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What are the social dimensions involved in the technology of traditional tattooing among the Igorots of north Luzon, the Philippines? Based on a long-term anthropological fieldwork among the Igorots, an examination of the varying traditional tattooing practices of these ethnic groups demonstrates that the significance of batok (traditional tattoos) does not only lie in their symbolic and aesthetic qualities, but also in the rituals performed, the taboos observed, and the technology employed in the production of tattoos. The tattoo's appearance on skin is also dependent on the method or technique employed in the production of designs; the varying pigments used to produce a blackish, greenish, or bluish color in tattoos that mark the identity of a group; and the symmetry and arrangement of tattoos. More importantly, this paper explores the social and cultural practices involved in the production of batok for these to achieve the efficacy of purpose and function. This paper examines how the technology of tattoos, along with rituals and their associated taboos, contributes to the production of what is classified among the Butbut of Kalinga as: whayyu or maphod ("beautiful"), rather than lagwing ("unpleasant"); unfinished versus finished; and "thin or thick" tattoos. Traditional tattooing was formerly practiced in the confines of collective and place-based rituals among the people of the Philippine Cordillera. However, the rarity, rawness, and the particularity of the technology used in the production of these tattoos render them more "authentic," as such, traditional tattooing has entered contemporary tattoo practices in the Philippines as a form of revival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because redistribution concerns 'who gets what and from whom ', redistributive conflicts revolve around 'who should get what and from whom '. Individuals as well as states distinguish between deserving and undeserving claimants. People may favour people they know over strangers, kin over non-kin, or some kin over other kin. This paper uses data from survey experiments to show that young South Africans distinguish between deserving and undeserving claimants on both the state and kin. The hierarchy of desert with respect to public welfare is clear and intuitive, with people who cannot look after themselves being considered more deserving than those who can. Deservingness with respect to different categories of kin – i.e. the 'radius' of responsibility for kin – varies less markedly, but with some variation between racial or cultural groups. Deservingness with respect to both public and private support is affected dramatically by the attitude and reciprocity of the claimant, with the important exceptions of mothers who should be supported unconditionally. Public and private support appear to be complements not substitutes for each other, in that people who believe that the state should support people in need are also more likely to believe that kin should do so also. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the changing geography of ethnic inequality in England and Wales drawing on data from the 2001 and 2011 censuses. Specifically, we use the 2011 Office for National Statistics (ONS) area classification to examine how ethnic inequalities within local areas with different demographic and socio-economic characteristics have changed overtime. Local ethnic inequalities are examined through a set of indicators which capture differences in housing, health, employment and education between ethnic minority groups and the White British in local authority districts in England and Wales. The results suggest that ethnic inequalities are widespread and persistent, and highlight the different ways in which inequalities manifest for particular ethnic groups in different localities. Ethnic inequality in housing and employment is severe for most ethnic minority groups, particularly in large urban areas that have been traditional settlement areas for ethnic minorities. However, inequalities increased most over the decade 2001-2011 in rural and coastal areas that have low ethnic diversity levels and small ethnic minority populations. The paper considers these findings in relation to theories of service provision and racism, ethnic density, and immigrant adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although media influence has long been recognised within adoption, there has been relatively little research into the nature of coverage. This article focuses on press articles from five UK national daily newspapers and their Sunday sister papers in the years 2010‒2014. This broadly coincides with the period of Coalition Government in the UK and its focus on adoption reform. Findings reveal strong support for the Government's reform programme, its rationale within child welfare and many of its specific measures, but with some contrasts between individual newspapers and critical comment found almost entirely within one pairing. Particular themes concern excessive bureaucracy and politically motivated opposition to adoption. Race and ethnicity emerge as the most frequently covered issues, dominated by critique of barriers to transracial adoption. Principal themes are often developed with inaccurate, misleading or exaggerated reporting, which in turn raises the question of how adoption agencies might respond to this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article critically examines the Danish 'ghetto initiatives' of 2004, 2010, 2013 and 2018, with a particular focus on their implications for 'social citizenship'. Its approach is twofold: firstly, it explores how each of the four major ghetto initiatives constructed ghettos and their residents as a problem for the welfare state, and what policy measures were proposed to address the problems identified. Secondly, it examines the legislative changes that resulted from each of the ghetto initiatives and assesses their implications for social citizenship. In doing so, it relates its findings to the different developmental stages of social citizenship in Danish welfare state history. The article argues that the ghetto initiatives have led to an unprecedented spatialization and ethnicization of social citizenship which mark a radical departure from the guiding principles of post-1945 Danish welfare thought and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Claims of the self-segregation of minority ethnic groups during the early 2000s were much critiqued in the British academic literature, which pointed instead to decreasing ethnic segregation via the rather benign demographic processes of births and deaths, and internal migration from urban clusters. Despite the attention that these opposing debates received, a detailed study of change in ethnic residential segregation during the period has yet to be undertaken for the whole of