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The #MeToo movement became an important historical moment around the globe, illuminating the pervasive spectrum of sexual harm. This, however, did not exist without significant backlash, backlash which became one of the defining features of our study with men. We individually interviewed 31 single, heterosexual men about their experiences and understandings of contemporary masculinity, singleness and heterosexuality. During this process, participants talked significantly about the #MeToo movement and women's accounts of sexual violence, with a focus on the implications this might have for men and dating. Using a critical discursive approach, our analysis of men's talk was patterned by three interpretive repertoires: I just don't understand...; You can't do anything anymore!; and She's really only got herself to blame... Our analysis suggests that while #MeToo has succeeded in starting a conversation about sexual violence, work still needs to be done in interrupting traditional victim-blaming discourses, as exemplified though our data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As political theorists explore work beyond traditional workplaces, how should we understand the vast class of insecure, informal, and unsalaried workers whose existence defies traditional categories of employment? In asking this question, I revisit the political theory of the Marxist feminist and cofounder of the International Wages for Housework movement, Selma James, to explore her "internationalism of the unwaged" and her writings on wagelessness. An example of political theory in service of struggle, James's internationalism was widely circulated in anticolonial, Black radical, and autonomous Marxist circles in the 1970s. In this article, I argue that it was grounded in three intertwined and mutually reinforcing arguments: an account of how capitalist life is spatially divided into distinct workplaces; an anticapitalist theory of identity that explains social difference as maintained by the international division of labor and labor market hierarchies; and a diagnosis of work organization viewed from the perspective of the wageless worker. I trace how James developed these arguments about the spatial division of labor, hierarchies of identity, and internationalist political struggle and how her view of the common exploitation and division of workers formed the basis of a class-struggle identity politics. Her political theory was an important contribution to women's international thought and transnational feminist critiques of global forms of domination and exploitation. It also offers a critique of capitalism's organization of the displacement of work and workers and an account of wagelessness as a work situation, both of which illuminate capitalist organization of work and wageless life today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Wang Ruqi's contribution to the drafting of the 1950 Marriage Law, the first codified law promulgated by the People's Republic of China (PRC). It argues that Wang—who had been a legal specialist and a female political activist dating back to the 1930s and 1940s—was the actual author of the law's first draft. In rehabilitating Wang's long-forgotten contribution to the making of the Marriage Law, this study highlights that, first of all, lawmaking in the early years of the PRC was characterized by legal "professionalism," rather than the "vernacularism" that scholars in recent years have tended to ascribe to this period. Second, Wang was an exemplary figure of a new breed of "state feminists" in the PRC, which we term "state-legal feminists." State-legal feminists, like state feminists in general, were brought into the PRC state apparatus and took advantage of their role in the state to advance sociopolitical agendas. However, they differed from their fellow state feminists because they firmly believed that the state's will and intent could be best articulated and exercised through codified laws and legal institutions. The making of the Marriage Law thus exemplifies the state-legal feminist approach insofar as it resorted to a codified law to push for the political agendas of women's emancipation and restructuring families in China. While recent scholarship highlights the politicization of the law in the 1953 campaign to promote the Marriage Law, this study inverts this by addressing the legalization of political and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we delve into a debate about whether a kitchen was to be installed in a new Women's House in a city in the Basque Country (Hernani, Gipuzkoa). The ethnography presented here was conducted by observing the process around the creation of the House. Articulating the debate's main points led us to examine the dominant cultural assumptions about cooking in Basque society, especially in view of the opposing feminist positions on the kitchen and the domestic sphere. To understand the changes that took place, it is essential to consider the participants' previous experience, the shape the discussion took and the diffractions and interferences that occurred during the process, as well as the priority placed on 'being and doing together' and being aware of the (self-)imposed limits while also allowing, even for a short period of time, the dichotomies that characterize and delimit this intercultural encounter to be questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes how Las FemiDiskas, an anti-ableist, feminist social movement organization, develops virtual engagement strategies to resist ableist and sexist violence experienced in individual homes and public spaces. How do women with disabilities organize against patriarchal violence in private and public spaces during pandemic times in the global south? I explore this question through ethnographic participative audiovisual methods. As a transnational feminist and member of Las FemiDiskas, I use participatory observations to identify how members of this collective are raising awareness of violence inflicted against women with disabilities in Bolivia. The spaces of resistance created by Las FemiDiskas are made through transnational networks of feminist solidarities. The transformation of private spaces is affected as much as online spaces and public ones. The COVID-19 crisis pushed for the creation of a safe space to discuss and create a collective voice for women with disabilities. Online activism has opened a door to new inclusive spaces, where location is not an obstacle to collectively organizing, as long as there is internet accessibility. The creation of these new virtual spaces transforms existing material spaces and shapes the collective identity of women with disabilities and challenges and reconstructs notions of disability and gender. Exploring how digital and remote activism is deployed by women with disabilities and allies shines a light on future, kinder, non-discriminatory, and transnational practices within social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the cultural impacts of social movements targeting non-state institutions. Using printed primary sources, bibliography and press clippings, the case of the feminist protest within the Catholic Church in Spain after 1975 