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In recent years, coalitions of activists, artists, scholars, and community members have created archives composed of material related to social movements past and present with increasing frequency. These grassroots archives raise questions about the potential role of archives as generative spaces for democratizing history. This article explores this potential and the attendant challenges through a case study on an effort to preserve the memory of activism in São Paulo's urban peripheries during Brazil's civil-military dictatorship (1964–85)—an effort in which the author took part amid the rise of the far-right president and former dictatorship supporter Jair Bolsonaro. The postdictatorship culture of censorship and an ever-changing city relentlessly militated against the permanence of memory, not least through the destruction of physical archives and reference points in the urban landscape. The effort to organize and digitize precarious materials unfolded amid a larger campaign by activists to create an archive as part of a new university in the periphery. In this article, the author reflects on his experience working with communities through grassroots archiving to preserve at-risk historical sources, enhance local capacity, and broaden the practice of history beyond the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last twenty years, the international relations literature has sought to understand the conditions in which peacekeeping operations (PKOs) occur and the efficacy of their presence. Much work has focused on PKOs' relationship to civilians in civil conflict, but less is understood about the influences on peacekeeping missions' quality. If PKOs commit human rights abuses, how might other actors deter exploitive PKO behavior in the domestic context? We argue international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) provide a monitoring and socializing effect on PKOs. Using the Peacekeeper Attributes (PKAT) and Transnational Social Movements (TSMO) datasets, we analyze peacekeeping missions from 2007 to 2013. Through zero-inflated negative binomial regression, we found that the presence of general INGOs decreases rates of misconduct, and human rights INGOs decrease rates of misconduct. However, we find that the presence of women's rights-focused INGOs does not decrease rates of sexual misconduct among PKO troops. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits" by Jed Esty and "The Long 2020" edited by Richard Grusin and Maureen Ryan are two books that explore the concept of decline in the United States. These books challenge the nostalgic longing for stability and greatness in the US and argue that decline can be an opportunity for social change and renewal. They also examine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the US, revealing the vulnerabilities and inequalities in society. The article emphasizes the importance of studying cultural narratives and formations in understanding and navigating decline, and calls for a reimagining of freedom and politics. It also discusses the decline of the US as an empire and the potential for new visions of freedom and belonging. The text highlights the need to consider both subjective experience and objective structures in analyzing the past and envisioning the future. [Extracted from the article]

Context-sensitive expressions appear ill suited to the purpose of sharing content across contexts. Yet we regularly use them to that end (in regulations, textbooks, memos, guidelines, laws, minutes, etc.). This paper describes the utility of the concept of a metacontext for understanding cross-contextual content-sharing with context-sensitive expressions. A metacontext is the context of a group of contexts: an infrastructure that can channel non-linguistic incentives on content ascription so as to homogenize the content ascribed to context-sensitive expressions in each context in the group. Documents composed of context-sensitive expressions can share content across contexts when supported by an appropriate metacontext. The bible has its church, the textbook its education system, the form its bureaucracy, and the manifesto its social movement. Some metacontexts support cross-contextual content-sharing. Some don't. A promising research programme (one with practical importance) would take metacontexts as its unit of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent does local LGBT+ activism have impacts beyond its immediate surroundings? We offer a theoretical framework emphasizing how a combination of local movement visibility and LGBT+ cultural receptivity can account for disseminating influences of LGBT+ activism. We illustrate our framework in part through an analysis of the potential diffusion of LGBT+ support in Bosnia in the aftermath of the country's first-ever Pride. Our model explains why the 2019 Sarajevo Pride increased LGBT+ support locally but had no immediate effects on attitudes in greater Bosnia. It also explains why LGBT+ support has since expanded beyond the capital to Bosnia's surrounding regions in a follow-up 2021 study. Even when local LGBT+ visibility is low or nonexistent, underlying cultural receptivity can be conducive to the gradual diffusion of LGBT+ support. Moreover, the challenging circumstances of the pandemic did not undermine the expansion of LGBT+ tolerance across Bosnia. Our findings illustrate the persistent power as well as limitations of LGBT+ activism to usher in downstream cultural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the place of Welsh history within higher education, particularly in the context of British history modules. The author, a Senior Lecturer in Modern Welsh History at Cardiff University, highlights the challenges and importance of incorporating Welsh history into primarily British history modules. They emphasize the entangled nature of social life and cultures between Wales and England, while also acknowledging the distinctiveness of Welsh history. The article also explores how students respond to Welsh history modules and the value of local library and archival connections for research. Overall, the author argues for a four nations approach to teaching British history that recognizes the complexity of national identity and the importance of diverse perspectives. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Telling Stories about Post-war Britain: Popular Individualism and the 'Crisis' of the 1970s" by Emily Robinson, Camilla Schofield, Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, and Natalie Thomlinson explores the concept of popular individualism in post-war Britain. The authors argue that the 1970s witnessed a growing demand for personal autonomy and self-determination, which was not solely a result of Thatcherism but also a cause of it. They highlight various progressive responses to this individualism, such as the Women's Liberation Movement and the Institute for Workers Control. The article also discusses the impact of popular individualism on the Labour left, particularly in relation to campaigns for constitutional reform and mandatory reselection of MPs. Overall, the article challenges the dominant narrative of Thatcherism and emphasizes the existence of multiple political possibilities in post-war Britain. [Extracted from the article]

