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The Chinese press, instead of acting purely as a state propaganda instrument, now functions as ‘Party Publicity Inc.’ — that is, a quasi-business that seeks to make huge profits on the one hand and to legitimate the Party mandate by promoting its image on the other. The accelerated pace of media conglomeration following China's accession to the World Trade Organization has sharpened this trend. This study examines the impact of press ecology in Shenzhen, a national trend-setter for ‘Party Publicity Inc.’, before and after conglomeration. We observe that press conglomeration has (a) engendered a more centralized management structure and operation; (b) replaced duopolistic competition with market monopoly and greater price-fixing abilities; (c) continued to rely on state office subscription; (d) dampened journalists' enthusiasm for political reform in favor of economic interest; (e) developed a two-tier Publicity Inc. to serve both the Party and the market; and (f) provided an opportunity for overseas expansion. Marketization does not trigger political reform, but pre-empts pressure for political change. The Party Publicity Inc. in its conglomerate form represents a complicitous accommodation between power and money engineered by a post-Communist bureaucratic-authoritarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

City-regionalism plays an increasingly important role in China's economic development. This paper analyses new forms of institutional arrangements that promote city-regional governance in the case of Hong Kong and Guangdong. Focusing on implementing the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA), we examine two research questions: Why are Guangdong and cities in the PRD strategically selected to implement CEPA and embed Hong Kong-based circulatory capital? How do governments at different scales build coordinated relationships to implement CEPA? Building upon the literature on state rescaling, we argue that governments have engaged in a scalar division of administration – a form of institutional infrastructure that aims to design and implement state strategies of urban and regional development. Within this division, the national government plays a role in steering and decision-making, Guangdong provincial government in coordination and facilitation, and urban governments in Shenzhen, Guangzhou, and Zhuhai in actual implementation. CEPA implementation is built upon vertical linkages between governments at different levels in the Mainland and HKSAR government, and horizontal linkages between three free trade subzones (Qianhai, Nansha, and Hengqin) and Hong Kong-based firms and entrepreneurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to uncover the spatial distribution of waste mobile phones and perform a preliminary optimization of the location of waste mobile phone recycling centers in China. This study first selects the best-suited among the logistic, Gompertz, and Bass models to forecast the per capita holding quantity of mobile phones. Combined with the population projected by the GM(1,1) and logistic models, the spatial distribution of waste mobile phones is uncovered through the stock-based model. Finally, a mixed-integer programming model is established to optimize the location of recycling centers upon the spatial distribution of waste mobile phones. Accordingly, the logistic model is concluded as the best-suited in terms of forecasting the per capita holding quantity of mobile phones for all 31 provinces in mainland China. The spatial distribution of waste mobile phones indicates the largest number in Guangdong, Shandong, and Jiangsu while the fewest are in Xizang, Qinghai, and Ningxia, in 2016. Furthermore, a remarkable increase in waste mobile phones from 2016 to 2036 in Guangdong and Beijing is projected. The location planning study indicates that a total of 175 recycling centers will be required to cover all waste mobile phones in China in 2036. Guangdong, Beijing and Zhejiang are the top three provinces regarding the number of recycling centers, with 29, 12, and 11 centers, respectively. The authors also propose the effective promoting of waste mobile phone recycling through regional cooperation and the establishment of regional management centers. The results of this study are expected to benefit waste mobile phone recycling in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic cooperation between Hong Kong and Mainland China, especially Guangdong province, has flourished since the establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in 1997. The landmark is the conclusion of the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) between Hong Kong and the Mainland in 2003. CEPA covers liberalisation of trade in goods, liberalisation of trade in services, mutual recognition of professional qualifications, and other trade facilitation measures. This paper uses the collaborative governance regime framework to analyse the economic cooperation between Hong Kong and Mainland China under CEPA. This case shows that if there are environmental conditions generating incentives for both parties to cooperate, a committed leadership on both sides to drive the regime, and institutional arrangements that could facilitate the collaborative dynamics, effective collaboration between players from different political and institutional backgrounds can still be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Shenzhen Special Economic Zone (SEZ) has been the flagship labouratory of Deng Xiaoping’s reform and open-door policy and the forerunner of China’s capitalist transformation. The initiation of the Shenzhen SEZ was driven by the imperative of political and economic survival along the state hierarchy and was informed by the international practices of export processing zones (EPZs). Shenzhen’s capitalist fundamentals, such as the commodification of land and labour, were largely established