is analysed from a comparative perspective. This research shows that cultural products (books, articles and other published texts) constitute a principal cultural outcome of the aforementioned protest. Some characteristics of the targeted institution, such as the intransigency of the Church hierarchy to feminist demands, made policy consequences impossible. Yet activists managed to produce cultural outputs and disseminate them to their movement constituency thanks to allies' support; the use of the Spanish language as a vehicle for mobilisation; and the utilisation of activists' locations within the Church and in society as sites from which to spread their world-views and demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective identity is important for the cohesion of social movements, yet there is an inherent tension between group unity and heterogeneity when multiple groups are motivated to come together to work for change. Through a three-year investigation of the early stages of a women's rights movement following the Libyan revolution, we explore the dynamics of collective identity development. Our findings capture how two heterogeneous groups, Libyan locals and Libyan diaspora, interact to negotiate and re-negotiate the boundaries of collective identity. We find that this process unfolds through an ongoing struggle where the point of difference between the groups—their uncommon past —is the mechanism first used to ensure inclusion of insiders, and then to exclude outsiders from the collective identity. Our paper contributes to our understanding of the relational process through which collective identity co-evolves, and the challenges faced by heterogeneous groups engaging in collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including the initiation of the 'Feminist Futures' series, the exploration of feminist futures through dialogues among diverse contributors, and the emphasis on care in editorial practice.

In this article, I use Lorena Cabnal's notion of territorio cuerpo-tierra to analyse seventeen in-depth interviews with women leaders of rural social movements and other organisations in Colombia. In the interviews, social leaders condemn violence that is epistemic, systemic, militarised and that permeates all ambits of life. They denounce how the coloniality of power operates, while at the same time they propose alternatives for a better life from their own cosmovisions by enacting food sovereignty and constructing feminisms from 'below'. I demonstrate how these social leaders' actions are entangled in decolonial feminist struggles, which undermine the way in which women in the Global South have been constructed as 'objects' or 'in need of saving'. These women are not 'victims who need saving', but politically active subjects who enact change locally and nationally through their 'territories bodies-lands'. Not only do their narratives highlight the intimate relationship of the body with the land, but I argue that we must follow their lead in order to dismantle the coloniality of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although organization and management scholars are beginning to research opposition and dissent emerging in response to the global financial crisis, there are few accounts or feminist analyses of social movements and women's mobilizations as an important part of these movements. We address this gap by considering a case of women activists opposing extractivist mining in Chalkidiki, Greece, to demonstrate their crucial role in initiating and organizing resistance within their communities. Drawing theoretical inspiration from social reproduction theory and the literature on embodied protest as a form of political action, we argue that women use diverse means to promote the politics of visibility, erasing public and private distinctions as they defend their communities' right to live in unpolluted environments. By way of contribution, we enhance understanding of the role of affective embodiment as a foundation for activist feminist practices; develop a theory of the protesting body altering spatial relations as a means to oppose the neoliberal assault on life and environment; and suggest how this might prefigure new political practices in the context of social movements. We identify the implications of this theorization and call for academics' deeper sustained engagement in activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linked to extractive practices, territorial dispossession can be traced back to the colonisation of Abya Yala. From a decolonial commitment, this article complicates notions of dispossession and extractivism as merely emerging from war in Colombia and focuses on their presence in Campesinas territories. Based on the conceptualisations of the coloniality of power and coloniality of gender, I narrate how territorial dispossession and extractivism are felt in women's 'body-lands' through foreign tourism/conservation development and new export crops in two rural veredas in the Colombian Andes and in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta where I conducted participatory visual projects in 2016. From a relational understanding of place, I also demonstrate the ways that the rural population is resisting and negotiating within these processes. Ultimately, I make a call for feminist scholars to politically commit to the dismantling of the coloniality of gender, and to the resistances to territorial dispossession and extractivism (epistemic and economic) that rural women are leading in place in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From yoga to the Anthropocene to feminist theory, recent calls to 'decolonise' have resulted in a resurgence of the term. This article problematises the language of the decolonial within feminist theory and pedagogy, problematising its rhetoric, particularly in the context of the US. The article considers the romanticised transnational solidarities produced by decolonial rhetoric within feminist theory, asking, among other questions: What are the assumptions underpinning the decolonial project in feminist theory? How might the language of 'decolonising' serve to actually de-politicise feminism, while keeping dominant race logics in place? Furthermore, how does decolonial rhetoric in sites such as the US continue to romanticise feminist solidarities while positioning non-US-born women of colour at the pedagogical end of feminist theory? I argue that 'decolonial', in its current proliferation, is mainstreamed uncritically while serving as a catachresis within feminist discourse. This article asks feminism to reconsider its ease at an incitement to decolonise as a caution for resisting the call to decolonise as simply another form of multicultural liberalism that masks oppression through imagined transnational solidarities, while calling attention to the homogenous construction of the 'Global South' within decolonising discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on Nira Yuval-Davis's article about antisemitism and Zionism from Spare Rib, September 1984. Topics include the feminism's relationship to Zionism; the issue between Zionism and antisemitism and their relationship with feminism; and the consideration of social justice for feminist solidarity.

