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Functional connectivity (FC) is a sensitive metric that provides a readout of whole cortex coordinate neural activity in a mouse model. We examine the impact of experimental SAH modeled through endovascular perforation, and the effectiveness of subsequent treatment on FC, through three key questions: 1) Does the endovascular perforation model of SAH induce deficits in FC; 2) Does exposure to hypoxic conditioning provide protection against these FC deficits and, if so, is this neurovascular protection SIRT1-mediated; and 3) does treatment with the SIRT1 activator resveratrol alone provide protection against these FC deficits? Cranial windows were adhered on skull-intact mice that were then subjected to either sham or SAH surgery and either left untreated or treated with hypoxic post-conditioning (with or without EX527) or resveratrol for 3 days. Mice were imaged 3 days post-SAH/sham surgery, temporally aligned with the onset of major SAH sequela in mice. Here we show that the endovascular perforation model of SAH induces global and network-specific deficits in FC by day 3, corresponding with the time frame of DCI in mice. Hypoxic conditioning provides SIRT1-mediated protection against these network-specific FC deficits post-SAH, as does treatment with resveratrol. Conditioning-based strategies provide multifaceted neurovascular protection in experimental SAH.

In 2017, the Sentencing Council introduced a revised guideline for plea-based sentence reductions. The revisions were designed to provide greater certainty and to accelerate the timing of guilty pleas. Late pleas resulting in ‘cracked trials’ have long been a problem in the court system. The guideline was not intended to change the rate of defendants who plead guilty, but rather to increase the percentage of pleas entered early in the criminal process. This brief article reports findings from an analysis of data from the Crown Court before and after the introduction of the revised sentencing guideline. Findings reveal that the overall guilty plea remained stable over the period 2014–2019. The guideline appears to have had no effect on the timing of guilty pleas entered, and in fact the percentage of ‘cracked’ trials rose in the post-guideline period.

Sentencing for multiple offences poses many challenges and becomes even more complex when the crimes resulted in fatalities. This article uses the sentences imposed following convictions in the Essex lorry case to pose some general questions about the sentencing of multiple victim manslaughters. The four principal offenders were convicted of 39 counts of unlawful act manslaughter and conspiracy to facilitate unlawful immigration into the UK. The analysis identifies several ways in which the sentences ultimately imposed failed to adequately distinguish between offenders of very different levels of culpability. First, all four principal offenders were assigned to the same level of culpability in the manslaughter guideline. Second, although the court could have distinguished the offenders to reflect their different culpability levels, the same Starting Point sentence was imposed on all offenders. Third, the sentencing uplifts to reflect the multiple counts were similar across offenders of very different culpabilities. Fourth, the differential additional punishments for the conspiracy conviction — which would have separated the offenders’ time in custody further — were washed out by being made concurrent. As a result of these decisions, the final sentences failed to adequately distinguish between offenders of very different culpabilities. The article concludes with some lessons for sentencing in these cases, specifically with respect to the Sentencing Council’s guidelines.

Delayed cerebral ischemia (DCI) after aneurysmal subarachnoid hemorrhage (SAH) has been associated with numerous pathophysiological sequelae, including large artery vasospasm and microvascular thrombosis. The focus of this review is to provide an overview of experimental animal model studies and human autopsy studies that explore the temporal-spatial characterization and mechanism of microvascular platelet aggregation and thrombosis following SAH, as well as to critically assess experimental studies and clinical trials highlighting preventative therapeutic options against this highly morbid pathophysiological process. Upon review of the literature, we discovered that microvascular platelet aggregation and thrombosis occur after experimental SAH across multiple species and SAH induction techniques in a similar time frame to other components of DCI, occurring in the cerebral cortex and hippocampus across both hemispheres. We discuss the relationship of these findings to human autopsy studies. In the final section of this review, we highlight the important therapeutic options for targeting microvascular platelet aggregation and thrombosis, and emphasize why therapeutic targeting of this neurovascular pathology may improve patient care. We encourage ongoing research into the pathophysiology of SAH and DCI, especially in regard to microvascular platelet aggregation and thrombosis and the translation to randomized clinical trials.

Swimmers undertake dry-land resistance training as part of their overall training regime in order to increase lower body force output, impulse and swim turn performance. We investigated whether short-term ballistic training or maximal strength training is more effective in enhancing leg extensor force characteristics during the swim turn. Twelve elite swimmers (10 males and 2 females 19.4 ± 1.0 y) were assigned to either strength (n = 6) or ballistic leg extensor (n = 6) training based on their coaching group for a six-week period. All testing was conducted during the final training cycle towards the World Championships selection trials. Swimmers undertook dry-land testing of a squat jump on a portable force platform with bodyweight only and an additional 30 kg load for males and 20 kg load for females. On the same day, all swimmers performed a turn analysis using a fixed force platform within the pool wall. There were no substantial differences between the strength and ballistic groups after the six-week...