England and Wales, and the recent release of 2011 Census data has now made this possible. This paper contributes to the literature by providing a systematic overview of national-level change in residential segregation in a changing socio-political climate, considering how minority ethnic distributions have altered in the last decade. The paper explores the specific case of England and Wales, but in doing so makes a contribution to our understanding of the contemporary evolution of ethnic geographies and the dynamics of diverse places, beyond this specific region. Using a commonly employed measure of spatial unevenness, the Index of Dissimilarity, at the smallest possible geographical level, the findings demonstrate how there has been increased residential mixing between each ethnic group (the White British majority and all minority groups), and that urban locales have experienced a decrease in segregation between 2001 and 2011. The findings disturb the association of ethnic diversity with ethnic divisions in (particularly urban) space and provide support for the somewhat ‘every day’ processes of de-segregation, rather than a cause for concern over increasingly entrenched neighbourhoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I examine whether ethnopolitical identities have grown in Ethiopia since the introduction of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's reforms in 2018, using the most recent Ethiopian survey data from the World Values Survey (wave 5, from 2007 and wave 7, from 2020). I find that although there remains a general popular commitment to a national (Ethiopian) identity, among younger people (especially males) there is a growing sense of an "ethnic" identity and a growing intolerance of other ethnic groups. Further, I find that those who express ethnonational identities are significantly more likely to engage in protest and demonstrations. In conclusion, I suggest that this may not portend well for the future of Ethiopian unity. I also suggest that whether this happens also depends on the institutional transformation of the Prosperity Party (the successor the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)) and the level of external support the regime receives from its foreign benefactors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic and archival materials, this paper examines the ethnic politics of the Second Polish Republic by taking into account the experiences of the Lemko-Rusyn population, a minority East Slavic group inhabiting the peripheral mountainous area in southern Poland. It illustrates the changing policies towards Lemko-Rusyns and discusses the different responses of the local population to these policies, demonstrating the inadequacy of categories imposed from above as well as manifold motivations behind people's political views, choices of national identification, and religious conversions. In so doing, the article has three main objectives. First, in line with recent critical scholarship on nationalism in the Second Polish Republic, it attempts to problematize the – frequently exaggerated – difference between 'federational' and 'assimilationist' conceptions, exposing the discriminatory nature of interwar minority politics, as experienced locally. Second, moving beyond the interwar period, the article presents the long-term consequences of the interwar policies and the events of the Second World War, including a series of ethnic cleansings that took place in the aftermath of the war as well as present-day discourses on and policies towards ethnic and national minorities. And third, in discussing state actors' agency in the domain of minority policies, it calls for a more thorough recognition of the agency of the people who are the target of those policies. The article considers all these issues by presenting a history of a Lemko-Rusyn locality and its inhabitants, as recorded in school records, state reports, and oral histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks whether certain types of ethnic groups are particularly likely to take part in armed conflict. Several theoretical arguments indicate that this should be the case, often highlighting religious and racial boundaries as being more conflict-prone than, for instance, linguistic boundaries. However, the potential effects of groups being mobilized around these different boundary markers remain largely untested. The paper helps to fill this gap by analyzing conflict propensity across types of ethnic groups in a global sample for the period 1946–2009. At odds with common perceptions, the results show that the probability of armed conflict onset is not affected by whether ethnic groups are mobilized around religious, linguistic, racial, or regional markers. The effect of political discrimination on armed conflict is also not conditioned by these different boundary markers. The paper thus lends support to an inclusive conception of ethnicity and suggests that we need to focus on the social and political context rather than the specific cultural content of ethnic boundaries if we want to identify the conflicts that are most likely to escalate and turn violent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the connection between ethnic identity, the articulation of these identities through discourse and the ideologies indexed by these identities in the interaction of Malaysian speakers. Based on selected episodes of radio discussions, the study focuses on how speakers identify or self-categorise themselves, in such a way that makes ethnic identity relevant to the discussion. The study draws upon existing literature on types of identities in interactions and membership categorisation analysis (MCA) in investigating how speakers make ethnic identity relevant to the discussion on Malaysian issues through the act of self-categorisation. In the context of these discussions, the membership categorisation device (MCD) 'Malaysian' and ethnic identities acquire very specific meanings through the practice of self-categorisation. While some speakers focused on the ethnic culture and traditions, others are more interested in sharing their experiences based on their own ethnic identities and interactions amongst the society. Social issues like dealing with rights and obligations of certain ethnic or social groups and developing one's sense of ethnic identity, among others, motivate speakers to offer their stance on these issues. In this way, their views and expressions of ethnic identity come to position themselves in terms of these interactional specific roles and identities as Malaysians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a novel method for deducting propensities for social exchange between individuals based on the choices they make, and based on factors such as country of origin, sex, school grades and socioeconomic background. The objective here is to disentangle the effect of social ties from