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The article offers information on the intellectual conflict between Italian art critic Carla Lonzi and Italian art historian & critic Giulio Carlo Argan, particularly regarding their differing views on art criticism and history. Topics discussed include Lonzi's critique of Argan's materialist approach to art history; her rejection of traditional art criticism; and the influence of feminist politics on her break from the art world.

"Coed Revolution: The Female Student in the Japanese New Left" is a book that explores the history of female activists in the Japanese New Left student movement of the 1960s and early 1970s. The author, Chelsea Szendi Schieder, examines the ways in which young women were both given a voice and silenced within the movement. She argues that women in the New Left were often rendered invisible and faced gendered stereotypes and sexist sensationalism from the mass media. The book also highlights the gendered hierarchies within the movement and the failure of the radical student movement to disrupt the larger social structure. Overall, the book provides valuable insights into the history of women's activism in postwar Japan and contributes to feminist research on left-wing political activism in the country. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores how Spanish women formed grassroots groups to fight for the transformation of their neighbourhoods in the late 1950s and 1960s — the latter years of Francisco Franco's dictatorship. In contrast to most histories of feminism, which focus on literate, secular groups in universities or the centres of cities, its subjects are activists based on the outskirts of Madrid and in the industrial areas of Asturias, many of whom were Catholic, came from rural areas and left school before the age of 14. Histories of feminism have tended to overlook completely movements in the southern European dictatorships, while accounts of modern Spain often see male politicians and experts as the driving forces shaping the built environment under Franco. But photographs, archival material and oral history interviews show that women demanded ' cosas básicas ' (basic resources) on a widespread scale in Asturias and Madrid. They made these claims in the context of unprecedented internal migration, industrial unrest and the spread of social Catholic movements: factors often neglected in studies of social movements. The women involved have sometimes struggled, however, to take pride in their actions in later life. Patterns in their life stories suggest why, and offer insight into what agitating under Franco has meant for how they understand their lives, identities and relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Delap therefore calls for a new metaphor: "mosaic feminism", for "like mosaics, feminist coalitions were built up from the bits and pieces available - other movements, committed individuals, actions and ideas" (20). The book illustrates feminist commonalities across geographic space and time periods while also showing the complexity and diversity of feminism. Despite the great variety of feminisms, common threads unite feminist thinkers and activists from different times and places. [Extracted from the article]

This article revisits the relationship between women and Chartism, the British mass movement for democratic rights that dominated popular politics from the late 1830s to the 1850s. It argues that the opportunities for women to participate in the movement were more varied, extensive and enduring than has often been appreciated. Particular attention is paid to late Chartism (1843–52) by documenting in full, for the first time, the number of female Chartist bodies in existence. By presenting new material, based on a combing of the press and the Home Office files, the article moves on to consider the role played by Chartist women in 1848, the year of European revolution when the movement revived. It then builds on the theme of late Chartism by offering a case-study of the Women's Rights Association (WRA). This body was established in 1851 by a group of Sheffield Chartist women to campaign for votes for women, which, it is argued here, represented the culmination of a women's rights discourse within early Chartism. The article concludes by comparing the women's rights discourse in early Chartism and other contemporary feminisms with that deployed by the WRA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did British feminist art of the 1970s represent work and class, and what light does this shed on the women's movement more generally? This article discusses the work of artists, including Bobby Baker, the Feministo and Fenix collectives, the Hackney Flashers, and Mary Kelly. These artists were eager to connect feminist activism to other struggles on the Left and were thus initially drawn to document working-class women's paid work. Their political commitment to represent 'ordinary' working lives often led to lengthy periods of research, as well as attempts to make both the creative process and the finished product accessible to new participants and audiences. However, across this period, two changes took place. First, artists began to focus on women's unpaid work, drawing attention to the tension between domestic work and paid employment, and the lack of easy solutions to this problem. Secondly, most lost faith in art's power to represent the experience of work beyond the individual and the personal. Early political idealism gave way to sustained soul-searching about the intellectual, moral, and aesthetic difficulties of representing the experience of others, particularly those of a different class background. This article, then, shows that the early British women's movement was keen to engage with working-class experience and that it did so in a way that was self-reflective. In the end, it was this self-reflection, and the questions that it generated about the morality, politics, and aesthetics of representing others, that led to the personal and psychological turn of the later 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that an analysis of Annie Kenney's public representation and private relationships offers a new way of evaluating how class was understood, experienced, and negotiated within the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU). Annie Kenney was a well-known suffrage activist from Lancashire, usually described as the only working-class woman to achieve prominence in the organization. This article analyses how the WSPU initially made much of Annie Kenney's social origins, attracting significant press attention. However, it also demonstrates that their assumption that she could effectively speak for all working-class women was problematic, since it assumed a homogeneity of working-class experience. As the WSPU shifted its focus to recruiting more middle-class women, it sought instead to celebrate Annie Kenney's commitment to the cause. Ironically, she was often more effective in building relationships with wealthier women, forming substitute families that provided significant support and benefits. Yet though the depth of these relationships was extraordinary in the context of contemporary class relations, they remained exceptional rather than typical. This article thus develops the work of scholars including Sandra Stanley Holton, Sue Thomas, and Laura Schwartz, who have analysed how class fragmented and shaped the women's movement. It demonstrates that the significance of class within the WSPU was fluid and shifting rather than fixed and static and indicates both the potential for, and barriers to, meaningful and lasting cross-class collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The inaugural exhibition of the artists’ group Dresden Secession Group 1919 included three works of sculpture by Gela Forster: Awakening [Erwachen], an archaic female nude; Man [Der Mann], a male torso with a screaming mouth; and Conception [Empfängnis], a semi-abstract pregnant figure. Forster’s works were immediately heralded as extraordinary expressions of a radical post-war sculptural sensibility. This essay focuses on Forster’s three 1919 sculptures as filtered through photographs, their reception by contemporary reviewers, and their historical contexts. It considers each sculpture in turn, highlighting a different aspect for each work: German avant-garde discourse around sculpture and the archaic in the case of Awakening; the broken male nude as a response to post-war trauma and as an expression of libidinal rebellion in the case of Man; and pregnancy as a metaphor for revolution and an index of debates around contraception and abortion in the case of Conception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1980s, prostitution resurfaced as the object of feminist politics as second-wave activists grappled with Thatcherism, prostitute rights, tenant activism, anti-violence movements, and changes in the street sex trade and in policing. These conflicting imperatives converged on King's Cross, London. Events in King's Cross highlight some general trends, especially shifts in policing and in the geographic dispersal of the street sex trade. King's Cross also possessed singular features. It was the epicentre of street prostitution in London and the destination for hundreds of northern women migrating to the metropolis to sell sex. Intensified policing of the street trade provoked a heated neighbourhood dispute between council tenants and a media-savvy prostitute rights group. The year 1982 also marked a new configuration in local politics: the control of Camden Council by Labour Left and the formation of the Camden Women's Committee. In this challenging environment, newly elected municipal feminists in Camden set out to devise a feminist practice around prostitution. They found themselves embroiled in local disputes over public space, gender justice, policing, municipal progressivism, and resident action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scenes of mesmerism and hypnotism in gothic novels are commonly read as symbolic of sexual assault that reinforces traditional hierarchies of gendered power. In contrast, Bram Stoker rejects the trope of the helpless woman controlled by the all-powerful mesmerist in his depiction of Mina Harker's psychic connection to Dracula. Rather, he presents this connection as a means by which Mina can regain power after a traumatic assault, and does so by employing nineteenth-century feminist rhetoric which presented telepathy as a powerful extension of women's natural faculty for sympathy. The word 'sympathy' appears an unusual number of times in Dracula, compared to other gothic or invasion fiction of the period. In his use of this word, Stoker engages with a number of nineteenth-century discourses, including moral philosophy, feminism, and mesmerism. Each of these branches of thought viewed sympathy as an inherently female virtue. In the novel, feminine sympathy is presented as the means by which the vampire can be fought and destroyed without compromising the humanity of those that fight. Thus, a consideration of the depiction of sympathy in Dracula suggests that Stoker was far more receptive to New Women and the feminist movement of the 1890s than is often allowed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the author's views about the political and social conditions in Italy during 1968, and it mentions student protests, the involvement of young people in social movements, and various protests involving secondary school students in Italian cities in 2017. Political participation and direct action events such as sit-ins and marches in Italy are assessed, along with graffiti slogans and a feminist movement in Italy in the 1970s.