Scholars have argued that anti-racialist ideologies – which deem racial categorization dangerous and racist – are an obstacle to antiracism, because they make race and its effects invisible, and obscure institutional and structural racism. This paper reexamines this argument empirically, by analyzing how activists resist "racial ignorance" and produce knowledge about race in anti-racialist contexts. Drawing on race scholarship, social movement theory, and sociology of knowledge, I ask: How do social movements produce knowledge about the role of race in policing in France? What are the implications of different epistemic practices for activists' racial conceptualizations and political practice? The article is based on an ethnography of three mobilizations contesting policing in France. The comparative methodology reveals that epistemic practices play a role in shaping how mobilizations reach a shared understanding of race and racism. Specifically, how knowledge projects determine racial difference, the methodologies used to capture racial inequality/oppression, and the level of analysis, all matter for the understanding of racism that activists are able to substantiate. Mobilization's epistemic approaches provide some activists with additional resources to promote their preferred racial conceptualizations and can produce the evidence needed to change the mobilization's dominant discourse, from individualistic to structural and systemic conceptualizations of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite evident and oft-cited disparities in the policing of right-wing extremists and more progressive social movements, we understand much less about how such distinctions emerge and unfold as the police prepare for, and act within, protest events. How does the racial and political orientation of social movements affect how they are policed? What are the processes through which such effects are realized? In contrast with most existing studies of protest policing, which emphasize how the actions of authorities are conditioned by the degree of threat associated with, for example, the size or capacity for violence of a given protest target, the analysis here of a cluster of cases associated with the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, recognizes the constructed nature of protest threats and highlights how those assumptions inform and interact with police planning and action. Findings emphasize how the degree of alignment between police and protesters shapes policing agents' preparations for, and operational considerations within, protest events. This alignment provides a basis for asymmetric communication, differential assessment, and—ultimately—distinct treatment of different protest targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Failure of governments across the world to address climate change has fuelled social movements focused on climate-related policy and action. Research analysing these movements has focused mainly on the types of strategies employed including blockades and occupations, marches and petitions, divestment, boycotts and litigation as well as how groups are framing climate change as a problem. What has been largely missed are the ways these groups are framing the change they want to see, that is their demands to governments. Not all demands and actions have the same potential to create the changes needed to mitigate climate change. Used in public health and health promotion, the systems science Intervention Level Framework (ILF) is a tool that can help analyse to what extent different demands have the leverage to create change in a system. We use the ILF to analyse 131 demands from 35 different climate-related advocacy groups in Australia. Results show demands are more focused on lower system leverage points, such as stopping particular projects, rather than on more impactful leverage points, such as the governance structures that determine climate-related policy and decision-making mechanisms. Further, the results highlight the lack of attention on public health related topics of transport and food systems. This paper shows how a systems science framework used in health promotion, the ILF, could enable climate advocacy groups to more effectively target demands to achieve more impactful outcomes from governments, corporations and the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of a national transgender rights movement in the United States in the latter half of the twentieth and first decade of the twenty-first century. Drawing on newly available materials from the Trans Equality Archive at the National Center for Transgender Equality in Washington, DC, this study shows that the transgender movement has been neither wholly independent of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement, nor simply a subdivision of it. Through a process of hybridization, the transgender movement became simultaneously its own independent movement and a constituent of the LGBT movement. In building this argument, this article tells an untold story about the history of the movement. First, I narrate the emergence of a shared transgender collective identity separate from LGB identity. Second, I describe the burgeoning of a transgender movement and detail its continued distinction from the LGB movement. Third, I explain how the transgender movement pushed to turn the "LGB" movement into the "LGBT" movement, while still maintaining its independence. The article sheds light on