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Recent literature on autocracies focuses on elite politics to study ruling party stability. I focus on the lowest level of the ruling party structure, party members, to introduce new data on party-based autocracies. Party members are unique connectors between ruling party and society, and ruling parties can recur to them for policy enforcement, political control, co-optation and legitimation to secure power. I present the One-Party Membership Dataset (OPAMED), a comprehensive dataset on party membership in autocracies, covering 42 ruling parties across party-based regimes from 1945 to 2020, and introduce two new variables: party size; and party membership volatility. The first variable measures the membership-to-population ratio, while the second measures the rate of co-optation growth from one year to the other. In conclusion, the OPAMED provides a new, flexible and easy-to-use toolkit on ruling parties in party-based autocracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been a considerable amount of work on the transformation of formerly rebel groups into political parties. However, there is little work that examines the organizational types of parties that formerly armed groups become. Are these parties more likely to exhibit certain organizational characteristics when compared to other parties? This is an important question especially as scholars consider the role these former rebel parties play in the development of peace and democracy in post-civil war politics. Using data from Daly (2020) and Tuncel and Manning (2022) , as well as recently released data from V-Dem on political parties (Coppedge et al 2020) we find that former rebel parties are more clientelistic and personalistic than other parties, even compared to parties in countries where they compete. We suggest that these parties are unlikely to play a constructive role in post-conflict democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of party- and party-system stability have often explored the connection between the party-level property of Party Institutionalization (PI) and parties' electoral performance and organizational longevity, yet scholars still have not agreed on a standard measure for this concept. This article argues that the length of party statutes could provide part of such a measure, specifically for the extent to which parties have become routinized (a key dimension of PI) through the formalization of their rules and practices. We validate the plausibility of this measure using data on 303 parties from 49 countries, demonstrating that party statute length varies systematically and in ways predicted by our knowledge of how party organizations reflect their institutional environments and the complexity of internal coalitions. We also show that statute length varies in expected ways with attributes often associated with higher or lower levels of party institutionalization. We conclude that statute length offers a conceptually congruent and objective indicator of formalization, one that could be used either alone or combined with measures of parties' informal practices to advance our understanding of the relationship between PI and democratic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties are a vital element in the quality of representative democracy, playing a crucial role in mobilization, competition, governance, and accountability. Despite their importance, however, we currently know relatively little about how political parties in Africa are organized, with most evidence restricted to journalistic accounts or country-specific scholarly accounts. This symposium, which comes out of a conference on political parties held at the University of Cape Town, takes a closer look at the development of party structures and organization across the continent. It seeks to answer a number of critical questions including: What affects the organizational structure of parties? How do party primaries affect party-building and electoral success? And what effect does the shrinking of open political space have on the ways in which parties organize? Taken as a whole, this symposium brings together established and emerging scholars, to systematically explore, for the first time, what party organization looks like on the African continent, and how it affects critical issues of governance, mobilization, and accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional view of Africa ' s political parties holds that they are organizationally weak, with little presence at the grass roots. Yet, few studies are based on systematically collected data about more than a handful of parties or countries at any given point. In this paper, we attempt to remedy this situation, by focusing on one crucial aspect of party organization – the local presence that enables political parties to engage with and mobilize voters during and between elections – and developing the first systematic, survey-based measure of the extent of this presence across 35 countries. We draw on a wide variety of data to demonstrate the validity and reliability of this new index, and in the process showcase its ability to be calculated at a number of different levels. Finally, we illustrate its utility by applying it to a key substantive question in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since at least the 1980s, scholars have highlighted parties' reliance on external actors, with Panebianco's 'electoral–professional' party model spotlighting the increasing role of professionals in supporting party activities and campaigns. Over successive decades, our understanding of the role of external actors, and particularly consultants, has grown. As parties have begun to embrace digital tools and technologies, however, it has become apparent that our understanding of party organization does not reflect the array of actors who support party activities. In this article, we draw on extensive interview data from Australia and the United Kingdom to offer a new conceptual framework – that we call the 'party-centred digital ecosystem' – to highlight the