The article explores the relationship between feminism, self-publishing and hashtag activism. Noted is the Latin nonsense phrase "nolite te bastardes carbonundorum," which is scratched into the closet baseboard in the television series "The Handmaid's Tale," and subsequently became a hashtag. Feminist forms of self-publishing are noted including the sexual health pamphlets of the 1920s, the consciousness-raising groups of the 1970s, and the zine culture of the 1990s.

This article argues that the early twentieth-century craze for historical pageants provided an opportunity for women's groups to bring a nascent, accessible form of women's history into the lives of local communities across Britain. Mainstream historical pageants were organized across the country, depicting selected episodes from the past usually relating to the local area. However, more than 200 inter-war pageants staged by women's organizations, church groups, and a number of university colleges have not yet been studied. In these pageants, women imaginatively portrayed professional, religious, political, noble, and 'ordinary' women from across history. Prior to second-wave feminism, when scholars advanced the study of women within the academy, thousands of people had been invested in re-enacting women's history since the inter-war years. Emphasizing the bravery and public duties of women in the past, historical pageants provided a non-controversial format through which women's groups could effectively project their beliefs about the role they felt women should play as newly enfranchised citizens. These popular performances capture the dispersed, yet committed, dedication to encouraging women's social citizenship in the inter-war years, and a more pluralistic understanding of women's engagement with 'feminist' ideas in everyday life across Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the influence of the recruitment of British and Dominions women teachers to work in concentration camps set up to hold Afrikaner women and children from 1899 to 1902 on the British women's movement. It examines the effect of the South African war on women's organizations. It ponders on the political overtones surrounding the education of Boer children in the concentration camps. It presents information on the camp teachers.

Examines the changes in official Soviet policy and discourse vis-a-vis women retail workers. Meanings ascribed to women's retail work; Phenomenon of women's wage labor in the Soviet Union in the 1930s; Feminization of the retail workforce; Soviet regime's efforts to mobilize retail trade and women in various ways in the 1930s; Identification of feminine qualities with excellence in retailing; Trade practices promulgated in the campaign for Soviet trade; Ways in which the woman retail worker served as a site for the regime's concerns about the feasibility of and hopes for a socialist transformation that would create a functional non-capitalist retail system.

Focuses on the development of the feminist movement during the French Revolution. Status of French women in society before the Revolution; Leaders of the feminist movement; Arguments used by feminists to justify their goals; Significance of the Revolution for working women; Factors contributing to the almost total failure of revolutionary feminism; Impact of radicalism on the feminist movement.

The article focuses on education and film and media studies regarding feminism. The author discusses the practices of teaching feminism in the classrooms as well as the ways in which feminism are presented in film and media studies. She argues that there particular pedagogic problems in teaching feminism due to the very rapid canon formation. She examines teachings of feminism literatures and the theoretical issues they present including feminine cultures, gender identity and understanding of femininity.

A correction to the article "A Century of International Relations Feminism: From World War I Women's Peace Pragmatism to the Women, Peace and Security Agenda" which was published in a previous issue is presented.