the complex dynamics of contention among national advocacy organizations that gave shape to the contemporary transgender rights movement. It also contributes to the scholarship by tracing the distinctive evolution of the national transgender movement, which has operated alongside grassroots trans movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the teaching of twentieth-century British history to French undergraduates. It highlights the efforts made by French teachers and scholars to "decenter" their focus and move away from an overly Anglo-centric approach. This includes exploring the complexities of inter-national relations within the UK, as well as addressing racial, class, and gender dynamics both within and outside the country. The article also mentions the challenges faced in balancing different perspectives and topics, as well as the need for a diverse range of primary sources. Overall, the French teaching field has shown adaptability and responsiveness to current research shifts. [Extracted from the article]

This paper probes alternative meanings and processes for decolonizing English that arise from the particular geopolitical histories and identities of Hong Kong and engagement with political and translingual activism. I illustrate the positioning and tension between English, 'Kongish' (a mix of English and localized linguistic resources in Hong Kong), and Chinese in 1,355 comments from four live-streamed videos of clashes between the police and protesters. Despite the default language of the news page being Chinese (standard written Chinese and written Cantonese), a vast majority of the comments are written in English and Kongish. I analyse the commenters' metalinguistic discourse that represents their alignment and non-alignment stances towards the various linguistic practices in the comment threads. I draw on 'translingual activism' (Pennycook 2019) to understand the linguistic resourcefulness of the commenters who support the protests and the indexing of an us–them relationship between Hong Kong and mainland China. Rather than decolonizing English, I argue that the Hong Kong commenters recolonize English for new subversive purposes to maintain an ideological 'separation' between their Hong Kong and Chinese identities in times of political transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What drives the news coverage of social movements in the professional news media? We address this question by elaborating an institutional mediation model arguing that the news values, routines, and characteristics of the news media induce them to pay attention to movements depending on their characteristics and the political contexts in which they engage. The news-making characteristics of movements include their disruptive capacities and organizational strength, and the political contexts include a partisan regime in power, benefitting from national policies, and congressional investigations. To appraise these arguments, we analyze approximately 1 million news articles mentioning 29 social movements over the twentieth century, published in four national newspapers. We use negative binomial regression analyses and separate time-series analyses of the labor movement to assess the model's robustness across different movements, time periods, and news sources. In each analysis, the results support the hypotheses based on the institutional mediation model. More generally, we argue that the influence of social movements on institutions depends on the structure and operating procedures of those institutions. This insight has implications for future studies of the influence of movements on major social institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements pushed to reconceptualize intimate partner violence (IPV) as a social problem deserving of intervention rather than a private family matter. However, little work has examined which interventions the public is likely to support. How and where do personal politics affect perceptions of and responses to a social problem? To address these questions, 739 participants read a victim's narrative from a court case and indicated their concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order, prohibiting the abuser from owning a gun, or the victim owning a gun to protect herself. Concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order was widespread, regardless of political leaning, with minor variations driven by role-taking and attitudes towards IPV. Similarly, support for the victim receiving a protection order was high, with political ideology and political affiliation having no direct effects. While concern increased support for each intervention, it held less explanatory power for gun-related interventions. Instead, political ideology and affiliation shaped support for disarming the abuser or arming the victim. Support for these interventions seemed to filter through a political lens. Thus, one's personal politics drive divergent intervention attitudes, even when concern for a social problem is shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates the way local social movements respond to structural transformations in city politics. Drawing from archival research, published scholarship, and 51 in-depth interviews, we characterize the mobilization of experts into social movements in Greater Boston since the 1960s as a long-term shift from "protecting places" to "providing services." Consonant with a shift from centralized to decentralized municipal government, we show how an initially unified resistance to urban renewal morphed into two diverging and opposing movements. One focused on housing affordability and relied on market-driven tactics; the other sought to enhance the "production of nature" through grassroots community organizing. These findings support two contributions to the scholarship on expert activism by showing that: (1) social movement organizations (SMOs) respond to structural shifts epistemologically, as well as organizationally; and (2) expert activism can alter the conditions and context of knowledge production in neighborhoods and the movements that rise in their defense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on interviews, some field research, and an analysis of online material, this paper focuses on the rights struggles of diasporic Indian caste groups formerly considered "Untouchable" whose self-chosen descriptor is "Dalit." It examines Dalit activism in the United States around caste discrimination in both India and the U.S. The goal of this study is to demonstrate how Dalit American leaders use racial analogies in their international activism, and why race is a contested frame within the community. It makes clear that "universalistic" frames can obscure crucial particularities, making it harder to address the issue at hand. But it also reveals that dogmatic, particularistic frames can compromise the unity and mission of transnational movements. A 2020 lawsuit against Cisco Systems alleging caste discrimination toward a Dalit employee by Brahmin supervisors has opened the opportunity for anti-caste activists to develop a global norm specifically around how to address caste-based discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fokin's primary scholarly interests include culture of religious movements in the USSR, history of Protestantism in the USSR, and Protestant culture in the USSR. In addressing patriotism and Protestantism, it should be remembered that all Protestant denominations in Russia and the countries of the former USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) are part of international Protestant organizations. The most authoritative Protestant denominations, after consolidating and fortifying interfaith ties and cooperation, are now capable of large-scale social partnership relations with state institutions, thereby making a significant contribution to the improvement of the moral atmosphere in society and the formation of high standards of business ethics and labor relations among Russian citizens.[10] The History of Western Protestantism in Russia The first Protestants appeared in Russia by the 1520s, as Protestantism spread in Europe. Under these new conditions of existence, with intensive processes of contact and interaction among various religious and cultural traditions in Russia, Protestants believe their presence poses no danger to the preservation of Russia's cultural and religious identity; to the contrary, they believe a Protestant presence can be mutually enriching and mutually beneficial for everyone. [Extracted from the article]

The 1833 Slavery Abolition Act provided for the gradual emancipation of eight hundred thousand human beings. It also confirmed the sovereignty of King-in-Parliament over all people residing in British dominions and resolved a long-standing dispute over whether enslaved people were private property or royal subjects entitled to legal safeguards. This debate first emerged in the late eighteenth century but acquired additional urgency following the 1807 abolition of the slave trade, when attempts to mitigate slavery through the enactment of ameliorative statutes and procedural reforms encouraged enslaved people to petition magistrates for redress in cases of abuse. Slaves vigorously defended their newly granted rights to bodily protection, sustenance, and family preservation through the instigation of legal complaints against overseers, managers, and slave owners. By the 1820s, enslaved litigants across Britain's empire were publicly and collectively petitioning colonial magistrates to intercede on their behalf. The judicialization of quotidian battles over the terms of enslavement refashioned colonial social relations, affirmed enslaved people's status as British subjects, and generated volumes of case files that circulated back to the metropole, where the Colonial Office cited them in critical assessments of slave law and where abolitionists used them to press for immediate emancipation. Enslaved people's legal activism was operationally antislavery; it eroded the power of colonial enslavers and prodded Parliament to pass the 1833 Abolition Act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malcolm Chase (1957–2020) was the pre-eminent scholar of the Chartist democratic movement, and more broadly, of working-class political and social action in early nineteenth-century Britain. His work in many respects shaped a shift in the study of Chartism within labour and cultural history. Rejecting the inward-looking diversion into the 'linguistic turn' of the early 1990s, Chase offered a broader and holistic view of not only what class, political radicalism and the land meant to working-class people, but also how it was a lived experience expressed in action as well as words. This article is a re-appreciation of Chase's major contribution to the field. It charts the origins and development of Chartist studies, and surveys recent publications, including the wide range of articles published on Chartism in the English Historical Review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the emergence of a pastoral social movement within the Russian Orthodox Church during the late imperial and revolutionary periods in Russia. The clergy responded to calls for aid during times of famine, war, and revolution, leading to a shift in their mentality from a caste-like service estate to a professional one focused on the broader society. This movement played a critical role in shaping the church revolution of 1917-1918, which aimed to reconstruct Church governance based on inclusive and conciliar principles. The article provides case studies from Tver' and Moscow dioceses to illustrate the clergy's evolving activities and their impact on church-state-society relations. The author argues that the pastoral movement was influenced by Konstantin Pobedonostsev's vision of a proactive pastorate, but it also led to increased autonomy for the clergy. The article concludes that this book is a valuable resource for understanding the social role of the Orthodox Church during the late imperial period in Russia. [Extracted from the article]

Benjamin Abrams and Peter Gardner have skilfully combined 15 contributions, examining a range of symbolic objects that feature in contentious politics, including social movements, civil wars and revolutions. As Abrams and Gardner argue, contentious objects are the "collaborators in the execution of contentious action" (p. 293). Politics is inevitably contentious. [Extracted from the article]