functions that different types of external actor provide for parties. Introducing the classification of CLANS to describe these different actors, we discuss the significance of this trend, highlighting the potential for increasingly porous organizational boundaries as parties call on different types of external actor for support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we formulate a theoretical framework that examines the "internal" organizational characteristics of ethnic minority political parties, the characteristics of the ethnic minority group they purport to represent, and the external environment that these parties face, to explain the political success of these parties. As an empirical plausibility probe of this framework, we use data from 1991 to 2016 for 41 ethnic minority parties across 12 countries and 89 national legislative elections. Using a logistic regression analysis, our findings suggest that party organizational capability is most associated with ethnic minority party success in postcommunist politics when compared to other "supply" and "structure of opportunity" variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of extensive research dedicated to the rise and development of fringe populist political parties in Eastern Europe, little attention has been paid to the organizational determinants of their electoral performance. This article aims to fill this void in the literature and analyzes the extent to which particular types of leadership and party organization could influence the electoral performance of three political parties from Bulgaria, Republic of Moldova, and Romania. The qualitative analysis is conducted for the period 2012–2015 and uses a combination of primary (party statutes) and secondary sources (party histories, electoral databases, and literature). The results indicate how the existence of underdeveloped party organizations has a negative influence on the electoral performance, while strong and charismatic leaders are an insufficient condition for ensuring survival in the political arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party organization has regained a new momentum in the party literature over the past decade. In this context, we review the most important advances in the literature and critically examine issues such as: the link between party organization literature and organizational theory literature, party organization and intra-party democracy, and between party organization on paper and in reality. We ascertain the need for more conceptual clarifications in the field and raise questions for debate. We further outline the contribution of this special issue to the theme of intra-party democracy in representative democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on major theories of committee organization to explain committee chair selection in contexts with high informational and organizational constraints. We test our theoretical expectations through a series of fixed effects conditional logit models run on an original data set which includes all legislators who have served in the Romanian Chamber of Deputies from 1992 to 2012. The findings indicate that sector knowledge matters more for committee chair selection in the first post-communist terms, while chair seniority and party credentials acquire relevance later on. The effect of sector knowledge is stronger than that of chair seniority for the committees that the members of parliament perceive to be the most important, while party leaders have privileged access to the chair position irrespective of how salient the committee is. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the postcommunist period, political parties in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) had to convincingly demonstrate that they are a vital part of a functioning democratic society. Well-developed intraparty democracy (IPD) is one way of accomplishing this. By asking what factors are relevant to an explanation of IPD formation, we present an analytical framework in which the formation of IPD can be investigated and explore the patterns of IPD and their determinants. We draw on a newly constructed data set based on standardized content analysis, including 129 party statutes from 14 major political parties from Hungary, Romania, and Slovakia between 1989 and 2011. Relying on unit fixed-effects regression approaches, our analyses suggest that especially imperatives related to party origin and Europeanization have important implications for the formation of IPD within CEE parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do parties offer broad or narrow policy agendas to voters? Taking up the call to focus more on 'issue diversity' in election campaigns, this article argues that agenda scope is informed by (1) parties' experience with government participation and (2) their internal organizational structure. Non-governing challengers, which are losers in the current system, seek to change the political status quo by focusing on a few issues only, whereas mainstream parties have an incentive to reinforce existing patterns of competition and thus distribute their attention across a wide range of issues. However, the extent to which parties respond to these external stimuli depends on intraparty politics. Party leaders seek to satisfy vote- and office-seeking motivations and want to 'appeal broadly', whereas activists want the party to 'speak to the base' and narrow down its issue appeals. Analyses of party agendas in 18 European democracies (1950-2013) support these expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party cohesion is a crucial aspect of parliamentary systems, and it varies across time, parties and systems. To explain these variations, scholars have set forth the influence of macro-level and individual-level factors. Although party-level factors have also been considered, the role of party family has been overlooked. This research seeks to fill this gap. To this end, I focus on one dimension of cohesion: the extent to which legislators have internalized the norm of party loyalty. The concept of party family