. Specifically, I create a new continuous measure of social distance for immigrants during the age of mass migration. I show that the relationship between social distance and the economic returns to citizenship takes an inverted U-shape. Those considered closest and furthest away in social distance to the native-born report little to no advantages to citizenship, while those in the middle report larger returns. I then focus on the Mexican population in the historical Southwest and take advantage of a unique enumeration in the complete count 1930 U.S. census that coded Mexicans as either white or Mexican. Mexicans coded as white report economic differences between citizenship statuses, while Mexicans coded as nonwhite report no difference between citizenship statuses. The results suggest that citizenship may not be beneficial to all individuals and groups, depending on where they fall in the ethnoracial hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among its many global impacts, decolonization triggered the migration of several million 'repatriates' — white settlers or others associated with the imperial power — who left Asia and Africa and 'returned' to their European 'motherlands'. This article explores the arrival of several thousand Anglo-Egyptians into Britain in 1957 following the Suez crisis, the one million pieds-noirs who left Algeria for France in 1962, and the 500,000 retornados who entered Portugal amidst the 1975 Carnation Revolution. Offering an integrated comparison of these three key moments of decolonization via the migrations they triggered, it underscores the importance of citizenship, understood here as both a 'hard' legal category and a set of 'soft' social practices. The comparison equally demonstrates how, across different national contexts, citizenship was unevenly applied. Despite holding the same rights, returnee-citizens faced discrimination from resident-citizens in subtle (and sometimes less subtle) ways. Moreover, subgroups of returnee-citizens were treated differently by the state, in a process that amounted at times to their physical and social segregation and a racialization of welfare. This unevenness of treatment illuminates how the British, French, and Portuguese national communities were reimagined in the era of decolonization, and the crucial role 'repatriated' citizens played in that process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Despite the potential health benefits of workplace health promotion for employees in sheltered workplaces, participation is often limited. The aim of this study was (i) to understand this limited participation, and (ii) to find opportunities for adapting workplace health promotion, such that it better meets the needs of the target population. A responsive process evaluation of an extensive multi-component workplace health promotion program targeting lifestyle behaviors, financial behaviors, literacy and citizenship, was performed in a large, sheltered workplace in the Netherlands (>3500 employees). To understand the limited participation, interviews with employees (n = 8), supervisors (n = 7) and managers (n = 2), and 10 participant observations were performed. To find opportunities for improving workplace health promotion in the sheltered workplace, 7 dialogs with employees were performed (n = 30). The interview data on the barriers for participation were evaluated through the lens of care ethics, as this allowed to understand the role of various stakeholders in the limited participation, as well as the indirect role of the institutional context. Findings showed that participation in workplace health promotion could increase if it is organized in a way that it encourages employees to work on health together, allow to tailor activities to different needs and capabilities of employees, and connects activities to employees' daily lives. A strength of this study is that the responsive process evaluation focused both on barriers for participation, as well as on opportunities to increase participation. Lay Summary: People who cannot participate in work without adaptations, for example, due to disability, can work in sheltered workplaces. These employees face various health risks, which are prompted by, for example, low income or low (health) literacy. More and more sheltered workplaces provide health promotion programs to improve health of their employees, such as educational workshops about physical exercise and healthy nutrition. However, participation of employees in such programs is limited. In this study, we investigated why participation is limited, and what are possible ways to make workplace health promotion programs that aim to improve health more attractive to employees in a sheltered workplace. We used different methods, such as interviews, group dialogs and participant observations. We concluded that workplace health promotion programs seem to rely too much on the individual employee, who prefers to work on health together with peers. Employees also value that activities in the health program are useful for their daily lives. This increases the relevance of the program for them and makes employees more inclined to participate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early 1860s responses to Jules Léotard's innovative solo flying trapeze performances span pleasure and excitement to provoking claims of immorality related to risk that seem strange today. I examine the relationship between risk, morality and pleasure in Léotard's celebrity using newspaper reports and imagery, demonstrating how his celebrity reveals changing attitudes to the body. Audiences evaluated his performances depending on how they valued bodily pleasure and how they connected citizenship, religion, science and progress to athleticism. Considering Léotard alongside the wirewalker Charles Blondin demonstrates how Léotard's performance and physique mitigated concerns around risk. Making sense of Léotard's unfamiliar movements often involved processing conflicting physical responses and contradictory viewpoints. 