I Rafeef Ziadah, King's College London, UK i Overcoming state-centric rights I Vernacular rights cultures i is an exciting and important contribution to debates on human rights, gender rights and vernacular approaches to both. I Shirin M. Rai, SOAS University of London, UK i Shifting epistemes of rights cultures I Vernacular rights cultures i opens up with a rather erudite review of the literature on the idea of rights, especially focusing on the evolution of human rights scholarship. The world-making potential of I haq i to (re)shape rights is hardly limited to Hannah Arendt's "the right to have rights" or the "umbilical link" between citizenship and rights. Keywords: Human rights; south Asia; decolonization; international law; rights cultures; gender EN Human rights south Asia decolonization international law rights cultures gender 825 835 11 03/15/23 20230301 NES 230301 Introduction I Vernacular rights cultures i tells a different story of human rights. [Extracted from the article]

It is widely accepted that economic indicators like efficiency, productivity, and profitability are key to explaining why some businesses survive and others do not. Yet not all work organizations ascribe to capitalist assumptions about ownership, authority, and even what constitutes success itself. Worker-recuperated businesses (WRBs) in Argentina—organizations closed by their private owners, occupied by their workers, and restarted as worker cooperatives—offer one such example. While research has documented the operational and financial challenges these businesses confront, we know little about why some survive and others do not. This article draws on qualitative and historical research in two WRBs in Buenos Aires: one that survived (Hotel Bauen) and one that closed (FORJA San Martín). Comparing the organizations' trajectories, we argue that labor process, geographic location, and political networks are key to understanding their survival. We find that different types of labor in industrial and service workplaces in conjunction with their geographic locations impacted efforts to develop networks with political actors, consumers, and social movements that provided legitimacy and resources to enable their continuity over time. The article discusses the contributions of these findings to theories of organizations and the implications for studying alternative work organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Greta Thunberg's school strike in Stockholm in August 2018 and the October 2018 'declaration of rebellion' by activists in the UK, 2019 saw several climate protest movements rise to public attention, including Fridays for Future (FFF), Extinction Rebellion (XR), and the US Sunrise Movement. What is striking about them is that they rather bluntly refer to science in their campaigns. In this paper, we present an in-depth and comparative study of how the new climate protest movements relate to scientific evidence. Employing a narrative analysis of different types of data (websites, press releases, and media coverage), we study the movements' understandings of 'the science' as well as of science's role in policy processes. We find that the movements in their initial phase predominantly rely on science for their legitimation and adopt a scientific worldview with very little 'green ambivalence'. Notably, FFF and XR hold a deficit model of existing climate communication and enact roles as science communicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is government repression of self-determination (SD) movements affected by the internal structure of the movements? This article investigates the relation between internal fragmentation of SD movements and state repression. While internal fragmentation of domestic challengers is well-documented in conflict studies, its effect on state repression is largely overlooked by the extant literature. Here, I argue that inter-faction competition and disagreements within an internally divided movement constrain the government's ability to negotiate concessions in a way that can satisfy all the actors involved, engendering incentives to repress the movement. I expect that the degree to which this mechanism operates depends on the extent to which the movement is internally fragmented. The findings show that higher degrees of within-movement fragmentation are positively associated with higher levels of repression, and this effect is greater in the presence of active violent militants but smaller in the presence of one or a few dominant faction(s). This study sheds light on the mechanisms that drive repression over SD disputes, which often lead to escalation of violence and civil conflict onset. A deeper understanding of these mechanisms can help with the development of early warning systems and conflict prevention in the political practice of national and international organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC 106 Táíwò Olúfhemi O. Reconsidering Reparations. Google Scholar Crossref Search ADS Google Preview WorldCat COPAC 25 Du Bois W. E. Burghardt. Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC 27 Du Bois William Edward Burghardt, Jones Mack H. 2017. Google Scholar Crossref Search ADS Google Preview WorldCat COPAC 21 Dean Lorraine T. 2018. Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC 26 Du Bois William Edward Burghardt, Diggs Irene. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the contexts of nonconformism and social purity that underpin Michael Field's (Katharine Bradley and Edith Cooper) verse drama Brutus Ultor (1886). Based on new archival research, the article explores Bradley's role in the Ladies National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Act and argues that the play is a complex commentary on the social purity movement and, in particular, on W.T. Stead's campaigning journalism. More broadly, the article argues for the importance of Michael Field's nonconformist background in the development of their oeuvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the causal relationship between an under-studied emotion—hope—and online action. We ask whether some emotions are more effective than others in driving a semi-behavioral outcome—clicking a hyperlink. Using an experimental design, we find that a recorded speech that has been "emotionally charged" with hope increases respondents' willingness to seek information about a contentious social issue, immigrant rights. We argue that the hope charge is uniquely powerful, in part because it energizes both beneficiary constituents (BCs) and conscience constituents (CCs) of social movements, as well as those of broader publics. We suggest that hope is a quintessential bridging charge, linking