permits to investigate the effect of party origin and party ideology beyond a policy-based approach and left-right dimension. Using attitudinal data of 829 parliamentarians elected in 14 European national assemblies, the analysis uncovers a party family effect, particularly in the green and radical right parties. The results suggest that a greater attention should be directed towards party family as a determinant factor of legislative cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parliamentary entry on the national level is a crucial achievement for any new party. But its repercussions are not necessarily beneficial. This article assesses the electoral consequences of parliamentary breakthrough by theorizing factors that shape (a) a new party organization's capacity to cope with pressures generated by parliamentary entry and (b) the relative intensity of the new functional pressures a new party is exposed to after breakthrough. To test our hypotheses derived from these two rationales, we apply multilevel analyses to a new data set covering 135 organizationally new parties that entered national parliament across 17 advanced democracies over nearly five decades (1968-2015). Our findings stress the importance of party organizational characteristics (party origin, time for party building and leadership continuity) for parties' capacity to sustain electoral support after breakthrough. In contrast, the intensity of functional pressures as generated by government participation immediately after breakthrough does not have significant effects on parties' performance at the follow-up election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negative campaigning presents parties with a collective action problem. While parties would prefer to have their competitors attacked, potential backlash effects from negative messages mean that individual politicians typically lack the incentives to carry out such attacks. We theorize that parties solve this problem by implementing a division of labour that takes into account the incentives of individual office holders, their availability for campaign activity, and media relevance. Drawing on these arguments we expect that holders of high public office and party leaders are less likely to issue attacks, leaving the bulk of the 'dirty work' to be carried out by party floor leaders and general secretaries. Examining almost 8000 press releases issued by over 600 individual politicians during four election campaigns in Austria, we find strong support for our theoretical expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New-Flemish Alliance (N-VA) burst on the scene barely a decade ago and is now Belgium’s largest political party. One explanation for this success is that N-VA is not brand new but rose from the ashes of a dissolved party. How exactly should we differentiate between new and old parties? We use Barnea and Rahat’s (2011) analytical framework to assess dimensions of N-VA’s newness and capture the party at two stages – start-up and more developed. This shows that N-VA is a successor party, building on its predecessor’s ideology and programme, its electorate, activists and organization. However, we also find indicators that the party actively renewed in terms of ideology and party organization. The empirical evidence illustrates that newness of political parties should be conceived of as multi-dimensional, which allows for a more subtle approach to questions about the origin and varying success of new political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation of rebel groups into political parties has captured the attention of scholars of both conflict studies and of party transformation. In this paper we examine the question of rebel party image change by investigating the causes of name changes adopted by a rebel organization as it transforms into a political party after the end of a civil conflict. We develop an analytical framework based upon the extensive literature on party identity change in the West, and apply it to the name changes of rebel parties. Using an original data set of 54 former rebel organizations, we find that factors internal to the organization (such as the degree of inclusivity and the origins of the rebel organization) explain name change more than factors related to the post conflict environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research on intra-party unity and conflict has mostly focused on (dis)unity within the legislative branch of the party at the national level, while neglecting conflict between the different faces or at different levels of the party. Intra-party unity and conflict have also been routinely defined and operationalized through ideological homogeneity or distance, although intra-party conflicts are multidimensional and dynamic phenomena. The articles included in this special issue seek to address these shortcomings in the literature. Their contributions are threefold: (1) they theorize intra-party conflict as a dynamic and multifaceted concept; (2) they explore conflicts across and between several party faces, and among different intra-party actors; (3) they investigate the determinants and management of conflict at several party levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political party leaders are among the most influential actors in parliamentary democracies, and a change in party leadership is an important event for a party organization. Yet, we do not know how these leadership changes affect voter perceptions about party policy positions. On the one hand, we may expect party leadership changes to renew attention to the party, educate voters about its policy positions, and hence reduce disagreement among voters about party positions. On the other hand, rival parties may use a leadership change as an opportunity to defame the party, its leadership, and policies, and hence, increase voter confusion about the party's policies. Using data from seven Western European democracies, I show that leadership changes help parties reduce voter disagreement about party policy positions. This effect is stronger if the new