'Dangerous' performances drew censure because they provoked these confusing experiences and risk-related concerns of audience coercion and desensitization. Resituating Léotard within the 1860s craze for 'sensation' on the basis of newspaper reports and affect, demonstrates Victorians' bodily preoccupation. Wider risks in society alongside scientific advancements help explain Victorians' increased focus on the body as they turned to bodily health in the face of urban threats. Against this background, experiencing performers' embodied vicarious risk enabled Victorians to rehearse, not avoid, the thrills and dangers of Victorian life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the connections between archival research and teaching as an adjunct faculty member and mother. The form of the essay is an example of the "I-Search paper," a first-person account of the research process. In I-Search papers, authors start with the "search story," where they explain their initial research questions, then describe their "search results" in detail, including the primary sources they found, and end with a reflection on the research process. This essay is two I-Search papers in one—bringing together the experience of reading about students' historical research experiences with the author's own version of a research story. The essay is about teaching and research and their intersections, and especially what teaching has taught the author about research. The account of the individual research experience touches on the archival experiences of frustration and boredom, and the tension between wanting to find something in the archives and coming away with something else, and ends with a reflection on how our personal circumstances can impact our research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A defining feature of public (and, often, scholarly) discussion of international affairs is the treatment of states as unitary actors, that is, akin to individual persons. Drawing upon social–psychological research, we theorize that such unitary actor (UA) framing increases the degree to which adversarial states are perceived as entitative—that is, as relatively united—and, thus, the perceived complicity of a country's people in their government's actions. We therefore hypothesize that UA framing increases citizens' support for indiscriminate, coercive policies against target states. In a content analysis of US elite statements spanning three decades, we first establish that UA framing is exceedingly common, occurring in nearly two-thirds of all references to adversarial states. We then conduct a series of survey experiments on US adults, finding that, compared to frames in which a state is described as more factious and disunited, UA framing is associated with significantly greater willingness to impose harmful, indiscriminate economic sanctions and military strikes against target states. Our results highlight the utility and applicability of entitativity to political science research, and have important implications for the role of elite discourse in bolstering public support for hawkish foreign policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the arbitrary and oftentimes violent nature of loyalty and belonging in the case of Syria but with applicability to other authoritarian or high-surveillance contexts. It shows how the new "settlement of status" process is an extension of the governmentality of violence used by the Syrian regime to delineate loyal citizens from traitors. However, the article argues that this process is Janus-faced and actually serves to undermine the regime in the long run by destabilizing its surety around who is considered loyal and who is a potential threat. This uncertainty has the potential to sow the seeds for greater dissent and with it, act as one possible catalyst for the regime's eventual collapse. The Syrian case offers broader insights into the various social and political permutations of a citizen's relationship to the state and how that relationship can be impacted over time by the state's use of fear and violence as mechanisms for social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article ethnographically explores ways that young Palestinian refugees seek to strengthen their claims to residency in Jerusalem. It describes the complex layers of colonial subjugation faced by these young people and the ways they attune their everyday life choices in this context of long-term insecurity. I argue that through situations forced upon them in efforts by the Israeli government to reduce the Palestinian demographic of the city, young people are re-making the categories they live under, away from their bureaucratic and assumed political meaning. This article explores different examples of engagement with Israeli state institutions as tactics undertaken to mitigate the increasing uncertainty surrounding residency revocation and subsequent forcible transfer of Palestinians from Jerusalem. I argue that the reason young people are re-attributing meaning of these categories is to safeguard their futures, in light of the failure of international frameworks to do the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the connection in Daniel Defoe's writing between naturalization as a civic concept and naturalization as an epistemological or literary-critical process. For Defoe, the incorporation of new subjects was a moral project that entailed the literary interpellation of a more productive, tolerant and empowered populace. A history of his efforts to encourage immigration by broadening access to legal citizenship provides, then, not just crucial