beneficiary constituents to these other groups. Our study builds on important methodological trends in the developing field of survey experimentation: it uses audio recordings to convey emotional charges and embeds a semi-behavioral measure at the conclusion of an internet-based survey experiment. We argue that hope has been empirically submerged in the discipline, and, when used to charge social movement frames, has under-acknowledged mobilizing power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Religion in Rebellions, Revolutions, and Social Movements" is a collection of essays edited by Warren S. Goldstein and Jean-Pierre Reed that explores the role of religion in political and social movements. The book emphasizes that religion can be both a force for progressive change and a tool to further conservative agendas, depending on who is wielding it. The chapters in the book examine different case studies and highlight the ambivalent and fluid nature of religion's social and political roles. The volume also discusses the connection between religious discourse and social practice, with many chapters focusing on the role of educated intellectuals or cultural producers in shaping and mobilizing religious discourse. The book acknowledges that religion is not value-free or apolitical, and it seeks to understand how religious discourse works in different contexts. Overall, the book offers a nuanced exploration of the complex relationship between religion and social movements. [Extracted from the article]

The run-up to the 2020 election in the United States was marked by an unprecedented health pandemic and a social movement to challenge structural racism and advance social justice. Record numbers of Americans risked their health by protesting and voting in 2020. We analyze the relationship between a desire to advance social justice and Native American political behavior and political accountability utilizing data from the 2020 American Election Eve Survey's large sample of Native American voters. We find that in 2020, both perceptions of racial discrimination and the COVID-19 health pandemic had a significant effect on Native American mobilization and political accountability. We also advance the limited research on the Native American electorate by finding that living on or very near tribal lands is a consequential factor for Native American political behavior and their pursuits for justice through political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Union Is Killing MigrantsAt Europe's Edge: Migration and Crisis in the Mediterranean. A stark and unavoidable conclusion in Mainwaring's and Stierl's respective studies is that the immigration control policies of the European Union (EU) and its member nation-states are killing unauthorized migrants. Mainwaring begins by showing that the response of the European Union (EU) to what is widely characterized by nation-states, most media, and even some migration scholars as a "migration crisis" has been entirely disproportionate, even perverse (p. 5). [Extracted from the article]

Researchers increasingly use counterterrorism approaches to explain how right-wing groups mobilize as a growing social movement. I reveal the limits of security-oriented research for studying right-wing movements using a semi-ethnographic case study of the Canadian yellow vests. Dominant security narratives paint Canada's yellow vests as foremost a criminogenic and violent white nationalist movement. My findings, however, suggest that these groups (1) fetishize law and order; and (2) attempt to maintain legitimacy by rejecting vigilantism and policing extreme messaging. Fixating on the 'extremism' and criminal risks of right-wing movements can distort analysis and exaggerate their distance from mainstream culture. My data include over 40 h of participant-observation at 20 right-wing rallies and 35 interviews with current leaders and members of on-the-ground nationalist groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group-based norms regarding political participation are not static; they are malleable attributes affected by police–protest dynamics in the social movement context. This study used a comprehensive and authoritative sampling framework to collect the views of Hong Kong residents at the end of the anti-extradition bill movement (n  =   1,000; 53.6% female; mean age = 46.4, range 18–86) and evaluated them using the Elaborated Social Identity Model. The results revealed a full mediational pathway from police action perceived as indiscriminate that facilitated the public's identification with the militant protesters and bolstered public support for the militant protest. Our findings provide an in-depth understanding of why the public supported violent protest and criminal vandalism in the movement by adopting the interactive arena between police and protesters as the entry point and the development of shared identity as the process. Our findings highlight crowd management as a complex issue in relational dynamics rather than a purely logistical challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the false ballistic missile alert that occurred in Hawaii in 2018, which presented a unique opportunity for assessing the civic and mobilizing outcomes of a threat. In the days that followed the scare, we conducted an online experiment to investigate its effects on willingness to engage in activism and concerns about broader issues. Our results show that emotions serve as an important mechanism for channeling threat experiences into concern about specific causes. Those most emotionally affected by the missile scare in Hawaii thought it more important to engage in activities to control the spread of nuclear weapons, protect the environment, and address climate change, relative to a control group on the mainland. Both the intensity and type of emotion play a role. These results shed light on the role of threats and grievances in shaping concern about social and environmental issues. They also suggest that emotions may serve as a bridge that can connect personal, concrete, lived-experiences to more abstract, complex, or future-oriented issues and grievances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the concept of protest cycles has received much attention in the collective action literature, its empirical operationalization remains relatively crude compared to the rich theoretical