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The growing policy focus since the 1970s in Scotland, the UK and internationally on ‘community’, community development and community ownership and enterprise has facilitated a certain growth of the community sector and therefore of concern for related discussions of theory and practice. This paper positions this turn to community within the shifting global political economic context, in particular the rolling out of the neoliberal state internationally from the 1980s and a related urban crisis management of structural inequality (Brenner and Theodore, 2002). By focusing on the emergence of community anchor organisations – understood in the UK context as multi-purpose, local community-led organisations – within Scottish and UK policy-making since the 2000s, the central dilemma for critical community sector theory and practice of sustaining a local egalitarian vision and practice (Pearce, 2003) given this neoliberal context is explored. A Scottish urban community anchor provides an illustration of this challenge for theory and practice and of how it can be re-considered through discussions of ‘progressive mutualism’ (Pearce, 2009) and ‘resilience, re-working and resistance’ (Cumbers, 2010; Katz, 2004). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Devolution in the UK in the 1990s resulted in newly gendered political opportunity structures for feminists seeking to influence the political agenda and pursue ‘women-friendly’ policy outcomes. There is, however, little work that compares jurisdictions across the UK. This paper provides a preliminary comparison of the politics of a classic feminist issue – domestic violence – in Scotland and Wales. We examine how, and with what effect, devolution has opened up opportunities to promote feminist frames and policy preferences. Despite some key similarities in Scotland and Wales, notably, high numbers of female parliamentarians, well-established refuge movement organizations and opportunities presented by aspirations for a new and more open politics, there are significant differences with respect to timing, framing and policy approaches in each place. In particular, we argue that asymmetric devolution has created different ‘devolution effects’ which in turn shape and constrain framing contests with different outcomes for feminist politics and for women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on data from a Scottish research study, this paper explores the relationship of professionals’ perceptions about specific perpetrators and victims to their constructions of ‘adult protection’ issues in practice. It finds that professionals’ perceptions of victim distress did not consistently coincide with the construction of adult protection issues, whilst the connection to any assessment of victims’ heightened vulnerability in specific cases was not clear. With respect to perpetrators, implicit practice rules were evidenced which differed from explicit policy criteria. In particular, there were different rules for relatives, staff and service user perpetrators, whilst harms attributed to institutions were de-emphasized. Explanations of the findings are advanced based on the complex power relations underpinning practice but unacknowledged in policies. More research is recommended to deepen this analysis in a changing policy context, to foreground service user perspectives, and to contextualize harms potentially resolvable through adult support and protection/safeguarding routes with respect to harms better addressed in other ways. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Class has become the social condition that dare not it speak its name in the devolved Scotland. This is despite the persistence of marked class divisions and structured inequalities within contemporary Scottish society. We critically examine the most empirically sophisticated and coherent analysis of social class in Scotland - that provided by 'the Edinburgh school' of social scientists, particularly their claim that Scotland is now a prosperous, 'professional society' where only a small but significant minority are trapped in poverty. This paper further considers the extent to which 'devolution', and the dominant representations to which it has given rise, serve to generate a series of other myths in which class is both devalued but simultaneously mobilized in the negative portrayal of some of the most disadvantaged sections of the working class. Against an emerging, home-grown view of 'New Scotland' as a prosperous 'Smart, Successful Scotland', poverty and wealth inequalities continue to be a necessary feature of the division of labour. In Scotland, as elsewhere, class remains the pivot-point around which much of social policy is encoded and enacted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social care provision across high-income countries has been transformed over the last ten years by personalisation – a policy agenda to give people with eligible support needs more choice and control over their support. Yet the ideological underpinnings of this transformation remain highly mutable, particularly in the context of reduced welfare provision that has unfolded in many nations advancing personalisation. How the policy has manifested itself has led to an expectation for people to self-build a life as individual consumers within a care market. This article draws on a study exploring how people with learning disabilities in England and Scotland are responding to the everyday realities of personalisation as it is enacted where they live and show the relationality inherent in their practices. We propose that the personalisation agenda as it currently stands (as an individualising movement involving an increasing responsibilisation of individuals and their families) ignores the inherently relational nature of care and support. We propose that social care policy needs to recognise the relational ways in which people build their lives and to advocate a redistribution of responsibility to reduce inequalities in the allocation of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The combination of the impact of welfare reform by the UK government and the opportunity for change presented by the debate on Scottish independence produced a profusion of alternative proposals for social security from scholars, formal political parties, the Scottish