insight into his view of the national political community but points to the role his satire, journalism and novels might play in bringing subjects together in its formation. In pursuit of this history, I trace Defoe's approach to naturalization to The True-born Englishman (1700), the poem that established his reputation as an advocate for immigration reform. I then track Defoe's activism in favour of The Foreign Protestants Naturalization Act (7 Anne c. 5) before its passage in March 1709 and after its repeal in 1711 (10 Anne c. 9), as debate turned to the fate of successive alien populations: Huguenot and Palatine refugees and England's Jews. These debates provide an important new context for Defoe's final novel, The Fortunate Mistress [Roxana] (1724). Attention to the ways Defoe deployed poetry and prose fiction during them reveals how questions of admission and assimilation underpinned his polemical strategy as a popular author and signalled the importance of his work to the history of modern citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing acceptance of dual citizenship globally and the rise of new strategies to acquire "external" citizenship have led to a shift from studying citizenship in the confines of single nation-states to perceiving it as existing in a global hierarchy of "citizenship constellations." Much of this literature, however, focuses on nations which permit dual citizenship and do not have internal citizenship hierarchies. This article adds to that literature by considering one such external citizenship acquisition method—popularly referred to as "birth tourism." Based on 23 in-depth interviews and a textual analysis of an online social media group for returnees, I argue that Chinese families use the "external passport" (U.S. citizenship) within the logics of China's "internal passport" hierarchy (the hukou) to create a unique "citizenship constellation." U.S. citizenship—understood as the "American hukou "—is more valuable within China's borders than beyond, as it helps navigate national fertility and education policies. However, maintaining U.S. citizenship in China requires extra labor for parents, particularly mothers. Yet these efforts are still worth it because the acquisition of global citizenship via birth tourism permits families to reap the benefits of global citizenship without damaging their social status, economic security, and family structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educating global citizens has become part of higher education in international studies. Scholars argue that education includes having a global worldview that critically evaluates complex challenges in an ever-changing environment. Most agree that something more than classroom lecture is required to transform students' perspectives, but debates exist about exactly what "more" means. Short-term study abroad courses have evolved as one way to offer a global experience to students, especially those who must balance work, school, and family life while also facing the economic restraints of higher education. These programs, however, have been criticized as providing little more than a voyeuristic view into the lives of others with no real experience with cultures, development of global citizenship, or true engagement with global issues. This study assesses the impact of a short-term study abroad program on students' perceptions of their role as global citizens and identifies pedagogical tools that increase the likelihood that students will embrace global citizenship as a transformative learning experience. Using reflection papers and photo elicitation, this article shows that immersive short-term study abroad experiences that include extensive community engagement have the potential to change students' perception of the world and the way they see their role in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Birth Certificate: An American History" by Susan J. Pearson is a comprehensive study of the birth certificate as a document that shapes our understanding of ourselves and our nation. Pearson explores how the birth certificate has been contested throughout its 400-year history, particularly in relation to issues of gender, race, and authority. The book draws on a wide range of primary sources and is divided into three sections: "Building Birth Registration," "Living with Birth Registration," and "Contesting Birth Registration." Pearson examines how birth registration has transformed family and community authority, and how it has been used as a tool for social control and discrimination. The book concludes by discussing the ongoing relevance of birth certificates in contemporary debates, such as the "bathroom bills" of the 21st century. Overall, "The Birth Certificate" provides valuable insights into the complex history and significance of this seemingly mundane document. [Extracted from the article]

Luca Mavelli's book, "Neoliberal citizenship: sacred markets, sacrificial lives," explores the multifaceted transformations of citizenship within the framework of neoliberalism. Mavelli argues that neoliberal governance has eroded the traditional attachment of rights to citizenship, introducing the concept of neoliberal citizenship detached from legal status. The book examines citizenship-by-investment schemes and acts of solidarity towards refugees with disabilities, showing how they fit within the broader framework of neoliberal logic. Mavelli also discusses the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, highlighting how the governing of the pandemic as a trade-off between saving markets and saving lives reflects the neoliberal goal of sacrificing certain lives for the sake of the market. [Extracted from the article]