discussion. Reimagining social movements as populations of interlinked protests, we demonstrate the advantages of analyzing protest event networks with a novel dataset related to South Korea's democracy movement. In our conceptualization, protest events play the role of network nodes and links were identified based on protesters citing prior events as sources of inspiration for mobilizing. Appropriating strategies for network analysis, we assess the types of events that were more likely to be cited as sources of inspiration and bridge otherwise disconnected events. Our analysis shows that protests that raised systemic versus local issues and events that were repressed by the state were more likely to occupy central positions in the democracy movement. By identifying the characteristics of events that contribute to movement inspiration and bridging, our novel approach to analyzing protest events sheds new light on dominant themes in social movement research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is the focus of a roundtable review on John D. French's Lula and His Politics of Cunning: From Metalworker to President of Brazil. The reviewers offer a reading of Lula and his legacies from perspectives that range from LGBTQ+ studies to racial politics, including an analysis centered on the story of a humble man that rose from below, "a most exceptional common man," from his humble beginnings up to his election as president; a review that underscores how the book addresses Lula's work with regards to human rights, including race and the LGBTI+ community; a deconstruction of the use of the word "cunning" as a positive term of appreciation, comparing Brazil's journey under Lula with the promise of post-apartheid South Africa; and a reflective commentary that seeks to understand how a figure like Lula is not born but created, in this case through class struggle. Finally, John French responds to these observations and offers additional insight on his book and the living legacy of Lula's Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between socialism and nationalism in the thought of Scottish intellectual Tom Nairn has been of considerable historical interest. Focusing on the 1960s and 1970s, this article identifies a set of key themes that emerged during Nairn's time within the London New Left, and which shed light on his move towards Scottish nationalism. It demonstrates that he gravitated towards Continental theory in the 1960s as it offered the prospect of political and personal emancipation from the conservatism of the British state. He in turn viewed the student movement of 1968 as an anti-authoritarian social formation ready to topple the establishment—though in a peculiarly intellectualized way that inoculated him from its wilder experimentalism. Nairn's move towards nationalism in the 1970s was his way of furthering this project, though not straightforwardly. Echoing New Right critiques, Nairn argued that demands for Scottish independence stood alongside globalization and European integration as material forces sweeping aside the decrepit British state. He also used support for nationalism to admonish the 'metropolitan-minded' socialists of a New Left he was growing estranged from. Whether due to academic obscurantism or what he saw as a superficial concern with social movement politics, Nairn felt the English New Left was becoming divorced from its original aims of personal and cultural self-determination. Now back in living in Scotland, he saw nationalism as the best vehicle for escape. Nairn however simultaneously celebrated the utopianism and rooted pragmatism of Scottish nationalism, a distinctive position which characterises his career more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in the 1990s, international organizations (IOs) have created various opportunities of access for civil society to voice criticism. While international relations (IR) scholarship has increasingly addressed the resulting interaction between IOs and civil society with a focus on NGOs, we know little about the particular reactions to IOs' opening up by social movements. This paper analyzes reactions to opening up by a transnational social movement centrally addressing IOs: the Global Justice Movement (GJM). Examining reactions by different groups of the GJM in Europe and Southeast Asia to IOs' opening up, we demonstrate that reactions differ considerably depending on activists' assessments of the nature of opening up. In particular, we identify four pathways of reactions on a continuum from (1) strong cooperation with IOs as a reaction to opening up, (2) temporally limited cooperation with different IOs, (3) a hybrid reaction that combines cooperation with specific IOs with a strong opposition to other IOs in reaction to their opening up, to (4) a continuous rejection of all cooperation with IOs. We show how these different reactions are shaped by activists' perceptions of the quality of the international opening up in conjunction with national and local context factors. Furthermore, our analysis demonstrates that such perceptions can significantly change over time depending on experiences of interactions. Reactions to opening up are therefore not predictable on the basis of a movement's shape and resources only, but rather depend on a variety of factors such as the movement's perception of the IO's sincerity in a strategic and consequential interaction, as well as the movement's ideological framework and its history of interaction with institutions at other levels, especially in the domestic realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that focusing on situational, interactional space provides a fruitful addition to understanding protest dynamics and the emergence of violence in protests. It suggests connecting insights from social movement research and violence research to examine what happens spatially during a protest. Examining how space can be conceptualized situationally, the article then employs document and visual data, participant observation, and interviews in a qualitative analysis and cross-case comparison of protest marches. Situational space is studied in peaceful and violent marches during three social movements (Global Justice Movement, New Social Movements, 1960s student movement). Findings suggest that a clearly defined, transparent concept of situational space during protest marches can be useful in understanding