leader shifts the party's policy positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes and compares the politics of European policy-making within the British Labour Party, the Parti Socialiste (PS) and the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) between 1997 and 2012. We know that party leaders have assumed much autonomy in the making of European policy, but, as with policy-making in any area, their autonomy is constrained and sometimes even questioned by other parts of the party. In order to establish how they are constrained, and what factors increase the level of constraint, this study explores the roles played by four party actors in the making of European policy: conferences, national executive committees, Members of Parliament and Members of the European Parliament. This article, which is based on over 35 interviews with EU experts from the three parties, confirms that European policy was generally made by the party leadership. Other party actors, however, were able to influence the leadership on a small number of occasions. The extent of their influence depended upon the polity, party, policy and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The role of members of political parties is ambiguous because it entails both benefits and costs. In order to shed light on the question of whether members are an asset or a liability for parties, I examine whether parties use their ideology on a left–right dimension as a collective incentive for the appeal to actual and potential party members. A quantitative analysis of the effects of changes in membership on partisan ideological change, covering 61 parties in 11 Western democracies from the 1950s to the early 1990s, shows that there is a weak, but statistically significant, effect. An additional analysis of two mechanisms by which membership has an effect refutes the alternative explanation that positional changes of the median member account for partisan ideological change. In total, the results indicate that members are both an asset and a liability and that parties try to keep the two in balance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Why did pro-welfare Social Democrats and Christian Democrats cease to support the welfare state in the 1980s and 1990s, and support measures such as tighter welfare programme conditionality rules and lower social security benefits instead? Building on the party position change literature, I argue and empirically demonstrate that parties with an activist-dominated party organization adapt their position to shifts in the party voter position. Parties with a leadership-dominated party organization adapt their position to shifts in the median voter position. Parties in which neither leaders nor activists dictate party policy shift in the opposite direction of the previous policy shift if they are excluded from office. Using a cross-sectional time-series regression analysis of 181 position shifts of European Socialist, Social Democratic and Christian Democratic parties in the period 1977–2003, I find strong evidence that party organization is a crucial mediating variable in explaining when these parties shift to the right or left. Demonstrating that differences in party organizations motivate parties to respond to different incentives, this study has implications for the relationship between party behaviour and welfare state policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Intra-party candidate selection processes are one of the prime mechanisms through which parties organize. This article seeks to examine empirically what factors account for variation in candidate selection processes. After identifying the key assertions developed in the literature, I use a unique cross-national dataset with data on the selection procedures of 512 parties in 46 countries to examine whether a party’s ideology, size, regime type, territorial organization and region affect the way parties select their legislative candidates. I pay special attention to the hypothesized relationships between electoral systems and selection processes, since the literature was indecisive and since research on the effects of institutions on legislators’ behaviour often amalgamated elections and selections. Underlying this amalgamation is an assumption that electoral systems determine candidate selection processes. I use my data to shed light on these relationships and provide a cautionary tale about amalgamating elections and selections. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Theories that explain variations in party systems typically emphasize the role of political institutions and social cleavages. Using a panel dataset of election returns from 15 Indian states from 1967 to 2004. this article establishes considerable variation in the effective number of parties across states and over time, despite the same political institutions and relatively stable social cleavages. We argue that a hitherto ignored dimension, the level of party organization, has a significant impact on the nature of the party system. The level of party organization incentivizes politicians differently in terms of their decision to stay, join another party or float a new party, when their ambitions are thwarted within a party. To test this theory, a unique indicator of party organization is developed on the basis of extensive qualitative research. We find that in Indian states where parties are more organized, both the effective number of parties and electoral volatility are lower. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article provides a novel answer to explain the persistence of party rallies in the mass and social media era. I argue that rallies contribute to the organizational structure of clientelistic parties by providing information to different members within and outside the machine. Rallies provide party leaders with information that enables them to monitor brokers’ capacity to mobilize voters, party brokers with an opportunity to display their ability to turn out voters while monitoring voters’ responses, and voters with an opportunity to display their gratitude or fear towards brokers. In addition, rallies provide the opposition with an opportunity to gather information about the electoral strength or weakness of the clientelistic party. Drawing on participant observations, over a 100 interviews, archival research in Argentina and Peru, and secondary literature for the cases of Mexico and Brazil, I explain why political parties conduct rallies and why rallies will continue in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why and when does party headquarters grant autonomy to its local branches, and what trade-offs ensue when providing such discretion? This article tackles these broader questions by focusing on a largely under-investigated area: the impact of directly elected governors and mayors on intra-party dynamics. To facilitate analysis, the article borrows from the ‘delegation’ and ‘franchise’ models, which seek to explain how party organizations adapt to multi-level electoral environments. Sources of intra-party conflict over gubernatorial campaigns derive from theories of party behaviour under presidential systems. Empirical evidence is provided by examining how Japan’s two major parties have dealt with gubernatorial campaigns in recent years. Select cases and data demonstrate how local units are driven by differing incentives from the national leadership, the consequent intra-party conflicts and the limited success of party headquarters in steering its local units. The article discusses the extent to which the ‘franchise’ or ‘delegation’ models successfully capture the way in which the two Japanese parties have engaged in gubernatorial campaigns. To illustrate generalizability beyond Japan, the article ends with a brief comparative counterpoint: intra-party conflict over the selection of the Greater London Authority’s mayoral candidate in 2000 and 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Vertical integration is an important concept for political parties. In multi-level or federal contexts, it is said to affect party strength, national integration and federal stability. Despite this, difficulties with the conceptualization and operationalization of vertical integration and a lack of cross-national data impede research. This article clarifies the concept of vertical integration, distinguishing it from related concepts of strength, centralization and autonomy and distinguishing the indicators of integration from the effects of integration. It introduces the measures of vertical integration and autonomy used in the Party Organization in Multi-Level Systems (POMLS) dataset comprising data from survey responses from 204 state-level parties in eight countries. The data confirm the theoretical distinctions among forms of vertical integration and between vertical integration and autonomy and show that not all forms of vertical integration are mutually reinforcing. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Parties often have to campaign for two or more levels of office at the same time. However, declining levels of organization means that the demands of concurrent elections can potentially increase the demands on volunteer party organizations considerably. These demands are multiplied by the concurrent use of different electoral systems which provide party organizations with different incentives. The article examines how party organizations deal with such circumstances through a study of constituency party organizations in the 2007 Scottish parliamentary and local government elections. Parties were forced to campaign concurrently at three levels – local council, Scottish Parliament constituency and regional list – under two different electoral systems, STV (single-transferable vote) and MMP (mixed-member proportional). I argue that: there may be economies of scale for party organizations in fighting concurrent elections; while there may be evidence of vote-maximization activity at each level, local organizations are likely to give priority to their efforts towards higher level institutions and those on which their efforts potentially have a direct effort; and that the degree of local campaign effort is mediated by the extent of party organization and previous success in the area concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. In our article, we demonstrate how Ormrod’s conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities and thus address the dearth of literature on the micro foundations of parties. Whilst the underlying conceptualization of a political market orientation draws on the management-based ‘relationship marketing’ approach, we acknowledge that the commercial and political contexts are not isomorphic, and thus we strive for contextual sensitivity. By adopting this approach it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time, together with a more general ‘commodification’ of politics, can be assuaged. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Scholarly work on models of party organization tends to treat stratarchy and hierarchy as analytical opposites. Based on two different visions of stratarchy that co-exist in the literature, this article presents a threefold typology locating party stratarchy as a model between party hierarchy, as one counter-image, and party federation, as the other. The types differ in the extent to which core competences and resources (e.g. selection of parliamentary candidates, mechanisms for conflict resolution, finances) are centralized, and in the extent to which interest representation in national party organs follows territorial lines. The typology is applied to durable yet organizationally new parties (founded since 1978) that maintained a national presence across eight West European democracies. With few exceptions, each of these parties fits neatly within one of the categories, and in-depth analysis suggests that the three models help us systematically capture party dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Scholars of women’s parliamentary presence have suggested that the proportion of women parliamentarians rests on the interaction between intra-party and party external conditions, and that these can be discussed in terms of necessity and sufficiency. Still, the field lacks systematic cross-case assessments of such relationships. This research takes an explorative approach to necessity, sufficiency and interaction in the field of gender and party. Using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis to study 57 individual West European parties, it demonstrates that party behaviour is a function of intra-party and party-external conditions. Furthermore, it shows that when the external factors are not present, parties are themselves able to achieve gender-balanced parliamentary delegations. The article reveals that there are several paths to gender balance, and that the absence of conditions sufficient for balance does not explain why parties do not become gender balanced. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A recurring problem in comparative politics is determining the extent to which models derived in one setting can be transferred directly to other settings. The original cartel party thesis was meant to account for developments that were beginning to be observed in the established democracies of western Europe in the 1990s. Many of the contemporary conditions that appeared to be driving those developments are to be found in other places, but of course preceded by quite different historical trajectories. The articles on parties and interest groups that are published in this special issue of Party Politics provide an important window on the question of how much historical processes can be compressed, or indeed of whether institutions and practices like the cartel party can be adopted (or to what extent they can be adapted) to new settings, irrespective of historical differences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, we use logit models to examine the role of the major characteristics of a political party's organization, (1) legitimation, (2) penetration/diffusion, (3) charisma, (4) ideology and (5) centralization/decentralization, in the institutionalization of parties in both pre-Soviet and post-Soviet Russian national parliamentary elections. The article begins by situating this research in the context of the theoretical and empirical literature on party origins, organizational development and institutionalization, in general, and party formation theories in post-communist countries, specifically. The impact of organizational features on electoral success or failure is analysed for 24 parties. The models correctly predicted both the successful and failed parties in the 2007 Russian Duma election and offer reasons for the apparent floating party system in Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using internal party documents and semi-structured interviews with over 200 activists of the Freedom Party of Austria, this article examines (anticipatory) adaptation in the intra-party and governmental arenas when this right-wing populist party switched its primary goal from populist vote maximization to office. It suggests such parties’ success will owe much to their leaderships’ capacity to identify and implement strategies and behaviours consonant with their new primary goal and to deal effectively with the inescapable tensions caused by the transition to incumbency. The article demonstrates how the FPÖ’s failures in these respects resulted in an own goal. Yet right-wing populists’ experience of incumbency is not necessarily doomed to failure. Agency remains an important determinant of success. Indeed, it appears supply-side factors may well be far better at explaining rapid shifts in the fortunes of such parties than the still predominantly demand-side approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Comparative studies of party organization often use party rules and constitutions as a source of data indicating the ideological position of parties, how they are structured and how they function. Although the use of party constitutions in empirical investigations is commonplace, there is almost no systematic analysis of constitutions as discrete documents. There is little enquiry as to why party constitutions exist and little thought about their relationship to political practice. Rather than assuming that constitutions paint an accurate picture of party organization, we argue that party constitutions need to be understood as a response to a series of internal and external challenges: satisfying legal requirements; pronouncing ideological principles; gaining legitimacy for party decisions; managing internal conflict; and responding to external competition. The comparative analysis of constitutions indicates which of these challenges is more or less important to specific parties. Examining the constitutions of 16 parties registered in New South Wales, Australia in 2005—06, we catalogue the range of ways in which parties respond to these various challenges and develop a comparative framework for analysing the responses. What are the key elements of constitutional diversity among parties? Does this diversity reflect differing party types (for example, major versus minor parties), the interests of party founders, the age of parties, their size and whether or not they have achieved representation in Parliament? In assessing these questions, the article explores the ways in which constitutions can be read as products of institutional and environmental imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Otto Kirchheimer's well-known diagnosis of 'catch-all' partism in Western Europe rests on an implicit causal argument about the consequences of social change for political parties. This article takes up the causal story underlying Kirchheimer's account and traces its implications for a specific, though central, party activity: campaigning. As Kirchheimer discerned, the transformation of advanced industrial societies radically altered the context of parties' strategic decision-making. In the area of election campaigning, parties confronted heightened incentives to approach the electorate with 'persuasive' rather than more traditional 'mobilizing' appeals and developed a