This study examined relationships between participation in Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) programs and citizenship status, and between TANF participation and restrictive TANF policies. Its sample of 8,657 adults (yielding 66,680 person-years, the units of analysis) was extracted from a 2001–2009 national longitudinal data set. Generalized estimating equations showed TANF participation to be associated in a positive direction with prior TANF receipt and with poverty, single motherhood, number of dependent children, and race/ethnicity (specifically African American, Hispanic, and other racial/ethnic minority groups). Negative associations were found between participation and the following: citizen status, being less educated, being unemployed, being younger, and availability of state funds for noncitizens. The variables birth outside United States and policy of rendering noncitizens ineligible were not significantly associated with participation. This study's main finding was that noncitizens were less likely than citizens to participate in TANF, regardless of nativity or restrictiveness of TANF policies. This debunks the notion that immigrants should be barred from the United States because they burden its welfare system. Other implications for policy are discussed as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction to this special issue argues that new work on borders and refugees does not simply serve as an urgent response to contemporary politics but requires an unsettling of core conceptions of nation and empire, citizenship and migrancy, and rights and rightlessness. Prioritizing the perspectives of exiles, migrants, and refugees entails new understandings of the relationship between mutating racial formations and international border regimes across past and present landscapes. Reading the refugee necessitates rethinking belonging in order to expand our political imagination beyond anodyne notions of multiculturalism or liminality. Such work undoes American Studies from the inside rather than institutionalizing a distinct sub-field of border studies. Recognizing that the border is everywhere, and is not limited to the construction of a wall or checkpoint, such study strives to undo the exceptionality of the border as a site to link the practices of surveillance, capture, and detention that operate there to similar practices within the domestic sphere. An attempt to grasp US literary history from the vantage of exiles, migrants, and refugees is not timely, but fundamentally belated—impossible to arrive at and long overdue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing into conversation the work of two special issue authors, Redmond continues in exposition of the dangerous contradictions within and inherent failures of the state's security and citizenship regimes through attention to minoritized testimony and translation. The author of memoir and courtroom or detention witness present as performers of vulnerable narrative projects that are sometimes playful, sometimes grave but always in critical contest, if not combat, with the designs of racial capitalism and exception. In attending to these moments of subversion and illegibility, new opportunities arise for retooling in defense against and circumvention of state procedure and possession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Raising a child is a challenging venture, regardless of where one lives in the world. Most children are raised in their families; however, many states have welfare services if the child's well-being is at stake. Scandinavian countries follow a rather strict policy in placing the child's individual rights above those of the family, and Norway has child welfare legislation that applies to all children in the country, regardless of their status, nationality or citizenship. This institutional structure has raised issues about how family life is negotiated in society. In this article, we analyze the ways in which language and culture are used to address expectations of (good) normal family life in both private and public discourses with implications for transnational families. We thus problematize the notion of the family as a private domain or space. Furthermore, by examining institutional involvement in child-rearing, we extend research on family language policy to contexts of foster care. We thereby raise the discussion to a societal level about private and public expectations towards family life in a late-modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly analyses often interpret the urban struggles of both marginalised citizens and marginalised migrants through the single frame of urban citizenship. Urban citizenship, in this literature, is generally understood as an agenda that seeks to achieve the full political belonging of all those who inhabit the city. This article questions two assumptions running through much of this scholarship. The first is the assumption that struggles for urban citizenship necessarily promote the full belonging of all city dwellers. I argue that this understanding does not adequately take into account the social hierarchies existing within citizenship. The second is the assumption that all marginalised city dwellers (including migrants) will claim for their political belonging to the city. These limitations in the urban citizenship agenda are explored in the divergent aspirations and claims-making of both Brazilians and international migrants living together in squats in central São Paulo, Brazil. I show how militant Brazilian squatters pursuing their full urban citizenship bring about progressive change while also unintentionally reinscribing social hierarchies within citizenship. I also show how migrant squatters are not clearly compelled by the prospect of full belonging in São Paulo, but instead often aspire to better futures elsewhere. In sum, I argue that analyses of urban struggles located at the intersection of