the other factors, in order to find patterns of social exchange. This is done through a control–treatment design on analysing available data, where the ‘treatment’ is similarity of choices between socially connected individuals, and the control is similarity of choices between non-connected individuals. Structural dependencies are controlled for and effects from different classes are pooled through a mix of methods from network and meta-analysis. The method is demonstrated and tested on Swedish register data on students at upper secondary school. The results show that having similar grades is a predictor of social exchange. Also, previous results from Norwegian data are replicated, showing that students cluster based on country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the British managed the 1918–1919 influenza epidemic in Lagos, the reactions of the local population to new sanitary and medical policies enforced during the period, and its social and political implications for future epidemic management in the colony. Unlike several studies which approach the history of the pandemic from global and national perspectives, a focus on Lagos, the colonial capital of Nigeria, one of Britain’s most important colonies provides this paper with a rare opportunity to engage with how local peculiarities informed decisions about the resolution of a global problem. Lagos is chosen as the terrain for discussion because of the ample data generated about it in the course of the 19th and 20th centuries (not just between European missionaries and the indigenous Lagosians, but also for other influential cultural and ethnic groups such as the Saro and Amaro (migrants from Brazil), and the Indian influence on medical policies in Lagos). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an exploratory study of the specialized information centers, referred to as local studies centers, in three regions of the Philippines, namely, Central Luzon, CALABARZON and MIMAROPA. It aims to identify and describe the nature, practices and status of these centers and to explore their innovative and transformative role in the fields of history, culture and heritage studies in the Philippines. It examines the impact of their programs, projects, services, and activities on the study, development and promotion of these three fields. Some of the outstanding features of local studies centers in the Philippines that were identified include: 1) they collect materials pertaining to ethnic groups, and make the materials available and accessible to potential users, mostly in one center; 2) their holdings include library materials, archives and museum artefacts; 3) they conduct research and publish books, relating to history, culture and heritage of the localities they serve and the Philippines. This paper may provide insights for the management (or future establishment) of local studies centers not just in the Philippines, but also in other countries. This paper received the IFLA LIS Student Paper Award 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In what social contexts are rich people more likely to support government redistribution of income? Motivated by the literature on inequality aversion and the literature on the relationship between ethnic fractionalization and redistribution, the paper examines whether the relationship between own income and redistributive preferences depends on the regional level of poverty and the ethnic composition of the poor. Using data from the European Social Survey, the paper demonstrates that support for redistribution among the rich is lower when the proportion of ethnic minorities among the poor is high. Several possible mechanisms to account for this relationship are examined. The paper finds no support for explanations based on more animosity towards the poor or towards ethnic minorities and no support for explanations based on lower social trust or social capital: instead, rich people are less concerned with downward income mobility when the proportion of minorities among the poor is high. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper seeks to critically examine the emergence of contemporary religious fundamentalisms and how they have been able to acquire influence in a way that has opened new ‘fault lines’ within multiculturalist public policy discourse. Specifically, the paper is interested in understanding the curiously paradoxical place of religion and faith based groupings in the contemporary multicultural polity, and the confusion, and in some instances conflicts, this has caused amongst the Left. This is illustrated through an extended examination of the Shabina Begum case concerning a Muslim schoolgirl and her demands to wear the jilbab, a specific religious headscarf, to school. It is argued that, in part, these ideological fault lines have resulted from an uncritical embrace by some progressives of ideas associated with postmodernist thinking; in particular the uncritical assertion of virtues of anti-universalism and cultural relativism. This then leaves an urgent task for progressives to think through some alternatives based on a re-articulation of a new political discourse of egalitarianism which is unashamedly universalist and secular. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Existing literature, which has emerged largely from Europe and Britain, suggests that the concepts of social exclusion and inclusion are fundamentally limited when accounting for 'difference'. This paper extends this literature by considering the way in which a social exclusion/inclusion discourse has played out in a 'white settler' society where the 'difference' embodied by the highly 'excluded' indigenous population is a central concern for social policy. The paper argues that the goal of an 'inclusive society', which has framed New Zealand social policy since 1999, promotes an equal opportunity approach that sits in tension with the specific needs and rights of Maori as indigenous peoples and partners in the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. The ambiguous consequences of this goal highlight the need for settler societies to develop policy that reflects their own socio-political circumstances, rather than simply adopt policy discourses that are popular internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Since its inception in 1991, the design of the proposed Human Genome Diversity Project has shifted several times. However, one unchanging and central Project goal is to collect blood and other human tissue samples from 'genetically distinct' indigenous groups around the globe. This goal has proved highly controversial, and the Diversity Project has thus far failed to move beyond the planning stage. In this paper I argue that the reason for the Project's inconclusive and open-ended character is that project organizers are attempting to stabilize and control a highly contested terrain structured