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Although there is considerable evidence that grapheme and body units are involved in assembling phonology from print, there is little evidence supporting the involvement of syllabic representations. We provide evidence on this point from a phonological dyslexic patient (ML) who, as a result of brain damage, is relatively unable to read nonwords. ML was found to be able to perform tasks assumed to reflect processes involved in assembled phonology (i.e. segmentation, orthographic-phonologic conversion, and blending) when the units involved were syllables, but demonstrated considerable difficulty when they were onset, body, or phoneme units. Additionally, both ML and matched controls were much better able to find words in an anagrams task (Treiman & Chafetz, 1987) when they resulted from the combination of segments corresponding to syllables than when they did not. It is suggested that the relationship between print and sound is represented at multiple levels (including the syllable) (Shallice, Warrington, & McCarthy, 1983) and that ML's nonword reading impairment is the result of disruption of representations below the level of the syllable.

This paper reports a case study of a subject (EP) with a progressive impairment of semantic memory and a coincident surface dyslexia. These two disorders frequently occur together, but their association is not readily explained within current models of reading. This study investigated two theories that offer different principled accounts of this association, the "semantic glue hypothesis" (Patterson & Hodges, 1992) and the "summation hypothesis" (Hillis & Caramazza, 1991) and found both hypotheses wanting. Instead it was shown that when vestiges of word meaning remained, a lexical response was preferred, but when meaning was lost entirely, the evidence derived from sublexical processing appeared to bias selection of the response towards the regularized form.

The reading behaviour of two alexic patients (SA and WH) is reported. Both patients are severely impaired at reading single words, and both show abnormally strong effects of word length when reading. These two symptoms are characteristic of letter-by-letter reading. Experiment 1 examined the pattern of errors when the patients read large and small words. Further experiments examined the effects of inter-letter spacing on word naming (Experiments 2a and 2b) and the identification of letters in letter strings (Experiment 3). For both patients, letter identification was better for widely spaced letters in letter strings, and this effect was most pronounced for the central letters in the strings. This is consistent with abnormally strong flanker interference in letter identification. However, inter-letter spacing affected word reading behaviour in the two patients in different ways. SA's word reading improved with widely spaced letters; WH's word reading was disrupted. This suggests that these patients adopted different strategies when reading words. We conclude that several reading behaviours can elicit word length effects, and that these different behaviours can reflect strategic adaptation to a common functional deficit in patients. We discuss the implications both for understanding alexia and for models of normal word identification.

Phonological processing abilities were studied in a patient who, following focal brain damage, showed selective impairment in non-word reading, writing, and repetition and also a severe short-term memory (STM) deficit specific for auditorily presented verbal material. The patient could execute tasks involving phonemic manipulation and awareness perfectly. Our data, in contrast with earlier observations in a case of developmental phonological dyslexia, show that acquired impairment in non-word reading, writing, repetition, and immediate memory may occur despite good phonological processing abilities. The role of STM in processing meaningless verbal material is discussed.