Although women represent a small minority of the prison population in all nations, it has long been a concern that custody is overused with respect to female offenders. Reducing the number of women in prison has therefore emerged as a policy priority in many western nations, including the United Kingdom. This article evaluates a range of sentencing strategies to reduce the number of women in prison, on the grounds that their experience of the sanction is disproportionately severe. The challenge is to achieve a reduction in women’s imprisonment without compromising the fundamental sentencing principles of equity and proportionality. Although no jurisdiction has launched a sentencing initiative with this specific aim, the international sentencing literature offers insight into the most effective methods by which reductions may be achieved. Informed by the principle of equal impact, which underpins gender-specific sentencing, we explore policy options in two principal domains: (1) statutory provisions to eliminate or restrict judicial discretion to imprison female offenders; and (2) sentencing guidelines to structure judicial discretion in gender-sensitive ways. We conclude by considering the likelihood of implementing the options.

Crime victims and victims' advocates have for many years called for greater input into the criminal process, and in particular at the stage of sentencing. Today, victims in almost all common law countries have the opportunity to participate in the sentencing process, usually by providing information about the impact of the crime. This impact evidence is placed before a sentencing court in the form of a victim impact statement (VIS) or victim personal statement (VPS) as it is known in England and Wales. This article reviews findings from the last few years of data from the Witness and Victim Experience Survey (WAVES) which was conducted by the Ministry of Justice. We review findings from the last administrations of the survey. In the most recent administration of the survey (2009-2010), less than half (43%) of victims recalled being offered a statement. Over the most recent three-year period (2007-2010), a comparable percentage (42%) of the victims recalled being offered the opportunity to make a VPS; almost half (45%) explicitly responded that they had not been given an opportunity to make a VPS. In addition, significant variation emerged across local justice areas. The percentage of victims reporting having been offered a VPS varied from a low of 29 per cent in London to a high of 63 per cent in Northumbria - a range of 34 per cent. These and other findings suggest that the VPS scheme is being inconsistently implemented across the country. © The Author(s) 2012.

Sentencing guidelines have been slowly evolving in England and Wales since 1998. Definitive guidelines now exist for all common offences. This jurisdiction is the only one outside the United States to develop formal, numerical guidelines which are presumptively binding on courts. Despite their unique status - as the only alternative to the grid-based schemes found in many US states - the English guidelines have attracted almost no attention from sentencing scholars. This article describes the latest developments in England and Wales. As a result of the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 much has changed: a new departure test has been created, and the old statutory bodies have been replaced by a single new Council which has issued a new format of guideline which will become the model to replace the old format. These important changes are discussed and some lessons drawn for other jurisdictions seeking to structure sentencing without resort to the two dimensional sentencing grids found across the United States. © The Author(s) 2012.

This article presents findings from a survey that systematically explores public opinion, youth crime and justice in England and Wales. Particular emphasis was placed upon public reaction to restorative sentencing. The survey uncovered a number of misperceptions about youth crime. Few respondents rated youth courts as doing a good job, and most thought that sentences imposed on young offenders are too lenient. A considerable gap existed between the sentences that respondents wanted to see imposed on young offenders and the sentences that they assumed would be imposed. Generally speaking, expected sentences were less harsh than favoured punishments. When respondents were asked to impose sentence in case scenarios, there was significantly less support for custody as a sanction when the young offender had made some restorative steps such as writing a letter of apology and promising to make compensation to the victim. When asked about alternatives to imprisonment, significant proportions of respondents found alternatives to be satisfactory substitutes for imprisonment, a result consistent with research in other jurisdictions.

The role of the victim in the sentencing process continues to generate controversy among scholars and practitioners across many jurisdictions. In this article we address some of the persistent objections to allowing victim input into sentencing. By placing the debate on victim input within its historical context, we suggest that the movement to provide victims with a voice has been derailed, as the communicative model of victim input — originally envisioned by the reform movement as its justification — was replaced by a model that stresses the impact of VIS on sentencing. We argue that much of the lingering opposition to victim input rights has been animated by this ‘impact’ model, which we argue is theoretically misconceived, empirically unsupported and at odds with major sentencing aims. We reintroduce the communicative model, which reflects the original intent and purpose of the victim reform concerning input, elaborating on its advantages for victims and offenders. We then provide two examples from the field to illustrate the therapeutic benefits of the model for both victims and offenders. We conclude with a call to reassess current theory and practice regarding victim integration in sentencing and offer some policy recommendations regarding the optimal way to integrate the voice of the victim at sentencing.