Government, and a range of think tanks and civil society organisations. The extent to which these proposals demonstrated considered gender analysis or specific objectives to address economic and social constraints principally experienced by women and arising from the constraints of gender relations varied considerably. This article considers the extent to which concerns for alternative approaches to social security policy reflect a political commitment to women’s economic and social well-being in a future Scotland through an analysis of proposals from key policy documents prior to the referendum and the proposals emerging in the post-referendum period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Scottish National Party’s election win in 2011 produced the first overall majority for any party since the Scottish Parliament’s inception in 1999, despite the proportional representation system that was supposed to prevent single party governments. This historic election has been followed by much discussion of how much further the powers of the Scottish Parliament could be extended and whether devolution would allow Scotland to have a superior welfare settlement. In this context policy divergence has been the major focus of the developing devolution debate but discussions about greater powers or even independence for the Parliament have increased significantly. They are often presented as a means to achieve a ‘better’ or more ‘fair’ society. This article argues that shortcomings in the steps towards fairness achieved under the current arrangements of devolution highlight the need for a far-reaching and innovative approach to social justice to be carried out alongside any further discussions of independence. Such an approach cannot be taken for granted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

National Health Service (NHS) Scotland is taking a national approach to improving the quality and safety of mental health services. This programme relies on implementing integrated care pathways (ICPs) for people with mental health conditions across the whole journey of care. This long-term improvement programme has started with the publication of national standards by NHS Quality Improvement Scotland (NHS QIS), setting out the framework of what needs to be developed in each local area. The emphasis of development and implementation of the ICPs lies with local NHS Boards to ensure they are developed with local ownership and to meet the needs of the local population. However, to ensure accreditation by NHS QIS, the local ICPs must incorporate the national standards and evidence improvement to the quality of care provided. A concerted effort has been made to ensure good involvement of service users, social work colleagues and NHS staff in order to get buy-in from all stakeholders. NHS QIS is also supporting local boards and their partner agencies in their implementation of ICPs through a team of National ICP Coordinators and has developed a web-based toolkit to act as an electronic resource: www.icptoolkit.org. This supportive and facilitative approach helped to ensure that person-centred care was driving service redesign. This is the beginning of a long-term improvement programme that has been carefully staged and is being facilitated in order to give it the best chance for success. In Scotland, ICPs for mental health are being used as a tool for service redesign and continuous quality improvement and a way to focus on meeting service user needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

High rates of tenancy turnover in social rented housing have increasingly been identified as problematic both in the UK and elsewhere. High turnover has been variously associated with management failings, individual vulnerability or (absence of) tenant choice. Drawing on original research into 'prematurely terminated' tenancies in Glasgow, we investigate explanatory factors associated with tenancy sustainment rates. In doing so, we interrogate the (managerialist) rationale which positions such residential mobility as potentially 'excessive' and therefore 'problematic'. The empirical findings demonstrate evidence for all three posited explanations for high tenancy turnover but also suggest that some tenants vacating their homes after only a short time may be making a positive choice. They also emphasise that, in seeking to reduce early tenancy termination, social landlords should recognise the importance of improving mainstream housing management services and the condition of the housing stock, as well as attempting to address individual vulnerability through targeted support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government policy towards the crofting form of land tenure in Scotland is investigated in terms of the ideology of 'community'. The example of 'crofter forestry', the creation of woodland on crofts, is examined, and the assumptions of law and policy are contrasted with the experience of crofters themselves. A comparison is then made between the croft forestry legislation and later land reform legislation that applied not only to crofting tenure but also to other rural communities, in terms of a changing approach by the state to the construction of community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK and Scottish governments policy commitments to renewable energy, driven by recognition of the impacts of global warming and climate change, have led to increasing interest in all aspects of renewable energy. This article is concerned with how the Scottish Executive is able to reconcile new hydro-electric developments as a source of renewable energy with the local impacts of those developments. The outcome of a recent application for consent to construct a hydro-electric scheme at Shieldaig and Slattadale in Wester Ross provides an illustration of the issues involved. The local environmental impacts of hydroelectric development are considerable and the application of environmental impact assessment to the approval procedure for new schemes means that a much broader range of environmental impacts is now considered than ever before. The decision shows the importance of compliance with European Community environmental law, and is particularly interesting for its application of the precautionary principle to prevent impacts on protected species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]