by emotionally and politically charged discourses. These discourses inextricably entangle scientific and social issues -- including North/South relations, colonization, intellectual property rights and the origins of human diversity. To move forward, as the paper demonstrates, project organizers would have to negotiate these entanglements, and 'coproduce' a natural and social order that could accommodate their project. The paper explains why this process of coproduction proved to be so labour-intensive in the case of the Diversity Project, and why the Project's main responses to its critics to date have failed to provide the tools needed to do this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The context of this article is the use of employer sanctions, in the form of raids and fines on businesses found to be employing people who do not have permission to work in the UK, as a method of in-border immigration control. Drawing on qualitative interviews with undocumented migrants and ethnic enclave employers in London, this article examines the impact of sanctions from the perspectives of those who have been or are most likely to be affected. More specifically the article sheds light on individual experiences of and strategies against immigration enforcement raids, and the effect of raids on the labour market, conditions of work and more widely, on local community relations. The paper concludes that there is a disjuncture between the real impact of sanctions and at least some of the stated policy aims. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the past few years, there has been renewed interest in the issues and problems over using administrative and statistical spatial units as proxies for residential and workplace neighbourhoods in academic and policy research. This paper investigates the relationships between neighbourhoods defined by 693 people living or working in Cardiff. Differences between resident- and workplace-defined neighbourhoods were identified and the degree to which these varied was analysed with respect to personal characteristics such as gender, age, ethnic group and time spent in the neighbourhood. Young and retired people both have the largest neighbourhoods, possibly because both have more time to spend in their local area than other age groups. Gender differences were evident in the neighbourhoods of respondents who both live and work in an area, with females having larger neighbourhoods than males; this may reflect the types of employment undertaken by females who live and work in the same place. People living or working in close spatial proximity did not necessarily share the same neighbourhood definitions despite having similar personal characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Amid expansive and often informal urban growth, conflict over land has become a severe source of instability in many cities. In slum areas, policies intended to alleviate tensions, including upgrading programmes, the legal regulation of informal tenure arrangements, and the reform of local governance structures, have had the unintended consequence of also spurring violence and conflict. This paper analyses the conflict over a proposed ‘ethnic homeland’ for the Nubian community in the Kibera slum in Nairobi, Kenya, in order to advance knowledge on the strategies communities adopt to promote their interests and how such strategies impact on urban conflict management. Theoretically, we apply the perspective of ‘institutional bricolage’, which captures how actors make use of existing formal and informal structures in pragmatic ways to meet their conflict management needs. While previous research focuses primarily on how bricolage can facilitate cooperation, the case analysis uncovers how, over time, the land issue has become closely intertwined with claims of identity and citizenship and a political discourse drawn along ethnic lines. In turn, such processes may contribute to the intractability of conflict, causing significant challenges for urban planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: To assess the association between experiences of discrimination and mental health among the Sámi population in Sweden. Methods: Cross-sectional study among the self-identified Sámi population living in Sweden in 2021, registered in the electoral roll of the Sámi Parliament, the reindeer mark register and the 'Labour statistics based on administrative sources'. The analysis was based on a final sample of 3658 respondents aged between 18 and 84 years. Adjusted prevalence ratios aPRs for psychological distress (Kessler scale), self-reported anxiety and depression were estimated for four different forms of discrimination (direct experience of discrimination, offended because of ethnicity, historical trauma, and combined discrimination). Results: Higher aPRs of psychological distress, anxiety and depression were observed in women experiencing direct discrimination because of their ethnicity, having been offended because of their ethnicity, and those with a family history of discrimination. Among men, higher aPRs for psychological distress were observed in those experiencing the four different forms of discrimination, but not for anxiety. Depression was only detected in the case of having been offended. Adding experiences of discrimination was associated with a higher prevalence of negative outcomes for all the indicators in women and for psychological distress in men. Conclusions: The observed association between experiences of discrimination and mental health problems would support a gender approach when considering ethnic discrimination in public health policies concerning the Sámi in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since South Sudan's independence, complex conflicts across the country have eroded trust, challenged nation-building, and displaced 4 million people, with hunger threatening millions more, continuing a long tradition of war inherited from the Sudan. This article examines people's perceptions of conflict in Aweil and Yambio and found that for trust in the government to return, citizens must believe that development is ethnically and politically inclusive and coherent. In addition to a credible program, government's effective communication of a "peace through development policy" could rebuild the torn social fabric within and across ethnic groups, and between them and Government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Healey has described planning as managing a shared existence in space. In the context of multicultural cities, this shared lived experience brings to the forefront the interdependence of the factors shaping urban life and intergroup relations. In the past decade, throughout Europe, urban policies for deprived areas became increasingly concerned with issues of segregation, community cohesion and social mix alongside addressing deprivation. Concerns about