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This paper explores evolving discourses of masculinity in the Japanese socio-cultural context through a textual analysis of two live-action television adaptations of Great Teacher Onizuka (GTO), a popular manga. Broadcast respectively in 1998, one year after the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis, and 2012, one year after the Fukushima nuclear disaster, the two shows provide a unique opportunity to examine the disruption and/or reconfiguration of hegemonic discourses around gender in their respective historical moments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Responses to trauma can involve complex meaning-making processes and the perception of ambiguous threats. This study sought to explore response trajectories to a nuclear disaster and their intertwining courses with ecological factors (Trajectories intertwining with Life—TiL) from adolescence onward among a non-evacuated population. Four women and four men (mean age 20) who were adolescents during the 2011 nuclear accident in Fukushima (mean age 14), and who grew up outside the restricted zone participated in the study. Semi-structured life story interviews were conducted in the form of in-depth qualitative inquiries. A holistic analysis was employed to identify the TiL patterns following the Fukushima nuclear disaster in the overall context of the stories and to reveal important themes throughout adolescence. Four TiL patterns were found: three trajectories corresponding with those identified in prior research and one newly identified trajectory. The perceived, distal, and continuous threat of radiation played a central role in all patterns and exerted secondary impacts throughout the lives of non-evacuated adolescents. The study's implications shed light on rarely studied response trajectories to ambiguous Potentially Traumatic Events (PTEs) throughout adolescence and point out the benefits of using a life story approach to this end for the first time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the insurance of nuclear liability risk, from theoretical and applied standpoints. Firstly, we characterize the optimal insurance scheme for a low-probability industrial accident, such as a nuclear catastrophe, when liability is shared between the firm and the State. Using catastrophe bond data, we then evaluate the cost of capital sustaining such an insurance mechanism. Finally, we characterize the individual lotteries associated with the risk of a nuclear accident in France, and we estimate the optimal coverage. We conclude that the liability limit currently in force is likely to be inferior to the socially optimal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese environmental sociology has developed many original perspectives, including the social structure of victims, the benefit versus victimized zone theory, and life environmentalism. Developments in the field can be divided into three stages. The first, to 2001, is characterized by the early organizing of environmental sociologists, including the establishment of the Japanese Association for Environmental Sociology (JAES), and its accompanying journal, and a focus on local environmental destruction case studies. The second, to 2011, is characterized by the institutionalization of the field, while the third was triggered by the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami and the Fukushima nuclear disaster. The third stage is currently one of diversification and a crisis of academic identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the decline of mass protests in the 1970s and the Great East Japan Earthquake and Fukushima nuclear meltdown in the 2010s, which resulted in the resurgence of mass demonstrations, social movements were widely regarded as uncommon in Japan. In this essay, the author reviews Japan's social movement studies in the last decade, focusing on the influence of the lack of mass protest since the 1970s on scholarly interests. The essay examines the following four topics: (1) slow responses to the resurgence of mass demonstrations in post-3.11 Japan, (2) quick responses to the rise of the radical right movement, (3) the emergence of cynical approaches to studying social movements, and (4) the redemption of the history of Japan's postwar social movements. Despite some twists and turns, we can see how social protests are a perpetual element of Japanese society that sociologists study as a common phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science and technology studies is famous for questioning conceptual and material boundaries by following controversies that cut across them. However, it has recently been argued that in research involving online platforms (Wikipedia, Facebook, Twitter, etc.), there are also more practical boundaries to negotiate that are created by the variable availability, visibility, and structuring of data. In this paper, I highlight a potential tension between our inclination toward following controversies and "following the medium" and suggest that sometimes following controversies might involve going "against platforms" as well as with them. I will illustrate this dilemma through an analysis of the controversy over the coverage of the Fukushima disaster on English language Wikipedia, which concerns boundaries between expert and lay knowledge but also the social and technical functioning of Wikipedia itself. For this reason, I show that following the controversy might mean making use of less formatted and less obvious data than Wikipedia normally provides. While this is not an argument against the use of automated digital research tools such as scrapers, I suggest that both quantitative and qualitative researchers need to be more willing to tweak their approaches based on the specificities of the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent Fukushima disaster has raised policy concerns regarding the resilience of Japan's nuclear host communities. Drawing on concepts from evolutionary economic geography and using a quasi-experimental research design we evaluate how these communities "bounce back," absorb, and adapt to both unanticipated "shocks" and public-private policy interventions. The experience of two nuclear host communities, Kashiwazaki and Kariwa, relative to their "twin" non-host communities of Sanjo and Izumozaki suggests that long-run developmental trajectories were only temporarily shifted during the nuclear power plant construction phase. This raises questions about the economic justification of nuclear power plants made on the ground of long-term structural transformation of host communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this commentary, I reflect on the differences between two independent citizen approaches to monitoring radiological contamination, one in Belarus after the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear accident and the other in Japan following the 2011 Fukushima Daiichi accident. I examine these