greatly increased demand for reliable information about voter preferences. These shifts, in turn, had consequences for party organization, promoting the centralization and marginalization of individual members Kirchheimer associates with the catch-all party type. Through the lens of campaign change, then, we can observe the causal processes that unite the diverse features Kirchheimer links to his catch-all party -- although our attention is also drawn to ways in which party development has not conformed to Kirchheimer's expectations. This article illustrates these intersecting processes with a discussion of Labour and Conservative campaigns in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the inner workings of the Argentinian Frente Grande party at the height of its political and electoral development. It is based on the assumption that parties are not singular actors, but diverse organizations with complex internal operations. From that perspective, in order to identify the causes of both its rapid growth and current crisis, the article examines the distribution of power, styles of leadership and formal and informal rules of the Frente Grande. Starting from conceptual frameworks recently suggested in the literature, this article explains the Frente's institutionalization attempts and the resilience of its leadership. The article also considers the impact of the party's original organizational characteristics on its subsequent development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's 'nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I develop three measures of party organization in multilevel systems: vertical integration, influence and autonomy. I assess these in 27 parties in Canada, Australia, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, the United States and Spain and investigate how parties respond to the incentives and opportunities created by their institutional environment. Clear patterns emerge between the form of federal state design and the predominant form of party organization: in decentralized federations with low coordination requirements between federal and state-level governments, a tendency can be found towards highly autonomous state parties. Where resources are centralized and intergovernmental coordination requirements are high, integrated parties with low autonomy can be found. However, neither aspect of institutional design has a significant relationship with 'upward' influence of state-level parties in the governance structure of federal parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most political parties operate on several territorial levels, but we have only limited theoretical understanding of multi-level party dynamics. This article presents a delegation framework for studying the interaction between the national leadership and regional branches in state-wide parties. Assuming a principal--agent relationship, the national leadership can obtain benefits from delegating tasks to a regional branch, but also faces possible costs in doing this. The rules and conventions regulating the multi-level interaction in parties are possible mechanisms by which to control the actions and policies of regional branches. These include formal party rules, informal party procedures and conventions, and state laws affecting party organizations. The framework provides an agenda and hypotheses for empirical research, research that should focus on crisis situations in parties, on what regional branches cannot do (instead of just documenting the activities of branches), and on the role of parties in shaping state laws and regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines four centre-right parties in East-Central Europe in order to assess the impact of ideology on party organization and revisit the thesis of organizational weakness in the region. The data collected indicate that, together with electoral success, inherited resources and national context, ideology does indeed shape the style of organization. Centre-right parties, as opposed to leftist parties, tend to be less bureaucratized, have fewer staff members, a simpler structure, more individualized leadership and the 'party-in-public-office' tends also to have a more elevated role. Parties that have more individualistic ideologies rends also to have 'lighter' organization and weaker embeddedness, while parties subscribing in a more collectivist and corporatist type of conservatism have developed more complex party organization and rely more heavily on affiliate organizations. Analysis of temporal changes uncovers a degree of organizational vitality that is surprising given that the literature on both centre-right and on post-communist politics points towards organizational weakness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The case of the British Liberal Democrats provides important evidence of the operations of national parties in devolved systems, the dynamics of sub-national coalition-formation and the impact of national parties on public policy in devolved systems. In their participation in coalition governments in Scotland and Wales, the Liberal Democrats have acted as a nationalized but not a centralized party, despite the devolved nature of their federal constitution. The Liberal Democrat elites at the national and sub-national levels have coordinated themselves informally through links between their three parliamentary parties rather than through the traditional mechanisms of party discipline. Thus, as a party, despite lacking the traditional discipline and party solidarity of a party like Labour, they have been able to ensure that their policies are implemented across the devolved, sub-national governments of Scotland and Wales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a comprehensive study of the special legislation on political parties around the world. In a survey conducted in late 2003, 39 party laws (PLs) identified among the world's states were subjected to a systematic content analysis which confirmed the hypothesis that PLs regulate political parties differently depending on the democratic status of