through imitating its ‘big master’ Hong Kong across the border. However, Shenzhen’s policy learning style has gradually shifted from laissez-faire Hong Kong to authoritarian Singapore, propelled by the aspiration, shared among policy-making party élites across China’s administrative hierarchy, of perpetuating the single-party rule. Theoretically, this paper demonstrates how policy mobility is shaped path-dependently by the pre-structured institutional/ideological regime, in what ways the idiosyncratic geographical/historical conjuncture matters, and why political representation and participation are crucial to policy selection and mutation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Shenzhen is not only one of the fastest-growing urban agglomerations in mainland China, Shenzhen also stands for a unique, most rapid and successful transformation into an urban market economy. How important are personal characteristics, social norms and policy-related discriminatory factors for income determination in such an extraordinary city? This paper estimates the income effect of non-productivity-related discriminatory factors (like personal characteristics, social norms and policies), compared with productivity-related returns on human capital. The design of the Shenzhen Household Survey 2005 enables the inclusion of a large set of discriminating factors in a Mincer Becker type of income model, together with a unique look at the migrant population in this urban centre. The results show that the human capital approach holds. Strong evidence is also found of a significant influence of social norms and policies, which is particularly relevant in a developing and transitional economy, even in such an exceptional city. The most important discriminating factor appears to be the hukou registration system. The on-going existence of these non-productivity-related discriminating factors can be regarded as indicative of an on-going process of transition towards a fully functioning market economy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The proliferating online social networking sites have created opportunities for Chinese queer women to meet new friends and lovers; yet, research on lesbian online dating in mainland China is scarce compared to heterosexual and gay online dating. This article investigates lesbian/ lala women's online dating experiences in the context of economic reforms and the trust crisis in urban China. It is based on 16 in-depth interviews and ethnographic fieldwork in Guangdong from June 2018 to July 2019. It focuses on two digital platforms: Douban Group and WeChat. This article explores how online anonymity and stranger sociality shaped queer women's moral practices regarding turning virtual strangers into real-life partners. Queer women in this research expressed concerns about being cheated by low quality(suzhi) lovers, swindlers, and married women. This article suggests that the emerging online stranger sociality has both enabled and constrained lesbian/ lala women's practice of seeking loving relationships, while they must internalize the potential risks by themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In developing China, groups of people are facing social exclusion. They are citizens unemployed or with ill health, laborers with poor skills, teenagers in prisons, residents suffering a disaster, and peasants in remote country-side. Library service is crucial for these vulnerable groups. The Sun Yat-sen Library has been active in providing services to these vulnerable groups, creating 56 branch libraries countrywide. The paper describes innovative services provided to residents of a special community for families with financial difficulties, to prisoners — especially juveniles and prisoner students — to a library devastated by flooding, and to two remote mountain communities in Tibet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Although the literature on labour NGOs (LNGOs) in China has significantly expanded, few scholars have attempted to subject the work of these organizations to a Marxist perspective. This article draws on a recently developed Marxian theoretical framework on social movements to analyse the pioneering work of Hong Kong LNGOs and their partners in the province of Guangdong, China. Over the past 15 years, the Hong Kong groups, as they are known collectively, have been ideally placed to develop specific interventions in response to migrant workers' pursuance of wage claims and improved working conditions during a time of increased rights awareness and widespread labour shortages. While consistently careful to remain the right side of China's restrictive laws on freedom of association and demonstrations, the Hong Kong LNGOs were able to contribute to a narrative of class-based collective solidarity that has yielded significant gains for workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the multifaceted roles of provincial media and officials in China’s Guangdong province in the national policy process, and their patterns in articulating policy influence through policy implementation and learning. Key issues are (1) the role of the province in policy formulation, implementation and learning; (2) the mechanism whereby provincial media can influence national policy makers; and (3) the function of policy learning in the overseas television channels policy process. Analysis has found: (1) despite there being little space for provincial media to participate in national policy formulation, they have practised great discretion in policy implementation; (2) policy input is primarily through the policy learning process; and (3) the policy learning process in Guangdong not only functioned as a response mechanism to the legacies of previous policies, but also provided a legitimate platform for provincial media to negotiate with central government for both policy change and policy incentives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]