approaches from the perspective of their contribution to making radiological contamination more publicly visible (i.e., publicly recognized as a hazard). The analysis is grounded in my earlier work (Kuchinskaya 2014), where I examined how we have come to know what we know about post–Chernobyl contamination and its effects in Belarus, a former Soviet republic most heavily affected by the fallout. As I described in this study, much of what we know about the consequences of Chernobyl is based on the work of the Belarusian nonprofit Institute of Radiation Safety, "Belrad." I compare Belrad's approach to radiological monitoring with the work of the volunteer network Safecast, arguably one of the best-known citizen science projects in the world, which is working to monitor the scope of the post–Fukushima contamination. Through this comparison of approaches, I raise broader questions about a form of sensing practices—data-related practices of citizen science that make environmental hazards publicly in/visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Six and a half years after the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, an area of existing exposure situation remains. One of the main concerns of people is the higher level of ionising radiation than before the accident, although this is not expected to have any discernible health effect. Since the accident, several 'abnormalities' in environmental organisms have been reported. It is still not clear if these abnormalities were induced by radiation. It appears that the impact of the released radioactivity has not been sufficient to threaten the maintenance of biological diversity, the conservation of species, or the health and status of natural habitats, which are the focus in environmental protection. This highlights a difference between the protection of humans and protection of the environment (individuals for humans and populations/species for the environment). The system for protection of the environment has been developed with a similar approach as the system for protection of humans. Reference Animals and Plants (RAPs) were introduced to connect exposure and doses in a way similar to that for Reference Male and Reference Female. RAPs can also be used as a tool to associate the level of radiation (dose rate) with the biological effects on an organism. A difference between the protection of humans and that of the environment was identified: an effect on humans is measured in terms of dose, and an effect on the environment is measured in terms of dose rate. In other words, protection criteria for humans are expressed in term of dose (as dose limits, dose constraints, and reference levels), whereas those for the environment are expressed in terms of dose rate (as derived consideration reference levels). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following a nuclear accident, a major dilemma for affected people is whether to stay or leave the affected area, or, for those who have been evacuated, whether or not to return to the decontaminated zones. Populations who have to make such decisions have to consider many parameters, one of which is the radiological situation. Feedback from Chernobyl and Fukushima has demonstrated that involvement and empowerment of the affected population is a way to provide them with the necessary elements to make informed decisions and, if they decide to return to decontaminated areas, to minimise exposure by contributing to the development of a prudent attitude and vigilance towards exposure. However, involving stakeholders in postaccident management raises the question of the role of experts and public authorities in supporting the inhabitants who have to make decisions about their future. Based on experiences in Chernobyl and Fukushima, this paper will discuss various principles that have to be taken into account by experts and public authorities about their role and position when dealing with stakeholders in a postaccident recovery process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant on 11 March 2011 released radioactive material into the atmosphere, and contaminated land in Fukushima and several neighbouring prefectures. During rehabilitation, it is important to accurately understand and determine individual external doses to allow individuals to make informed decisions about whether or not to return to the affected areas. Personal dosimeters (D-Shuttle), used together with a global positioning system and geographic information system device, can provide realistic individual external doses and associated individual external doses, ambient doses, and activity patterns of individuals in the affected areas of Fukushima. This study involved more than 250 affected residents. The results help to determine realistic individual external doses, and corresponding time-activity patterns and airborne monitoring ambient dose rates, which can be used to predict future cumulative external doses after residents return to their homes in evacuation areas. In addition, insights gained by the study can help to explain the role of individual external dose measurements for affected residents in postaccident recovery, based mainly upon the experience gained in measuring, assessing, and communicating individual external doses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant occurred following the huge tsunami and earthquake of 11 March 2011. After the accident, there was considerable uncertainty and concern about the health effects of radiation. In this difficult situation, emergency responses, including large-scale evacuation, were implemented. The Fukushima Health Management Survey (FHMS) was initiated 3 months after the accident. The primary purposes of FHMS were to monitor the long-term health of residents, promote their well-being, and monitor any health effects related to long-term, low-dose radiation exposure. Despite the severity of the Fukushima accident and the huge impact of the natural disaster, radiation exposure of the public was very low. However, there were other serious health problems, including deaths during evacuation, increased mortality among displaced elderly people, mental health and lifestyle-related health problems, and social issues after the accident. The Nuclear Emergency Situations - Improvement of Medical and Health Surveillance (SHAMISEN) project, funded by the Open Project For European Radiation Research Area, aimed to develop recommendations for medical and health surveillance of populations affected by previous and future radiation accidents. This paper briefly introduces the points that have been learned from the Fukushima accident from the perspective of SHAMISEN recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the environmental aspects of Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant accident in Japan. Topics discussed include the contemporary feminist discussions regarding the accident, the interpretation of the disaster and the argument by Nobel laureate Elfriede Jelinek, and ecofeminism.