Sweeping changes have recently been made to punishment practices in many western nations. A number of these have reflected punitive, penal populism. The purpose of this essay is to examine recent reforms in New Zealand which reflect a philosophy of “bifurcation” with respect to the punishment of offenders. Harsher treatment is introduced with respect to the more serious forms of offending, while at the same time other elements of the Sentencing Act represent a more rational and moderate approach to sentencing reform. The Sentencing Act 2002 introduces a number of changes to the sentencing process in New Zealand. This article reviews some of the more important elements of the Act, beginning with the legislated statement of the purposes and principles of sentencing. The statutory purposes include the goals of rehabilitation, deterrence and incapacitation that have been cited in similar statements in other jurisdictions. The author explores the significance of various components of the Sentencing Act in light of experience in other jurisdictions such as Canada and England and Wales. In a number of areas the New Zealand statute offers a superior alternative to statutory language adopted in other countries.

Statutory reforms of the juvenile justice system came to Canada in 2003 when the Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) became law. This article reviews the principal sentencing provisions and, in particular, the purposes and principles that are now codified as a result of the new legislation. The legislation attempts to reduce the number of young offenders sent to prison while facilitating the imposition of harsher sentences on a small number of juveniles convicted of the most serious offenses. The YCJA moves youth court sentencing closer to sentencing as it is conducted in adult court but also maintains some important differences between the two levels. These reforms are likely to reduce the number of young persons sent to prison in Canada and change the composition of the juvenile prison population by reducing the number of young offenders incarcerated for minor crimes or property crimes.

All Western nations have passed mandatory sentencing legislation that removes or greatly curtails judicial discretion. These mandatory sentencing laws have proliferated in recent years with predictable consequences for prison populations. A response to public demand for more severe sentencing is one of the justifications for mandatory sentences of imprisonment. In addition, politicians use mandatory sentencing legislation to enhance their standing in the eyes of the public. Politicians appear to assume that the public is strongly supportive of these laws, though scientifically valid surveys are never cited to support these assumptions. This article reviews the international findings from surveys that reveal that the public is deeply divided about mandatory sentencing. Part of the reason for this is that there is more support for proportional sentencing than for utilitarian goals, such as deterrence or incapacitation. In addition, survey data suggest that the electoral advantage of promoting these laws has been considerably overstated.

In the summer of 2001, the Home Office issued the Report of the Sentencing Review containing over 50 recommendations to reform the sentencing and parole systems in England and Wales. The White Paper, Justice for All, was published in 2002. The proposals constitute the most significant reform package in decades. A number of these proposals - such as the creation of a detailed sentencing guideline scheme, new sentencing options and recommendations to improve public knowledge of sentencing decisions - could well have a salutary impact on the sentencing process. However, the heart of the reform package contains an attempt to achieve the impossible: to reconcile within the same guiding statute (and sentencing guideline scheme) the conflicting sentencing philosophies of desert and utilitarianism. This article explores some consequences of the criminal record provisions by reference to the experience with sentencing reform in North America.

The juvenile justice systems of most Western nations have been under considerable pressure to impose harsher penalties on juvenile offenders. Much of this pressure has come from politicians who argue that the public and juvenile courts are out of step, with the latter being more lenient than the public desire. This article reports findings from a representative national survey of the public, which permitted comparisons between the sentencing preferences of the public and the actual practice of youth courts. Respondents were asked to sentence offenders described in vignettes. The sentencing component employed a 2 × 2 × 2 design. The variables manipulated were age of offender (juvenile or adult), criminal history (first offender or recidivist), and nature of offence (burglary or assault). Results indicated concordance between the incarceration rates favored by members of the public and the practice of the courts. In addition, respondents were also asked questions about criminal victimization within the previous 12 months. Consistent with the findings of previous research, crime victims were no more punitive than respondents who did not report having been victimized.

Research on public opinion over the past three decades has consistently established that the British public are critical of sentencers, and that this criticism exists independent of crime trends and even dramatic changes in criminal justice policies. This finding points to the possibilities that the findings are an artefact of the approach used by these surveys or that public opinion is formed in ignorance of actual practice. The 1996 British Crime Survey (BCS) contained a section of questions designed to test these hypotheses. Respondents were asked a series of questions about their knowledge of, as well as attitudes towards, sentencing practice and sentencers. Results indicate that judges received significantly more negative evaluations than any other group of criminal justice professionals. The public systematically under-estimate the severity of sentencing patterns, and this is significantly related to attitudes to sentencers. When asked to provide a sentence in a specific case of burglary, members of the public favoured sentences that were on balance little different from, and if anything more lenient than, current sentencing practice. Discussion focuses on the policy implications of these findings, as well as their relation to research in other jurisdictions.

In Lk. 10.17-20 Jesus' first statement to the returning missionaries has traditionally been translated, 'I saw Satan fall like lightning from heaven' (10.18). A wide variety of interpretations have been offered, concerning when and how Jesus saw or will see Satan fall: before creation, at the temptations, during the disciples' mission, at the crucifixion, etc. The article proposes that the imperfect έθεΏρουν be translated not 'I saw' but 'they [sc. 'the demons' in 10.17] saw', and hence that Jesus' response to the disciples is an explanation of their successful exorcisms: the demons became subject to the disciples because they had seen their leader, Satan, dethroned.