migration and residential segregation should not assume that the urban citizenship agenda will be either universally inclusive or universally desirable in a given city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction familiarises the readers of this Special Issue with some important information and arguments that set the life and work of Georg Kerschensteiner, Eduard Spranger and Aloys Fischer in context. In addition, it shows their relevance to current debates and policies in vocational education and training (VET) in both Germany and the Anglophone countries. As a first step, some important concepts in German VET that may cause difficulty in the interpretation for English‐speaking readers are introduced and explained. Following from that, an outline of the historical context in which modern German VET was developed is set out and then the place of Kerschensteiner, Spranger and Fischer within that context is described with particular reference to the continuation school, the focus of Kerschensteiner's contribution. Spranger's main contribution was to integrate concern for VET within broader academic issues about education, while Fischer was concerned with young people's transition into the labour force at a time of considerable social and economic change. The introduction concludes with a discussion of the relevance of these thinkers and German VET more generally to the current situation of VET in England, with reference to such topics as 'academic drift' and liberal and civic education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the nature of vocational education and its relation to citizenship as put forward by Georg Kerschensteiner, Aloys Fischer and Eduard Spranger. The chief aim of the article is to respond sympathetically to views which many Anglophone readers may find unfamiliar, given the German context from which they arise. In particular, the article focuses on the nature of work and occupation and why this is important for developing citizenship. In order to aid understanding, the views of Hannah Arendt on the nature of work and labour are contrasted with those of the three authors. Finally, there is a brief discussion of the contents of the UK Government White Paper, Skills for Jobs: Lifelong Learning for Opportunity and Growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This classic essay by Eduard Spranger (1882–1963) is here published for the first time in English, in a translation by Stephanie Wilde. In this contribution Spranger discusses and advocates the need for a vocational school that addresses the civic and individual needs of students as well as the vocational requirements of the nation. He emphasises personal growth, the need for self‐knowledge in making a vocational choice and makes a point about the importance of the social role of occupations and the role that being part of a community plays in developing citizenship. He identifies that tasks of the vocational school as both to develop greater self‐awareness and to lead young people into civic and vocational engagement. In doing this he acknowledges the influence of Georg Kerschensteiner on his own thought. Much turns in the discussion on differences between German and English expressions, and these are discussed in the complementary essay, 'The Legitimation of School‐based Bildung in the Context of Vocational Education and Training. The Legacy of Eduard Spranger', by Philipp Gonon. An introduction to the broader context is provided in 'Founding German Vocational Education: Kerschensteiner, Spranger and Fischer as key figures in the classical German VET Theory' '...' by Christian Steibe, Dina Kuhlee and Christopher Winch, the Editors of this Special Issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the political and military upheavals between the 1770s and 1820s, societies and states across the Atlantic world grappled with intricate issues of political belonging and sovereignty. Along with the rise of new concepts of national citizenship, older concepts of monarchical or imperial subjecthood underwent fundamental changes. While scholars tend to ascribe these transformations to revolutionary innovation, the movement of hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing revolutions and violent conflict was no less important in reshaping the terms of political membership. In response to these migrations, national and colonial governments passed legislation meant to control the mobility of foreign refugees. Based on the case of three men of colour, the sons of Haitian refugees, deported from Jamaica in 1823, this article explores the wider impact the regulation of alien status had. The 1823 incident set off a major legal battle and a sprawling debate about the terms of membership in the transforming British Empire. The affair raised fundamental questions about the status and rights of foreigners, the definition of who was a subject of the British Crown, and about how sovereignty was to be conceived in a period of continuous territorial transfers and military occupations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on immigration became commonplace after Louis XI granted Lyon four annual free fairs. It mentions role of ‘nations' was crucial in the settlement of Italian immigrants in Lyon and presence of ‘nations' was pivotal in determining the extent to which Italians sought citizenship. It also mentions possession of the bequests of foreigners who lived and died in the kingdom, and naturalization was necessary to exempt them from this right.

This forum, curated by Michael Goebel (Freie Univ. Berlin), brings together twelve historians who draw on their own areas of specialization to rethink how we conceptualize the history of nationalism in our present moment of reactivated and often militant nationalist rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]