Japan’s 2011 Fukushima nuclear plant calamity created a global focal point for debate about nuclear energy, and a notable forum for dissent. The incident, marked by the meltdown of three of the nuclear facility’s reactors, is the largest nuclear incident since the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant disaster of 1986. In 2014, the popular Japanese manga Oishinbo, authored by Tetsu Kariya, helped set off a firestorm of intense debate in social and traditional media when it published a fictionalized account of the environmental and health hazards for residents living close to the plant. This paper explores the ethical implications of such portrayals in a fictionalized medium through the theoretical lens of Jürgen Habermas and against the unique backdrop of Japan’s evolving media landscape and tumultuous recent environmental history. Habermas’ discourse ethics theory is well situated to analyze this complex case, in spite of the eventual and well-publicized suspension of the Oishinbo comic. Habermas’ favoring of a public moral discourse that is free of power imbalances, and one in which the superior argument for society as a whole ultimately prevails, helps contextualize the important but contentious discourse that took place across Japan in the wake of Kariya’s publication about Fukushima, and the responsibility of the manga in balancing the well-being of Fukushima Prefecture residents with a broader public interest. By connecting his actions to a transcendental purpose of giving voice to a marginalized constituency, Kariya established discourse within manga as a pathway to potential resolution for victims of an ecological crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 11 March 2011, an earthquake of a 9.0 magnitude and the consequent tsunami destroyed Japan’s Fukushima Dai-ichi power plant. Known as 3/11 in Japan, the effects of this triple disaster will continue for decades. How did the media covering the catastrophe articulate issues of risk to the general public? This article is a textual analysis of accounts about the Fukushima disaster published between 11 March 2011 and 11 March 2013 in four of the most prominent media outlets in the United States. In particular, the analysis explores the practices through which these US media constructed the presence and meaning of public health risks resulting from the nuclear meltdown. The article illustrates how systematic media practices minimized the presence of health risks, contributed to misinformation, and exacerbated uncertainties. In the process, the study demonstrates how the media created vernacular epistemologies for understanding and evaluating the health risks posed by nuclear radiation. The article concludes by weighing the implications of the vernacular epistemologies deployed by media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Publication 111, published by the International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP) in 2009, provided the first recommendations for dealing with the long-term recovery phase after a nuclear accident. Its focus is on the protection of people living in long-term contaminated areas after a nuclear accident, drawing on the experience of the Belarus population, Cumbrian sheep farmers in the UK, and Sami reindeer herders in Norway affected by the fallout from Chernobyl. The ICRP dialogue initiative in Fukushima confirmed what had been identified after Chernobyl, namely the very strong concern for health, particularly that of children, loss of control over everyday life, apprehension about the future, disintegration of family life and of the social and economic fabric, and the threat to the autonomy and dignity of affected people. Through their testimonies and reflections, the participants of the 12 dialogue meetings shed light on this complex situation. The ICRP dialogue initiative also confirmed that the wellbeing of the affected people is at stake, and radiological protection must focus on rehabilitation of their living conditions. The challenge is to incorporate the important clarifications resulting from the ICRP dialogue initiative into the updated version of Publication 111 that is currently in development. This paper does not necessarily reflect the views of the International Commission on Radiological Protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Norwegian Radiation Protection Authority and representatives from the CERAD Centre of Excellence participated at the majority of the International Commission on Radiological Protection dialogue seminars in Fukushima between 2011 and 2015. The open and sharing structure of the seminars contributed to an unprecedented understanding of the challenges faced by the general public affected by radioactive contamination due to an accident at a nuclear power plant. Most importantly by presentations from people in Fukushima, but also by presentations from lay people in Norway and Belarus who shared their experiences from the Chernobyl accident at several seminars. The seminars created new friendships and connections, which inter alia led to several exchange visits between affected people in Norway and Japan where worries and experiences could be shared in an open and reflective manner. The mix of actors (various experts, authorities, local populations) created joint learning across sectors and levels, representing an invaluable source of knowledge for organisations involved in nuclear and radiological emergency preparedness and planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The residents of Suetsugi in Fukushima Prefecture measured ambient dose rates and radiocaesium concentrations in the soil after the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant in an attempt to maintain living conditions in the region. The measurements were colour plotted into maps to visualise the contamination. Through the receipt of external support, a number of radioactivity-related initiatives were implemented for the residents. Studies were also undertaken regarding the impact of radiocaesium contamination on rice farming in Suetsugi following the Great East Japan Earthquake and