urban tensions further accentuated such tendencies. Implicitly or explicitly, such policies rely strongly on the influence of contact and the interaction of intergroup relations. However, the way that the associated theories have been incorporated into discussions and policies tends to focus on a fleeting interaction approach, with questionable outcomes. Through the lens of two London boroughs, this paper explores the spatial dimensions of ‘living together’ and the ways that social mix, interaction and multicultural spaces affect intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper will focus on the place of black history in heritage sites in England and discuss how visual methodologies can be used to develop a more inclusive approach to heritage. It will argue that visual archives, from portraits of the aristocracy to asylum portraits, are an essential part of the research process for heritage site staff who are assessing how they connect to (potential) visitors. The paper highlights examples that illustrate the advantages and disadvantages of using the visual record for historical recovery and suggests how visual methodologies can be used to encourage greater participation with historic environments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper, a hierarchical random-coefficient mixed logit model is applied to quantify variability in commuters’ mode choice in the Chicago metropolitan area, especially concerning the contextual variability by the traits of census tract of residence. It is found that individual mode choice behaviour varies considerably across residential locations. Moreover, the contextual effects are found to modify the marginal utility of mode choice. Especially, in-vehicle travel time and gasoline cost are significant covariates of census tract traits (such as percentage of blue-collar residents, ethnicity). Furthermore, random variation is present even after both contextual and individual traits are controlled for, suggesting intrinsic randomness in individual mode choice. The hierarchical structure of quantifying contextual variability proves to be a useful tool in capturing intrinsic heterogeneity in mode choice. The study findings have important implications for integrated land use and transport planning especially at the geographical levels below that of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants are much less likely to own their homes than natives, even after controlling for a broad range of life-cycle and socioeconomic characteristics and housing market conditions. This paper extends the analysis of immigrant housing tenure choice by explicitly accounting for ethnic identity as a potential influence on the homeowner-ship decision, using a two-dimensional composite index of ethnic identity that incorporates attachments to both origin and host cultures. In the case of Germany, the evidence suggests that immigrants with a stronger commitment to the host country are more likely to achieve homeownership for a given set of socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, regardless of their level of attachment to their home country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the difficulties of generalizing new norms and practices, focusing on the role of the legal system for proposing change and innovation to society. It first presents some contributions offered by the social representational approach for understanding these issues, based on the assumptions of the interdependence both of change and stability, and of the social and the individual. Afterwards it is argued that for advancing the study of change the approach needs to offer more attention to: (1) the role of expert mediating systems regarding the translation of new norms to concrete contexts and their articulation with practices; (2) the arguments and discursive strategies employed in everyday communication to resist change with normative force; and (3) the consequences for the relations between representations and practices of the distinction between 'transcendent' and 'immanent' representations. In the empirical part of the paper, and with the goal of better understanding the difficulties linked to the generalization of new norms and practices, these notions are used for analysing a controversy which, in a context of changed norms regarding public participation, involved the expert and lay spheres in a debate about the built heritage of a community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the complex role of ethnicity in the construction of a peer-based social order in preadolescence, and argues that the indexical value of "ethnic" variables is constructed among, rather than simply within, ethnic groups, and hence incorporates concerns that span ethnic boundaries. In Northern California, white Anglo speech is showing a split in /ae/ as it raises before nasals and backs elsewhere, while Chicano speakers commonly back both classes of /ae/. Based on ethnography in two Northern California elementary schools, this paper shows that the Chicano pattern does not simply index ethnicity, but indexes place in the peer-based social order as well, and as such is available to speakers regardless of ethnicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between understandings of Indigenous government and the development of early-modern European, and especially British, political thought. It will be argued that a range of British political thinkers represented Indigenous peoples as being in want of effective government and regular conduct due to the absence of sufficiently developed property relations among them. In particular, British political thinkers framed the ‘deficiencies’ of Indigenous people by ideas of civilization in which key assumptions connected ‘property’, ‘government’, and ‘society’ as the attainments of civilized polities and societies. Accordingly, Indigenous peoples in Australia and elsewhere were perceived to live in associations (rather than ‘societies’) bound by custom and tradition (rather than ‘government’). The paper will thus identify conceptual connections made between property, polity, and sovereignty in European and British political thought, and argue that such understandings provide a useful resource for understanding colonial attitudes to Indigenous people in Australia down to the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social scientists often study the differential effects of explanatory variables among multiple social groups such as race, ethnic group, and nation. This paper examines the Wald test for testing equality of logit coefficients from models of multiple social groups. I propose a Wald statistic that can perform some joint tests of group comparisons that the usual likelihood ratio test cannot. Two examples apply the Wald statistic for testing various hypotheses, and show that the Wald test is flexible and straightforward for making comparisons across