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A model is proposed for the description of a highly inhomogeneous distribution of hydrogen within a saturated metal specimen (the so-called skin effect due to hydrogen saturation). The model is based on the micropolar continuum approach and results in a nonuniform stress–strain state of a cylindrical metal specimen due to distributed couples or microrotations. The dependence of the diffusion coefficient on the strain energy is considered in order to model stress-induced diffusion. Accumulation of hydrogen within a thin boundary layer results in a highly nonuniform distribution of hydrogen across the specimen. The mutual influence of the stress–strain state and hydrogen accumulation is taken into account. The estimated thickness of the surface layer containing hydrogen is comparable to the thickness observed in experiments. The predicted average concentration coincides with experimental data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the validity of three approaches to estimate party positions on the general left–right and EU dimensions. We newly introduce party elite data from the comprehensive IntUne survey and cross-validate it with existing expert survey and manifesto data. The general left–right estimates generated by elites and experts show a higher congruence than those derived from party manifestos; neither measure clearly materializes as more valid regarding EU positions. We identify which factors explain diverging estimates. For instance, disagreement among experts has greater impact than their mere number. The substantial centrist bias of the manifesto estimates persists even when alternative documents are used to substitute manifestos. Low response rates among elites have no systematic detrimental effect on the validity of party position estimates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intra-party democracy calls for party elites being responsive towards party activists. Yet, empirically, we know relatively little about how responsive parties are towards their rank and file and the factors influencing these processes. This article investigates drivers of party responsiveness towards activists, using a novel data source. Following a case study approach, the article analyses how motions submitted at 41 post-war party congresses of the Austrian Social Democratic Party were treated by party elites (n = 3249). Results indicate that elite responsiveness is a means to appease activists when the party underperforms in party competition. Elites vary responsiveness across intra-party groups. They are more ready to accept the demands of those groups that are affected most by the party's failure to deliver. Party elites are also more responsive towards electorally successful subunits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we consider the Green and Lindsay nonclassical model for inhomogeneous anisotropic thermoelastic bodies with two relaxation times, which depend on space variables. We obtain a variational formulation for the initial-boundary value problem corresponding to the Green–Lindsay model. On the basis of the variational formulation we define the spaces of vector-valued distributions corresponding to the initial-boundary value problem and by applying suitable a priori estimates we prove the existence and uniqueness of the solution, an energy equality, and the continuous dependence of the solution on given data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines aspects of election manifestos that are largely ignored by extant manifesto-based studies focusing on issue saliencies and policy positions. Drawing on the literatures on negative campaigning, retrospective voting, party mandates and personalization, we develop a scheme of categories that allows for the analysis of attacks on competitors, references to a party’s track record, subjective and objective policy pledges and the prominence of party leaders in manifestos. We also show that these elements are present in manifestos of major European parties. The relevance of these categories, we argue, should be influenced by a party’s status in government or opposition, its ideology, its size, the relative popularity of party leaders and the occurrence of early elections. Our systematic examination of 46 Austrian election manifestos produced between 1986 and 2013 demonstrates that many of these expectations are supported by the evidence. Most notably, it emerges that government and opposition parties write manifestos that differ with respect to all of the five characteristics analysed. This suggests that there are systematic differences between government and opposition party manifestos that should be taken into consideration by scholars engaged in manifesto-based research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negative campaigning presents parties with a collective action problem. While parties would prefer to have their competitors attacked, potential backlash effects from negative messages mean that individual politicians typically lack the incentives to carry out such attacks. We theorize that parties solve this problem by implementing a division of labour that takes into account the incentives of individual office holders, their availability for campaign activity, and media relevance. Drawing on these arguments we expect that holders of high public office and party leaders are less likely to issue attacks, leaving the bulk of the 'dirty work' to be carried out by party floor leaders and general secretaries. Examining almost 8000 press releases issued by over 600 individual politicians during four election campaigns in Austria, we find strong support for our theoretical expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties are central to modern democracy and the selection of their leaders is one of the most crucial decisions for any political party to make. Yet, the analysis of party leadership survival is still in its infancy. The pioneering research has been confined to few countries and decades and has focused exclusively on performance-related explanations. While performance is an obvious determinant of party leader survival, generations of research on party organizations suggest that intra-party factors should matter, too. We argue that, while the political performance of a party leader (winning elections, securing government participation) is important, intra-party support and the rules of leadership selection add substantively to our understanding of why party leaders survive or fall. We test these expectations on a new dataset covering all leaders of Austrian parties between 1945 and 2011. The results of our statistical analysis support our claim and show that intra-party factors have a considerable impact on party leader survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we test rival theories of party competition. Previous research predicting party policy positions is limited to a small (and arguably biased) sample of countries. Using new data from the 2008 Austrian National Election Study, we test the proximity and directional model of voting, Grofman’s discounting model and Kedar’s compensational model of voting. We find that Grofman’s discounting model performs best predicting party policy positions. Yet, not all party policy positions are predicted equally well. The most obvious misrepresentation is that the rightist FPÖ is placed close to the centre of the policy space. This centripetal bias, which has also been found in earlier work, may result from simplifying assumptions of the algorithm used to derive Nash equilibria of party policy positions that need to be challenged. Our findings emphasize the necessity to test models of party competition using new data and to motivate further research explaining party position-taking. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The greenhouse gas (GHG) and energy performance of bio-waste treatment plants been investigated for three characteristic bio-waste treatment concepts: composting; biological drying for the production of biomass fuel fractions; and anaerobic digestion. Compared with other studies about the environmental impacts of bio-waste management, this study focused on the direct comparison of the latest process concepts and state-of-the-art emission control measures. To enable a comparison, the mass balance and products were modelled for all process concepts assuming the same bio-waste amounts and properties. In addition, the value of compost as a soil improver was included in the evaluation, using straw as a reference system. This aspect has rarely been accounted for in other studies. The study is based on data from operational facilities combined with literature data. The results show that all three concepts contribute to a reduction of GHG emissions and show a positive balance for cumulated energy demand. However, in contrast to other studies, the advantage of anaerobic digestion compared with composting is smaller as a result of accounting for the soil improving properties of compost. Still, anaerobic digestion is the environmentally superior solution. The results are intended to inform decision makers about the relevant aspects of bio-waste treatment regarding the environmental impacts of different bio-waste management strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper argues that the state is relevant for explaining differences in the dynamics of West European parties and party systems, presenting a comprehensive framework illustrated by a number of empirical examples, followed by a systematic comparison of Austria and France. The state was highly relevant for party and party system dynamics in France. In Austria the state helps to explain both the long party system stability and more recent changes, offset by changes in the institutional environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a case study of how one of the strongest mass parties of western democracies, the Austrian Socialist Party (SPO), largely replaced its mass organization with the survey method and modern means of mass communication as its major links with the general electorate. These party changes are compatible with both an `environmentalist' and a ‘purposive-action’ interpretation. However, party adaptation to environmental changes did not occur automatically, as implied by the ‘environmentalist’ approach. Rather, each innovation met resistance and was introduced only belatedly or half-heartedly. The most elaborate ‘purposive-action’ theory of party change (Harmel and Janda, 1994) fits well with the case of the SPO's organizational modernization. Leadership change, change of the dominant faction and external shocks exhaust the factors required to explain party organization change. On the basis of this case study leadership change is considered as the single most important factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Report distinguishes party supporters and party members. Support for the two major Austrian parties, the SPO and OVP, has declined, particularly among young, well-educated, white-collar and urban voters. Recently blue-collar support for the SPO has also declined. At the level of party members both major parties have become more unrepresentative of the population at large. If party members indeed act as party 'ambassadors to the community', these changes are counterproductive for the major parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]