the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iitate, a village in Fukushima Prefecture, suffered little damage from the Great East Japan Earthquake that struck on 11 March 2011. However, all village residents were belatedly ordered to evacuate 1 month after the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. My family and I had to evacuate to the city of Fukushima, located 40 km from our home in Iitate. This came at a time when my husband and I were planning to start research on Natsuhaze (a type of blueberry grown in Japan) after his retirement. There were conflicting reports. On one hand, the media reported that it was not possible to live in Fukushima. The village of Iitate organised a lecture by an expert to assuage the fear of the residents. The evacuation order 1 month after the disaster contradicted what the expert was saying, and appeared to amplify distrust among the residents. I tried to arrive at my own judgement by measuring the ambient radiation dose in and around my house. Participating in the International Commission on Radiological Protection dialogue seminars provided accurate understanding of the situation. Measurement of radiation doses of wild plants that my husband's father had been cultivating for over 30 years has given me many insights, and I had no concerns about returning to Iitate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a photographer living in Tokyo, I have been visiting Suetsugi village regularly to take photographs and show the printed photographs to the residents. What is the role of photography? What does it mean to be involved in the life of Suetsugi through photography? This article discusses some of the answers to these questions 5 years after the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With confirmation of the cold shutdown conditions of the nuclear reactors after the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, the Japanese Government reclassified the areas under evacuation orders as follows: (1) difficult-to-return zones (>50 mSv y-1), (2) restricted residence zones (20-50 mSv y-1), and (3) zones in preparation for lifting of the evacuation order (<20 mSv y-1). The Government continued its initiatives towards reconstruction of Fukushima, and has lifted evacuation orders in Zones 2 and 3. In terms of radiological protection, the Government emphasised its policy of placing importance on individual dose, and promoted the assignment of consultants in each municipality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, a team of high school students and teachers measured individual exposure doses using D-Shuttle dosimeters. In total, 216 students and teachers participated in the project, with the cooperation of 12 high schools in Japan (six from Fukushima Prefecture), four from France, eight from Poland, and two from Belarus. The participants wore the dosimeters for 2 weeks and recorded their locations in diary charts. The distribution of annual exposure doses for each school and region, estimated from the measured results, overlapped. It was concluded that the external exposure of high school students in Fukushima Prefecture was not markedly higher compared with that of students from other regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many initiatives to measure the internal and external exposures of the residents of Fukushima have been undertaken since the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. However, residents have had few, if any, opportunities for face-to-face explanations to understand the meaning of such measurements. Although the personal data of tens of thousands of residents were collected, these data were not analysed adequately, and were therefore not used to implement large-scale programmes to manage/reduce exposures. One of the lessons learned from the Fukushima accident is that it is imperative for the government to implement these measures for radiation protection, and to build an effective functioning service for the residents. The author, as a physician from the region, has worked as an explainer/interpreter of exposure dose measurements to individual residents. Another lesson learned from this experience is that local medical and health professionals can contribute to building a public system for radiation protection, by acting as 'liaising officers' to connect residents, the authorities, and experts from outside the region. This paper describes the author's experience and lessons learned in the hope that this information will be useful in the event of a future accident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I have learned a great deal by participating in the ICRP dialogue seminars. I will summarise what I have observed and felt regarding the thoughts of the inhabitants of Fukushima over the last four and a half years, and what the ICRP dialogue seminars meant to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 19 April 2011, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology designated 13 elementary schools, including Tominari Elementary School in Date city, as high-dose schools that needed to restrict outdoor activities due to the effects of the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. Approximately 1 week later, the municipal government took action to remove the topsoil from the school grounds, and the prohibition of outdoor activities at Tominari Elementary School was lifted. The school staff continued to work on decontaminating the surrounding areas using high-pressure washers and brushes. There were certain positive outcomes, but a more effective decontamination method was required. In July 2011, the municipal government started an environmental remediation project, both inside and outside the school buildings, with researchers and decontamination workers at Tominari Elementary School, involving members of the Parent-Teacher Association (PTA), local communities, and volunteers using various effective and specialised forms of decontamination. As a result, Tominari Elementary School was able to recommence swimming lessons at the end of the first semester, which had been thought to be impossible. This article will provide information about the importance of 'dialogue' for decontamination, how engagement of the experts gave members of the PTA and the local community a feeling of 'security and safety', and how the decontamination work was an ever-expanding collaborative work of a large number of people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethos in Fukushima, a non-profit organisation, participated in 10 of the 12 International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP) dialogue seminars over the past 4 years. The slides and videos that were shown at the seminars are recorded on the Ethos in Fukushima website ( http://ethos-fukushima.blogspot.jp/p/icrp-dialogue.html ). I would like to introduce the activities of Ethos in Fukushima to date, and explain why the ICRP dialogue materials have come to be published on its website. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant in the wake of the Great East Japan Earthquake received considerable media coverage. However, a leaning towards sensationalism and a proclivity for denouncing those in power resulted in articles that were, in several instances, scientifically inaccurate, causing anxiety among disaster victims and delaying recovery efforts. Individuals working for the local media in Fukushima had the task of reporting the disaster while being victims of the disaster at the same time. Therefore, many individuals studied and deepened their knowledge about radiation and its effects, and were pained to see inaccurate media coverage of the disaster. Should they have been more forthright in opposing such false media coverage? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various reports have shown that internal and external exposure levels of local residents after the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant were very low. However, there are serious postdisaster health effects in the form of increased prevalence of diabetes and other chronic conditions. Stress, changes in the social environment and in living arrangements, and disruption in healthcare support provided by a network of people have resulted in increasing the cost of care and changing patients' behaviour, such as delay in visiting a hospital. In addition to radiation protection, it is necessary, when looking after the health of Fukushima residents, to focus on human networking, social infrastructure, and protection of culture and history that are intangible, and not to overlook their roles in health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Yes I tried to explain, but residents couldn't understand …' This was the title of my presentation at the first International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP) dialogue seminar in November 2011 held at the Fukushima Prefectural Government office. The accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant was triggered by the tsunami caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake of March 2011. Initially, it was thought that Date city, 50-60 km away from the accident, would be safe, but unfortunately this was not the case due to the direction of the wind at the time of the accident. I reported on decontamination in the aftermath of the accident at the ICRP dialogue seminar, following an invitation from Dr. Niwa of the University of Kyoto and a member of ICRP. There were many participants from overseas, and it was the first time that I had attended a meeting with simultaneous interpretation. I still remember that I was slightly bewildered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between September 2011 and August 2015, the International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP) organised a series of 12 stakeholder dialogue workshops with residents of Fukushima Prefecture. Discussions focused on recovery, addressing topics such as protection of children, management of contaminated food, monitoring, and self-help measures. The OECD Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA) supported, and the Committee on Radiation Protection and Public Health (CRPPH) Secretariat attended, all 12 meetings to listen directly to the concerns of affected individuals and draw lessons for CRPPH. To summarise the dialogue results, ICRP organised a final meeting in Date, Japan with the support of NEA and other organisations. The lessons from and utility of the dialogue meetings were praised by dialogue participants and sponsors, and ICRP agreed that some form of dialogue would continue, although with ICRP participation and support rather than leadership. This paper summarises the internationally relevant lessons learned by CRPPH from this important process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since November 2011, Institut de radioprotection et de sûreté nucléaire (IRSN) experts have participated in the International Commission on Radiological Protection's (ICRP) dialogue initiative for the rehabilitation of living conditions after the Fukushima accident. In 2013, IRSN and Centre d'étude sur l'Evaluation de la Protection dans le domaine Nucléaire (CEPN) launched a study to identify the main lessons that can be learned from these dialogues, and benefit French IRSN experts in the event of a postaccident situation. The main lesson is that in order to protect the inhabitants of contaminated areas efficiently, experts must work in cooperation with local actors to develop a co-expertise process. The availability of measurement devices for inhabitants is crucial to allow them to assess their own radiological situation. Measuring radioactivity makes it visible, and allows individuals to discuss the results in their communities and develop local projects to improve their daily life. Eventually, inhabitants create a practical radiological protection culture to manage their situation. However, helping people to protect themselves does not mean that authorities and experts have no responsibilities, and this calls for strong ethical principles such as not making decisions for people about their future. To be helpful, scientists need to understand that, as necessary as radiation protection is, it is not the only problem that inhabitants