social groups, and that the proposed Wald test may find wide applications in the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What positions do ethnic parties adopt on issues related to migration and immigration? We argue that, first, the specific characteristics of the party system – that is, if there are further ethnic parties that compete for votes, in particular among the same ethnic group – matter for the policy profile of ethnic parties on immigration policy. Secondly, we expect that the ideological position of an ethnic party should matter for their immigration policy position: ethnic parties with a more right-wing ideological profile should adopt more negative positions on immigration, in particular, if they face competition from another ethnic party. We use regression analysis and a manually coded sample of ethnic parties based on the Comparative Manifesto Project to test these assumptions. The empirical analysis provides support for our expectations: ethnic parties take more negative immigration positions if they compete with other parties among the same group of ethnic voters and the more the ethnic parties belong to the right wing of the ideological spectrum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between speaker normalization and dialectal identity in sociolinguistic data, examining a database of vowel formants collected from 88 monolingual American English speakers in Michigan's Upper Peninsula. Audio recordings of Finnish- and Italian-heritage American English speakers reading a passage and a word list were normalized using two normalization procedures. These algorithms are based on different concepts of normalization: Lobanov, which models normalization as based on experience with individual talkers, and Labov ANAE, which models normalization as based on experience with scale-factors inherent in acoustic resonators of all kinds. The two procedures yielded different results; while the Labov ANAE method reveals a cluster shifting of low and back vowels that correlated with heritage, the Lobanov procedure seems to eliminate this sociolinguistic variation. The difference between the two procedures lies in how they treat relations between formant changes, suggesting that dimensions of variation in the vowel space may be treated differently by different normalization procedures, raising the question of how anatomical variation and dialectal variation interact in the real world. The structure of the sociolinguistic effects found with the Labov ANAE normalized data, but not in the Lobanov normalized data, suggest that the Lobanov normalization does over-normalize formant measures and remove sociolinguistically relevant information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of culture as an analytic concept has increasingly been questioned by social scientists, just as health care institutions and clinicians have increasingly routinized concepts and uses of culture as means for improving the quality of care for racial and ethnic minorities. This paper examines this tension, asking whether it is possible to use cultural categories to develop evidenced-based practice guidelines in mental health services when these categories are challenged by the increasing hyperdiversity of patient populations and newer theories of culture that question direct connection between group-based social identities and cultural characteristics. Anthropologists have grown concerned about essentializing societies, yet unequal treatment on the basis of cultural, racial, or ethnic group membership is present in medicine and mental health care today. We argue that discussions of culture—patients’ culture and the “culture of medicine”—should be sensitive to the risk of improper stereotypes, but should also be sensitive to the continuing significance of group-based discrimination and the myriad ways culture shapes clinical presentation, doctor–patient interactions, the illness experience, and the communication of symptoms. We recommend that mental health professionals consider the local contexts, with greater appreciation for the diversity of lived experience found among individual patients. This suggests a nuanced reliance on broad cultural categories of racial, ethnic, and national identities in evidence-based practice guidelines. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Do disadvantaged ethnic groups favor violent over nonviolent conflict tactics? To understand when and why civil war breaks out, we need to study violent and nonviolent forms of conflict together, using analytical tools that can account for the choice between them. Yet, most large-N analyses of the causes of civil war do not account for nonviolent conflict, and vice versa. Because the mechanisms held to link horizontal inequalities to civil war closely resemble those used to explain largely nonviolent social movements, this article studies group disadvantages, political violence and nonviolent resistance together. To reduce concerns about selection bias in horizontal inequality research, it extends the analysis to socially as well as politically relevant groups around the world. A consensus is emerging that politically disadvantaged ethnic groups shun nonviolent tactics, because they lack ties to people close to the regime and its institutions. This article challenges the consensus, by showing that political group disadvantages predict nonviolent as well as violent forms of conflict. Groups' economic status helps explain tactical choices. Among economically advantaged groups, political disadvantages increase the risk of nonviolent conflict. Among the economically disadvantaged, they facilitate violence. This pattern is strongest in situations where no policies are in place to remedy group disadvantages, in authoritarian and less economically open societies, and in analyses that account for conflicts of low intensity, to capture onsets early. The results point to the importance of economic and other forms of leverage, which have been largely overlooked in the econometric literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ubuntu was recently adopted as the first theme for the 2020–2030 global agenda for social work, and yet little research is available to explore how it is transmitted and implemented in communities. The authors present findings of a qualitative study conducted in an academic setting in South Africa, where the transmission of Ubuntu was discussed among 30 young adult 'born frees'. Students seemed to embrace principles of Ubuntu as a whole; however, economic, social and cultural strains are documented as obstacles to its pragmatic application. Implications of community engagement through service learning as a means of strengthening Ubuntu are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though language and oral tradition have long been appreciated among the indigenous people of Africa as the vehicle of knowledge and central