the unfolding of protest events and that situational space is of particular relevance for the emergence of protest violence. Space is not only a common comfort zone, but for protests, territory also consists of implicit power relations. Thus, spatial incursions by police officers or protesters during protests into space assigned to the other group drastically change dynamics during protest marches, lead to mistrust and rising tensions, and form a crucial bedrock for violent eruptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What drives polarized voting in Congress? This article develops a persuasive action model which argues that polarization in Congress depends on the assertive capacities of social movements, the vulnerability of political officials, and the partisanship of the environments they represent. Using multilevel analyses, I demonstrate that endorsements by the Tea Party movement influenced an increase in extreme (conservative) voting among legislators in the 112th Congress. These effects are strongest for vulnerable, freshman legislators representing amenable Republican contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the individual-level building blocks of getting out the vote (GOTV) for electoral parties that represent subaltern sectors in resource scarce environments. Drawing on theories of protest waves, social movement fields, and threat-induced collective action, we examine the likelihood of campaigning in left party electoral mobilization and party identification. The study implements a modified version of the Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation (CCC) survey protocol and respondent selection design. We use a sympathy pool sample of over 1,200 May Day participants in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Honduras to explain the micro-foundations of electoral proselytizing of political parties advocating for disadvantaged populations. We found that involvement in left party electoral campaigning was largely driven by resources deposited during anti-neoliberal protest waves, including prior movement-type protest, civic organizational activity, and economic threat perceptions. Campaigning for the anti-neoliberal party was also associated with a higher level of post-election party identification. The findings suggest that left parties may at times partially overcome economic and political resource deficits by mobilizing individuals deeply embedded in the social movement field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immediately after newly inaugurated President Trump issued Executive Order 13769 in 2017, commonly referred to as the 'Muslim ban', people around the world engaged in widespread resistance in a variety of ways, including through a relatively new forum: social media. While scholars have examined counterframing and symbolic boundary-work in resistance movements, little is known about impact social media platforms may have on these narratives. Accordingly, in this article, we explore how actors engage in boundary-work and counterframing through the use of social media. Using Twitter posts containing '#IamaRefugee' as our data, we find that activists engaged in different dimensions of boundary-work in opposition to Trump's ban including creating boundaries between the immoral 'them' and moral 'us'; challenging the boundaries between supposedly threatening refugees and the dominant group; and strengthening the bond of those in opposition to Trump's policies and rhetoric by reinforcing the messages of solidarity. We argue that this boundary-work culminated in direct calls for mobilization. The implications of our findings are meaningful to scholarship on refugee studies, social movements, and framing and to those interested in opposing problematic elite framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consumer research has focused on the various resources and tactics that help movements achieve a range of institutional and marketplace changes. Yet, little attention has been paid to the persistence of movement solidarity, in particular its regeneration, despite a range of threats to it. Our research unpacks mechanisms that help consumer movement solidarity to overcome threats. Drawing on a 6-year ethnographic study of consumer movements in Exarcheia, a neighborhood in central Athens, Greece, we find that consumer movement solidarity persists despite a cataclysmic economic crisis that undermines their prevalent ideology and the emotional fatigue, that is, common in such movements. Three key mechanisms serve to overcome these threats: performative staging of collectivism, temporal tactics, and the emplacement of counter-sites. Overall, our study contributes to consumer research by illuminating how threats to solidarity are overcome by specific internal mechanisms that enable the regeneration of consumer movement solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do online networks encourage political participation? Much research has theorized on how digital networks transmit mobilizing content, fewer studies examine the structure of online networks, and even fewer test how the structure of online networks affects participation for political behaviors with differing costs. From a structural network perspective, I highlight the puzzle: If according to recent literature, digital networks are loose with many weak ties, how can such a network configuration facilitate high-cost political behavior that requires multiple social reinforcements? I map the following relationships among 655 Twitter users who follow the Black Lives Matter Sacramento chapter and compare the structure of the digital network to three commonly observed ideal type networks. The results show that the digital network is structurally distinct from the ideal types, as it is characterized by an extremely dense cluster but also with many loosely connected components, which I describe as a "cluster-connective network." Results from computer experiments further show that paradoxically, this "cluster-connective" configuration benefits participation for high-cost behavior but hinders participation for low-cost behavior. The results illustrate how a structural network perspective helps scholars move from the question of whether digital networks facilitate participation to the conditions under which digital networks encourage participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]