are facing and it cannot control people's lives. Radiation protection experts must commit themselves to be at the service of individuals and the community, and the issues they want to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant in March 2011, I never thought about radiation. After the accident, I originally evacuated with my two sons, but we returned home a few weeks later to be with my husband and parents-in-law as I felt that life with my family was what mattered and the very basis of my happiness. Today, 5 years after the accident, some people are able to think positively about the situation, and some remain uncertain. This article offers my experience and thoughts as a mother to help enable others to feel less stressed about eating food produced in Fukushima, and suggests ideas to help lift their spirits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Fukushima Prefecture, disaster-related death is a social problem for individuals who were forced to leave their hometowns as a result of the Great East Japan Earthquake and the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. Disaster-related death is caused by stress, exhaustion, and worsening of pre-existing illnesses due to evacuation. The number of disaster-related deaths has reached almost 2000, and continues to rise. Prolonged uncertainty and deteriorating living conditions suggest no end to such deaths, although response measures have been taken to improve the situation. It is said that insufficient response measures were taken, in particular, during the transitional period between the emergency phase and the reconstruction phase. There is a need to apply the lessons learned in planning for evacuation after a nuclear hazard, considering radiological protection as well as risks associated with evacuation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines postdisaster public health activities (focusing primarily on parenting support) through collaboration between universities and local government, and reports on the support provided to public health nurses, who are the gatekeepers of community health. For a year after the Fukushima disaster, discussions were held on the short- and long-term measures for responding to the concerns of parents, who face difficulty interpreting risks. Child health checkup data and mothers' counselling sessions with public health nurses were analysed to gather evidence to reinforce the health system over the long term. As the results of the analysis showed a need for the development of a system for communicating health information in ways that are accessible to residents, a health literacy training programme was developed and implemented for public health nurses in Fukushima Prefecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant contaminated the soil of densely populated regions in Fukushima Prefecture with radiocaesium, which poses risks of internal and external exposure to the residents. However, extensive whole-body-count surveys have shown that internal exposure levels of residents are negligible. In addition, data from personal dosimeters have shown that external exposure levels have decreased, so the estimated annual external dose of the majority of people is <1 mSv in most areas of Fukushima. Despite these reassuring data, many problems remain in Fukushima, many of which are psychosocial rather than radiological. This article will discuss the roles of measurement and communication in the postaccident phase based on 5 years of experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immediately following news coverage of the earthquake and tsunami that struck Japan on March 11, 2011, anti-Japanese users attributed the disasters to karmic “payback for Pearl Harbor.” As Klein notes, social media can legitimate White supremacist discourses, “laundering” them into popular discourse. Likewise, this article argues that Facebook and Twitter were spaces that allowed the movement of White supremacist discourses into everyday culture by coding overt racism. Twitter and Facebook, however, also acted as a space in which White supremacist ideologies were challenged, yet the challenge was limited as it reified postracism. Indeed, both the “payback” posts and “pushback” responses constructed their arguments within postracial logics in order to garner support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Committee 4 develops principles and recommendations on radiological protection of people in all exposure situations. The committee meeting in 2014 was hosted by GE Healthcare in Arlington Heights, IL, USA on 27 July-1 August 2014. The programme of work of Committee 4 encompasses several broad areas, including a series of reports covering various aspects of existing exposure situations, leading the efforts of the International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP) to update and elaborate recommendations in light of the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant for emergencies and living in contaminated areas, elaborating the underpinnings of the system of radiological protection, and developing focussed reports on specific topic areas in consultation with ICRP's special liaison organisations. Committee 4 has six active Task Groups working on naturally occurring radioactive material; cosmic radiation in aviation; updates of ICRP Publications 109 and 111; ethics of radiological protection; surface and near-surface disposal of solid radioactive waste; and exposures resulting from contaminated sites from past industrial, military, and nuclear activities. In addition, there is a Working Party on tolerability of risk, and ongoing work with the various special liaison organisations of ICRP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cooperating with radiological protection experts and taking radiation measurements, the residents of Suetsugi, Iwaki City, Fukushima have been striving to reshape their lives since the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. Suetsugi lies within 30 km of the power plant, so the residents have had serious reservations about continuing their lives there since the accident. Today, radiation