to societal development, social scientists and even sociologists have not utilized these sufficiently in undertaking their researches. Knowledge and theories are mainstreamed and applied relative to Africa without significant appreciation of elements of knowledge that could positively impact theories and methodologies most relevant to and from those societies. This is in spite of recognitions of contextual content of ‘everyday sociology’ as necessary for ‘verstehen(ing)’. This challenge also interface with policy papers on the continent. Many policies on the continent fail because their knowledge base is not localized through appropriately indigenous knowledge, thereby leading to failure. This article attempts to show how the incorporation of indigenous knowledge structures into sociology and development policies can assist in development of Africana sociology that will be useful for both theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that researchers involved in cultural heritage preservation need to adopt a more inclusive ethnographic research methodology that pays special attention to how power, class, and status shape the communities we study. Based on observations from field research in Ghimeş-Făget, Romania, we discuss why the Hungarian ethnic identity was chosen as the village’s most visible representation although residents had many other identities from which to choose. We show how local efforts to preserve culture, history and self ‘in one direction’ were shaped by the current socio-economic reality in the village. Our findings suggest that identity selection is influenced by shifting power relations between ethnic groups over time as much as it is by the dominant ethnic group in a community. In an effort to show how existing research falls short, we discuss why one recently proposed ‘culturally responsive research methodology’ could not support any kind of legitimate preservation agenda in Ghimeş or any other community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The emergence of community cohesion as a British policy priority has represented a discursive shift in approaches to race relations, the emphasis on ethnic diversity downplayed in favour of commonality, shared values and the promotion of national identity. Central to community cohesion has been a focus on ‘contact’ as a way of overcoming ‘parallel lives’, and the need for communities to take responsibility within processes of contact and dialogue. The political focus, echoing past assimilationist discourses, has been on an alleged lack of integration on the part of Muslims; by contrast little attention is paid to how white working class young people view the contact central to cohesion strategies. This paper draws on case study evidence from Oldham and Rochdale, Greater Manchester to interpret the limited support the young white respondents have for cross-ethnic contact, and the relevance of class experience to these views. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For decades the literature of place branding reflects a picture of separation between country branding, city branding and region branding. Many researchers tend to perceive these three concepts as three different concepts that have no conception and should be addressed in different forms of strategies. Practically, it appeared that country branding, city branding and region branding processes are integral parts which in some instances can not be separated. The purpose of this conceptual paper is to describe a new approach of re-branding countries strategy in accordance to two dimensions: the geography of the country vs. the range of ethnic groups in the country. These two dimensions create four types of positioning strategies that reflect the tight linkage between country branding, city branding and region branding. Each of these positioning strategies is discussed and examples to this linkage are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People in sport tend to possess rather jaded perceptions of its colour-blindness and thus, they are reluctant to confront the fact that, quite often racism is endemic. Yorkshire cricket in particular, has faced frequent accusations from minority ethnic communities of inveterate and institutionalised racism and territorial defensiveness. Drawing upon semi-structured interviews conducted with amateur white and British Asian cricketers, this paper examines the construction of regional identities in Yorkshire at a time when traditional myths and invented traditions of Yorkshire and 'Yorkshireness' are being deconstructed. This is conceptualised through a reading of John Clarke's 'magical recovery of community'. Although cricket has been multiracial for decades, I argue that some people's position as insiders is more straightforward than others. I present evidence to suggest that, regardless of being committed to Yorkshire and their 'Yorkshireness', white Yorkshire people may never fully accept British Asians as 'one of us'. Ideologically and practically, white Yorkshire people are engaged in constructing British Asians as anathema to Yorkshire culture. The paper concludes by advocating that, for sports cultures to be truly egalitarian, the ideology of sport itself has to change. True equality will only ever be achieved within a de-racialised discourse that not only accepts difference, but embraces it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents initial findings from longer-term transdisciplinary research concerning the social dynamics of urban neighbourhoods. It examines the spatial clustering of ethnicity and class in neighbourhoods over urban history, from Bronze Age Mesopotamia to contemporary cities. Fourteen distinct drivers of social clustering are identified, grouped under the headers of macro-structural forces, the state, local regimes and institutions, and bottom–up processes. The operation of these processes is examined through three historical and three archaeological case studies of clustering. It is concluded that: clustering is a common, but not universal, attribute of cities; there is much variation in clustering patterns, both within and between cities and urban traditions; and, consideration of a wide variety of drivers is required to understand historical and modern residential dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the idioms of ‘modernity’ with specific focus on indigenous peoples and their engagement with larger society in respect of culture, development and jurisprudence. This engagement in the past 50 years has largely been within the terms of the nation-state system, and related international fora. It is argued that these indigeneous communities, in all their great diversity across the world, have nevertheless been largely successful in carving out adequate political spaces to stake their claims as distinct ‘peoples’ rather than simply being recognized as one among the several ethnic