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The staccato rhythms of experiential time remain obscured in much of the literature on participatory research, where time is treated as a reassuring constant – a backdrop for human activity. This article addresses the discordances between lived temporalities and existing theorisations of participatory methodologies. It takes participatory research with lone child migrants as a particularly rich case to think with, given the proliferation of contradictory and often punitive applications of time these young people encounter in their interactions with migration and welfare regimes. The core argument developed is that unless temporality is given due theoretical and methodological attention, aims of contesting and unsettling inequities through participatory research will have limited success and can wind up reproducing exclusions and oppressions. In response to these critiques, the paper temporalizes participatory research through three reconstructions: working with and against time, de-centring shared time and collectivising the time of participatory research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines recent innovations in the way the concept of the state is employed by geographers researching forced migrants’ and refugees’ experiences. A still-dominant body of thought tends to essentialize the state and foreground both its institutional forms and coercive powers by asking questions that take the primacy of these attributes for granted. In response, poststructuralist geographers and sociologists have begun to forge alternative views of states, drawing upon a useful cynicism over the coherence of the state, as well as an engagement with Foucauldian notions of governmentality. The paper examines these alternative approaches in order to distil the characteristics of an emerging critical asylum geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A high proportion of legal immigration is based on family reunification. On one view, this is based on a partialist preference towards citizens, and the universally grounded claims of refugees should be given at least equal consideration. This article focuses on reconsidering the justification for considering family reunification a particularly important criterion for admission and residence, without attempting to establish how exactly family and refugee claims should be balanced. It first considers arguments for and against giving substantial weight in migration to family members with respect to citizens and denizens, the state and incomers. These include, on the one hand, the intrinsic value of and right to family life, the possibility of integration and the agent-specific nature of the obligations involved, and, on the other, the anachronistic nature of the family claim, the extent to which migration is voluntary, the contemporary prevalence of transnational family relationships, the inheritance of privilege and the multiplier effect of family reunification. It next considers the justification for discriminating among family applicants in order to reduce family migration numbers by restricting admission to the immediate nuclear family, and examines whether this represents unwarranted cultural discrimination or runs counter to the fundamental reasons for respecting family life. It is argued that family reunification is best justified in terms not of a partialist preference towards fellow citizens, but of a universal obligation to allow those subject to the state's authority to maintain intimate relationships that entail agent-specific obligations of care. This justifies very substantial consideration for at least certain kinds of family reunification. If, in order to meet other claims, we should discriminate among family members, priority should attach to family relationships of care at ‘critical times’, rather than to nuclear family membership per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent increase in transnational migration among women has lead to a reappraisal of theoretical explanations of migratory movement ( ; ; ). This paper reviews a number of theoretical explanations of transnational migration and then applies these theories to a qualitative study of women who migrated from Ireland to Britain in the 1930s. I explore the women's reasons for leaving Ireland and their experiences as young economic migrants in Britain in the inter-war years. Women have made up the majority of Irish migrants to Britain for much of the twentieth century yet the dominant stereotype of the Irish migrant has been the Mick or Paddy image ( ). Through an analysis of these twelve women's narratives of migration, I explore themes such as household strategies and familial networks. I am interested in the interwoven explanations of migration as both a form of escape ( ) and a rational family strategy and, hence, the ways in which women's decision to migrate can be seen as a combination of both active agency and family obligation. Drawing on the work of ) as well as ) and , ), I will analyse the ways in which family connections may transcend migration and engage with the concept of ‘transnational family’ ( ). In so doing, I raise questions about the complex nature of migration and the extent to which it could be described in terms of empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employment and work-related exploitation and discrimination are important social determinants of health. However, little is known about the experiences of people on temporary visas in Australia, particularly those on refugee visas. This article reports on a study of people living on temporary visas in South Australia and their experiences of workforce exploitation and discrimination and impacts on health. Interviews were conducted with 30 people: 11 on non-refugee temporary visas and 19 on refugee temporary visas. Data was analyzed thematically. Analysis identified experiences of exploitation and discrimination in the Australian labor market that included difficulties securing work, underpayment, overwork, and hazardous workplaces. These experiences had negative health effects, particularly on mental health. None had made a formal complaint about their treatment, citing the precarity of their visas, difficulties finding an alternative job, and lack of knowledge about what to do. The impacts were especially evident for refugees who were also grappling with pre-settlement trauma and ongoing uncertainties about their future protection. Overall, these findings of discrimination and exploitation in the workplace and subsequent ill health highlight the pervasive impact of neoliberal agendas and stress the need for industrial, immigration, and welfare reform to protect workers on temporary visas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast number of worldwide refugees has caused a global refugee crisis, political turmoil, and heightened anxiety in resettlement countries, stimulating xenophobia and religious tensions. We provide an overview of the four articles in this Major Contribution as a foundation for describing contemporary issues, challenges, and present an effective culturally responsive model of intervention to work with present-day refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the debate as to whether migration is a basic human right or if the claims of outsiders are superseded by the principle of national sovereignty -- the moral obligation of states to do the best for their own citizens. In evaluating migration and refugees it focuses on issues of open borders, migration selectivity, the capacity of sovereign states to control entry, the claims of refugees, the relationship between sovereignty and justifiable intervention, and the role of public opinion and morals throughout migration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the Spring 1986 issue of the "International Newsletter on Migration." A seminar organized by Professors Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein focusing on the theme "Racism and ethnicity", will be held in Paris, France, on January 26, 1986, February 2, 9 and 13, 1986, April 13, 17 and 27, 1986 and May 4, 1986. The Indochina Resource Action Center, Washington, DC has been publishing various materials on Indochina, and many aspects of refugee resettlement. The Refugee Documentation Project of York University will host an international symposium "Refuge or Asylum: A Choice for Canada?" at Glendon College, York University, during May 27-30, 1986. The Organizing Committee has invited scholars, representatives of governments and non-governmental organizations from Europe and North America to present research papers and to hold seminar sessions on an integrated set of topics relating asylum and refuge as two types of resolutions for involuntary migrants. The new Dutch journal "Migranten studies" is a quarterly journal that focuses on ethnic minorities and the Dutch society. It contains articles, book reviews, and announcements of new books and conferences. The journal is published by the working group on ethnic minorities.