remains a 'line' dividing their lives, with any dose measurements directly affecting their daily decision making. Assisted by medical and scientific specialists, the residents faced this challenging situation by measuring exposures individually and then discussing the results among themselves. Since 2012, the residents of Suetsugi have been using personal dosimeters, made village-wide trips for whole-body counter tests, and measured food contamination throughout the village. The results have been shared openly between the residents. Obtaining and discussing their own data were crucial to gain understanding of various results and to practice radiological protection in their daily routine. These 4 y of experience in Suetsugi demonstrate cooperation between various stakeholders, which should be a lesson for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Living in an age of big data, this study explores (a) how much certain online information is shared by media users and (b) what sentiments do social media users predominantly express on Twitter. Quantitative findings indicate that after the 2011 nuclear disaster at Fukushima Japan, the amount of nuclear energy–related tweets that were linked to outside information far outnumbered tweets containing no external link. Results also indicate that the predominant tone in these tweets was one of pessimism about nuclear energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses an expansive approach to the ‘visual’, including discussions of the forms of invisibility generated within the visible, the power of the unseen, or of blanks, holes and chairs kept empty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: radiation; cancer; risk assessment; LNT; hormesis; threshold EN radiation cancer risk assessment LNT hormesis threshold 1 2 2 12/28/21 20211001 NES 211001 The linear-no-threshold (LNT) model[1] is currently used in low-dose-radiation cancer risk assessment and this practice is supported by organizations that include the Environmental Protection Agency and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Radiation, cancer, risk assessment, LNT, hormesis, threshold Some of the low dose is discarded (lagging of dose) with the remaining even smaller dose then treated as relevant for cancer induction.[2] This presumed-relevant smaller dose can be expressed mathematically as D-L where D is the assigned total absorbed dose and L (

In this article, we investigate Internet discourses that capture Canadians’ perceptions of the risk of radiation from the 2011 Fukushima nuclear incident. We consider these online discourses of radiation risk in the context of recent Internet-based theories that explore ecological models of communication, and we take a discourse approach to our analysis of the online texts about Fukushima radiation risk. Our analysis reveals that, while government and scientific discourses about radiation risk are framed in terms of public concern and certainty, public discourses are framed in terms of uncertainty and gaps in public knowledge. Members of the public engaged in knowledge-seeking activities conducted their own nuclear risk assessments and disseminated the results to the interested public in street science activities. These public meaning-making activities, we argue, were generated by a desire to fill knowledge niches and attract public attention. They result in a discourse ecology characterized by epistemological rather than affective stances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper does not necessarily reflect the views of the International Commission on Radiological Protection.Radiation doses to marine biota near the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant have been estimated for the immediate aftermath and subsequent period of the accident. Dose estimations using monitoring data have been complemented by means of dynamic transfer modelling, improving on the more traditional equilibrium transfer approach. Earlier assessments using equilibrium transfer models overestimated the exposures in the immediate aftermath of the accident, whereas dynamic transfer modelling brings them more in line with the doses calculated from monitored activity concentrations in the biota. On that basis, marine biota populations in the vicinity of Fukushima do not seem to be at significant risk. The situation in the late post-accident period shows a tendency for lower exposures, but radiocaesium in sediments and biota persists to this day, with some organisms inhabiting local hotspots. Little is known about how long radionuclides will continue to remain in the local environment, or the long-term effects on populations due to limited knowledge on the effects of chronic radiation exposures to marine organisms. Therefore, the marine environment at Fukushima needs further study. The Fukushima nuclear accident remains an ongoing problem for marine radioecology, requiring constant re-evaluation of the cumulative extent of contamination and effects on the environment for years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant accident contaminated the soil of densely populated regions in Fukushima prefecture with radioactive caesium, which poses significant risks of internal and external exposure to the residents. Applying the knowledge of post-Chernobyl accident studies, internal exposures in excess of a few mSv per year would be expected to be common in Fukushima. However, extensive whole-body-counter surveys have shown that the internal exposure levels of residents are much lower than estimated; in 2012–2013, the Cs-137 detection percentages (the detection limit being ∼300 Bq body−1) were approximately 1% for adults and practically 0% for children. These results are consistent with those of many other measurements/studies conducted to date in Fukushima. As a consequence, risks from external exposure assume greater importance for the majority of residents in Fukushima due to the lower contribution from internal exposure. In both cases, average doses remain low, although some residents are exposed to higher-than-average risks; it is these members of the population who need