groups or minorities of a nation-state polity. This distinction is crucial and this paper shows why and how. This is not to say that the indigenous communities the world over have similar terms of engagement as their own heterogeneity defies any neat typological schema. At the same time, the multiple idioms of the current indigenous discourse, however, should not be treated as cacophonic but as embodying consciously crafted tools for boundary negotiations and voicing indigenous identities. This article reflects on this achievement by providing a survey of these developments even as it critically explores the terms of the discourses themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper focuses on the superordinate (national)-subgroup (ethnic) association in relation to group identifications, relative ingroup indispensability, relative ingroup prototypicality and their effects on outgroup and ingroup evaluations. Survey data were collected from a large sample of Mauritian adolescents (N = 1,784) from three ethnic groups (Hindus, Muslims, Creoles). National and dual identifiers were more positive towards the outgroups than ethnic identifiers. Furthermore, relative ingroup prototypicality and relative ingroup indispensability were empirically distinguishable constructs. The Creoles, who are of lower status, had higher scores on both these measures. Also it turned out that relative ingroup indispensability and relative ingroup prototypicality were independently associated to respectively more negative outgroup evaluation and more positive ingroup evaluation. The findings give a differentiated view of the idea that a complex representation of the superordinate category fosters outgroup acceptance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the issue of desistance by considering the relationship between societal constraints and individual choices in the process of moving away from crime. The question of the distribution of those opportunities and resources to support desistance is raised within the context of a specific population—Aboriginal peoples of Canada. The impact of colonization resulting in economic and social marginalization, high rates of incarceration, and the generational transmission of trauma related to the experience of residential schools are factors which are related both to individual choice and external societal constraints. Structure, culture and biography are factors which must be addressed in the case of members of a marginalized population who wish to follow a path of desistance. The opportunity to participate in a community-based program that provides social capital in the form of marketable skills, connections to the wider society and personal healing through the reacquisition cultural traditions is seen as one way to overcome structural constraints while at the same time supporting an individual decision to desist from crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the US and western Europe, mixing policies are widespread. They aim to differentiate various income-groups in deprived neighbourhoods. By constructing 'expensive' housing units, the middle classes are encouraged to settle in these neighbourhoods and consequently a concentration of low-income-groups is circumscribed. Such a new population composition is assumed to lead to an improved quality of life in the neighbourhood concerned. However, insufficient attention is paid to ethnicity and interethnic dynamics; these aspects will be elaborated on in two case studies of deprived and ethnically differentiated neighbourhoods in Amsterdam. Furthermore, this paper will also explore the impact of ethnic differences and perceptions on the social contacts and interactions between various ethnic groups of residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic segregation is consolidated by differences between ethnic groups with regard to their moving decision. Using unique registration data on population flows between neighbourhoods, the paper shows that native Dutch living in neighbourhoods where ethnic minorities are over-represented are more likely to move than minority ethnic residents. Moreover, they move much more often to 'White' neighbourhoods. Urban policies in the Netherlands focus on countering this tendency to segregation, but are based on simplified assumptions with regard to the causes of residential segregation. Relatedly, the optimism about the positive effects of social mix is hardly substantiated by empirical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the extent to which the national and local state are meeting the requirements of race relations legislation in the area of means-tested housing and council tax benefits. Compliance with the prioritized duties is assessed in the context of both the wider issues driving the race equality agenda and more detailed arguments about managerial regimes and the central role of data. Two specific examples are pursued: the capacity to monitor take-up of benefits through an examination of ethnic monitoring on claims forms at different tiers of local government and an evaluation of progress through an analysis of the Benefit Fraud Inspectorate's reports. The evidence indicates that compliance with the Act is patchy and piecemeal and that in many local authorities, even the basic building block for assessing impacts, ethnic monitoring of claimants, is not available. Alternative sources are evaluated, including pooled data from government social surveys and eligibility for free school meals, collected in the annual pupil census. Given the evidence for continuing differentials in the incomes of people from minority ethnic groups, prompt action is needed to ensure that race equality is mainstreamed in benefit administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we focus on a key psychological principle underlying pluralism, subgroup respect, defined as feelings that one's subgroup is recognized, accepted, and valued by members of a common group (e.g. Americans' respect for various ethnic subgroups). Analyzing survey data collected from a large and diverse sample of respondents in two US cities (Oakland, California, and Los Angeles; N = 1,229), we found that subgroup respect was linked to more positive evaluations of America and its ethnic groups, but only among African Americans and Latinos. Among Whites, personal respect (i.e. how Americans feel about the individual) was a better predictor of the assessed attitudes (affect toward Americans, distrust of the justice system, and ingroup favoritism) than subgroup respect. Advocates of pluralism suggest that acknowledgment and regard for valued subgroup identifies will have a unifying effect on the social system. The data here, while generally consistent with this perspective, suggests, however, that the unifying influence of subgroup respect is limited to members of ethnic minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]