the respective countries. In non-democratic states, regimes tend to use PLs to restrict the freedom of their opponents, while in newly democratized states, democratic regimes use the law to counteract lingering anti-democratic tendencies. In some stable democracies, the PL is primarily a prerequisite for regulation of public party subsidies and political finance. The article concludes with some reflections on PLs in established democratic states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The response of national, state-level political parties to the challenges of competing for power at the devolved, regional levels is a neglected research topic. This article seeks to remedy this by analysing how the British Labour Party has responded to these challenges at the sub- national level following UK devolution. British Labour remains formally a unitary party despite devolution. Nonetheless, the national party leadership has allowed the Scottish and Welsh Labour Parties considerable freedom, in practice, to select candidates, conduct regional-level elections and implement some distinctive policies. Meanwhile, the Scottish and Welsh Labour Parties have shifted significantly from being traditional, centralized parties with a single hierarchical organization towards being more pluralist, less hierarchical organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trends in the organizational development of Bulgarian political parties are discussed in this article. Original data are presented on several indicators of party organization and compared to data on East-Central European parties reported elsewhere. An explanation for the somewhat higher level of organizational development of Bulgarian parties is given and the article concludes with an examination of the impact stronger organization has had on the Bulgarian parties and party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural reforms of political parties in Western Europe have shifted these actors towards individual member organizations in which sectional interests have diminished in salience. This process has been accompanied by a secularization of parties, as links to religious organizations have declined. Such developments have been facilitated by a matching of the need for structural reform with the electoral imperative of the removal of electorally unpopular associations. Where such alignment is less apparent, however, processes of modernization may be shelved. This is apparent in Northern Ireland, where the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) declined to remove the Orange Order from its structures, relying instead upon the Order to voluntarily sever the link. This article employs Downsian and sociological models to assess the debate over whether to proceed with party modernization amid electoral risk. It finds that, even if the UUP leadership had been able to convince its members to adopt such a modernization strategy, this would not eradicate divisions within the party upon constitutional and policy questions, and indeed would push the party away from popular Protestant opinion. As such, modernization in this ‘deviant’ case cannot be seen as a rational strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary organizational innovation in political parties during the 1990s was the employment of new information and communication technologies (ICTs). The article explores the use of ICTs in party membership organizations and the impact these have on intra-party communication and participation: first, the extent to which party members participate in activities facilitated by these new technologies, and second, the ‘digital divide’ separating organizational strata. Data from Danish and Norwegian party member and party congress delegate surveys conducted in 2000/01 indicate that ICTs have become fully integrated parts of party work among top-level and middle-level elites, and that the extent to which rank-and-file party members participate in these activities remains limited. Even though some members who did not engage in traditional party activities were attracted by these new activities, the impact was limited during the early 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I discuss the empirical validity of the cartel thesis, and review three analytical dimensions of the concept: organizational change, functional change and change of party competition in Denmark, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. I use the empirical findings to elaborate the cartel party model, with three main results. First, in Denmark and Germany party cartels have developed in different ways; second, while the cartel thesis points to important developments, some assumptions are far-fetched and we therefore have to look for the core defining elements of cartel parties; third, the favourable and unfavourable conditions facilitating or hindering the development of party cartels have to be clarified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exceptional relevance of the state in party finance in contemporary European democracies is not only of particular importance for the way in which parties organize, but also has a bearing on the normative connotations associated with the place of political parties in modern democracy. The contention of this article is that the increasingly prominent role of the state in the funding of parties should be understood in the context of, and has been legitimized by, an ideational transformation by which parties have gradually come to be seen as necessary and desirable institutions for democracy. Moreover, the direct involvement of the state in internal party affairs has contributed to a transformation of parties from the traditionally voluntary private associations towards parties as public utilities. A comparison of the practice of public funding and public control on party finance in the older liberal democracies with more recent cases of democratization shows that the newer European democracies in particular provide unequivocal testimony of such a new conception of parties and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]