to be identified and followed-up. Consequently, it is essential to re-establish communication at all levels in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the experiences of, and issues with, recovery management following the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. The Fukushima accident has brought about socio-economic consequences with inevitable changes to daily life, as well as psychological effects. There is heightened concern amongst the population about the risk and effects of radiation at low doses. Experience has shown that the direct involvement of the affected population and local professionals is a decisive factor for management of the recovery phase. The radiological protection system of the International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP) seems to be relevant to the recovery requirements of the Fukushima accident, although some problems remain in implementation. Reference levels could play a role in improving the situation by requiring an iterative optimisation process. The Fukushima experience indicated that a routine, top-down approach using radiological criteria alone was unable to deal with the complexity of the problems, and that stakeholder engagement should be explored. The technical knowledge gap between radiation experts and the public caused a lot of confusion. Experts should understand the ethical values attached to recovery, and ICRP should be more active in promoting trustworthy radiological protection advice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radiation protection issues on preparedness and response for a severe nuclear accident are discussed in this paper based on the experiences following the accident at Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. The criteria for use in nuclear emergencies in the Japanese emergency preparedness guide were based on the recommendations of International Commission of Radiological Protection (ICRP) Publications 60 and 63. Although the decision-making process for implementing protective actions relied heavily on computer-based predictive models prior to the accident, urgent protective actions, such as evacuation and sheltering, were implemented effectively based on the plant conditions. As there were no recommendations and criteria for long-term protective actions in the emergency preparedness guide, the recommendations of ICRP Publications 103, 109, and 111 were taken into consideration in determining the temporary relocation of inhabitants of heavily contaminated areas. These recommendations were very useful in deciding the emergency protective actions to take in the early stages of the Fukushima accident. However, some suggestions have been made for improving emergency preparedness and response in the early stages of a severe nuclear accident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Fukushima nuclear accident raised important questions concerning Japan’s civil society: first, what was the role of civil society prior to the accident; second, what were civil society’s reactions to the accident; third, what impact has civil society had on Japan’s nuclear policies following the accident. Focusing on societal, organizational, and local community-level activities, this article explores these questions analyzing documents and news clippings pertinent to the accident, participant observations of protest activities, and a comparative analysis of Japan’s nuclear policies with Germany’s policy shift. The relative weakness of civil society provided the context for the accident. After the accident, however, energetic citizen protests became frequent. The structures around which protests and public demonstrations were organized changed substantially over time. Civil society has begun to influence public policy, and is fostering a deeper public discourse, while advancing policy proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses energy systems and industries in Japan, with a particular focus on the nuclear energy industry. Details on the country's importation of fossil fuels and on safety measures taken within the nuclear energy industry following the March 11, 2011 earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster are presented. Topics discussed include the country's electrical systems, renewable energy sources, and efficiency.

The article presents the author's views on the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident in Japan. He talks about major nuclear accidents like Chernobyl nuclear accident in Ukraine in 1986, and says that despite problems with long-term storage of its waste, the nuclear industry has good safety record. He talks about the International Nuclear and Radiological Event Scale, used to measure the severity of nuclear accidents. He focuses on groundwater contamination, and cleanup operations at Fukushima.

Approximately 160,000 people evacuated the area around the Fukushima Dai-ichi NPP shortly after it was damage by the earthquake and tsunami. The evacuation order applied to 70,000 of them, while the other 90,000 left voluntarily and returned soon afterward. After more than two years, most of the 70,000 are still not allowed to return to their homes. The 1100 disaster-related deaths caused by the evacuation order show that this precautionary action, taken to minimize cancer risks, was not "conservative." In this paper, recent studies are reviewed on the consequences of the radioactive releases and on the benefits of many medical treatments with low doses of radiation that were carried out until the 1950s, before the radiation scare was created. Recent research has shed light on the high rate of spontaneous double-strand breaks in DNA and the adaptive protections in cells, tissues and humans that are up-regulated by low radiation. These defences prevent, repair, remove and replace damage, from all causes including external agents. Cancer mortality is reduced. The ICRP's concept of radiation risk is wrong. It should revert to its 1934 concept, which was a tolerance dose of 0.2 roentgen (r) per day based on more than 35 years of medical experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]