International migration and refugee scholars have made extensive use of the concept of solidarity in light of the recent arrival of migrants and refugees in Europe and elsewhere. They observe multi-dimensional solidarity practices and interpret solidarity from a variety of disciplinary and conceptual angles with different philosophical underpinnings. In this review article, I assume a geographical perspective to argue for a Marxian-Hegelian understanding of solidarity as a process of subject formation. I illustrate how solidarity relates to a politics of place that shapes migrant struggles in urban contexts and that promise to facilitate Indigenous reconciliation and decolonization in settler societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The argument of this essay is that migrants, especially refugees, in the contemporary globalized world are inevitably second-class citizens because their stories do not fit the narrative requirements of modern nation-states. As a result, there is no easy way for them to fit either their memories or their aspirations into acceptable forms that fit the criteria for full citizenship in most states. This essay argues for renewed attention to the relationship between migrants and mediation, especially based on the idea that archives are not only records of the past but are also maps for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 2014 to the end of 2016, over 450,000 people crossed from North Africa towards Italy via the Central Mediterranean route. The number of people recorded as dead or missing in the same stretch of water steadily increased too. Crisis-talk in the region led to renewed efforts by the European Union and its Member States to govern and control migration to and across the Central Mediterranean. Against this backdrop, this article draws upon over 200 interviews with newly arrived boat migrants and 55 stakeholders in Italy to reveal a fundamental disjuncture between the drivers and dynamics of migration and the assumptions underpinning policy development, the saliency of which becomes apparent at three crucial junctions: along migration land routes; at sea; and upon arrival in Europe. In doing so, the article questions current ways of understanding journeys in research and policy, and highlights their consequences for the governance of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the interconnections between migration to Europe for asylum and the multiple ‘crises’ of the border regime that have occurred in recent decades. Drawing on 22 months of ethnographic research with refugees in Italy and Germany, the article highlights the tensions between migration policy and legislation at the structural level and the agency of refugees. The case study focuses on a protest staged by refugees in Berlin and the active involvement of its civil-society supporters. The everyday practices of refugees, including building relationships with local residents, cross-border mobility within Europe and ‘inhabiting’ the grey zones where different national jurisdictions intersect, generate frictions that open up spaces of autonomy: the ‘interstices’. Territorial, social and judicial interstices develop out of the power relations in Europe’s migration ‘battleground’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports a study comparing self-concept among 114 immigrant children and adolescents of Ethiopian origin in Israel and among 164 native-born Israelis, including an exploration of how age, gender, and first-language proficiency affect various dimensions of this construct. For the younger children (aged 8-9 years), self-concept was found to be higher among the native-born than among children of Ethiopian origin, while for junior high school children (aged 14-15 years), results were reversed. Findings are interpreted and discussed in light of the complex immigration history and the ongoing integration difficulties faced by members of the Ethiopian community, and related to different coping mechanisms adopted by participants at different ages. Ethiopian adolescents appear to cling more to their peer group, compared with younger children who seem to be more affected by the immediate family circle. Gender differences were found mainly regarding physical self-concept, in favor of boys. Self-rates of language proficiency appeared to be associated with several aspects of self-concept. Finally, and given the unique circumstances of the interaction between Ethiopian immigrants and Israeli society, findings emerge as relevant to the context of refugees, for whom the gap with the host culture is often wider than that encountered by voluntary migrants. Several recommendations related to language, family, and intergroup relations are included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The forced removal of 35 Afghan nationals from the UK in April 2003 calls into question the viability of the government's voluntary repatriation schemes and undermines the voluntary nature of return programmes. This article draws on the results of research conducted in 2002 to explore the views of the Afghan community about return. We evaluate three motivations for promoting return programmes: justice-based arguments, where return is the‘end of the refugee cycle’; human capital explanations, which focus on individual decisions to reverse the effects of brain-drain; and burden-relieving explanations, where return is an alternative to repatriation. Our findings suggest that domestic interest based arguments, rather than those founded on the protection of human rights, are driving the policy-making agenda. Returns are portrayed as a means of relieving the burden on welfare services, and placating an increasingly anti-immigrant public opinion. As well as individuals forcibly removed from Britain, other Afghans are being urged to return by means of financial inducements, and sometimes under the threat of repatriation. In this context, we can discern a new category of‘non-voluntary’ returns where individual choice has little real meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]