The women's liberation movements that emerged in Britain in the late 1960s are rarely thought of through their relationship with technology and technical knowledge. To overlook this is to misunderstand the movement's social, cultural and economic interventions; it also understates how the technical environment conditioned the emergence of autonomous, women-centred politics. This article draws on archival evidence to demonstrate how the autonomous women's liberation movement created experimental social contexts that enabled de-skilled, feminised social classes to confront their technical environment and the deficits they experienced within it. The context for forging such politics was the workshop. More than a one-off, skill-sharing event, the workshop was a mobile habitus, adapted from a Marxist craft politics that prioritised the distribution of collective knowledge and responsibility and enabled the realisation of women's self-determination and autonomy. The workshop was discursively extended through women-authored publications in the 1970s and 1980s and designated a specific orientation within knowledge that supported women to practise a range of technical knowledge and gain expertise. An important, and largely forgotten political legacy of women's liberation is its world-making activisms: how it created social contexts that supported de-skilled, feminised classes to substantially intervene, shape and re-build their environments. Such histories can inspire how we practise politics today within an environment characterised, some theorists claim, by dramatic scales of de-skilling and dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relevance of militant ethnography as a collaborative and politically engaged form of knowledge production for the study of Latin American social movements. Drawing on my militant ethnographic research with four autonomous groups from Chile and Mexico, the article presents a reflective account of my experience as a militant researcher throughout the different stages of the inquiry. More specifically, I describe the ethical and methodological procedures carried out in the field and their importance in fostering collaboration and horizontality. Furthermore, I discuss the challenges of conducting militant ethnography within Latin American autonomous movements whilst pursuing doctoral studies in a European university and an English-speaking country. Finally, by acknowledging the tensions resulting from my multiple and entangled roles, I suggest an alternative route to militant research that challenges the temporalities and spatialities of traditional research designs and proposes an ongoing process of collaboration and solidarity in the post-fieldwork stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's political parties are designed to increase women's representation in politics. More than 30 have been established in Europe since 1987, yet there has been little systematic analysis of why and when they emerge, how they organise and what challenges they face. We argue that the study of women's parties can offer insights into questions concerning inter and intra-party power relations and the relationship between social movements and political parties, while also contributing to broader debates around the 'big questions' of representation, gender (in)equality, and the dynamics of political inclusion and exclusion. This article explores these issues through a case study analysis of the UK's Women's Equality Party. Drawing upon original empirical research undertaken with party activists and officials, we argue that the party's impact has been constrained by wider organisational logics and an unequal party system, while it has so far adhered to traditional (male-dominated) patterns of party organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the participation of young people in emerging social movements, focusing on the experience of the Italian Non Una Di Meno (NUDM) movement combatting male violence against women. Challenging scholarly assumptions of growing youth apathy in democracies, the analysis reveals high levels of participation on the part of the younger population engaged in gender-related struggles. Hit by both conservative and austerity policies associated with the economic and political crisis, feminist and LGBTQI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersexual) Millennials reacted by increasing their involvement in contentious politics. In the protest arena, they have crossed paths with older generations, activating processes of exchange, but also intergenerational tensions. Based on original qualitative data from ten semi-structured interviews with movement activists in Florence and Bologna, this piece of research sheds light on the role of young people in the birth and evolution of NUDM, and the relationship between different generations of activists within this movement. More specifically, it explains continuities and discontinuities between veterans and younger activists' sources of theoretical inspirations, organizational models and mobilization resources, strategic priorities and action repertoires. Millennials embrace intersectional feminism and queer theory; opt for grassroots, horizontal organizing; adopt a conflictual attitude towards the state, and dialogical, introspective dynamics within the movement. Intergenerational disagreements especially relate to sex work, and surrogate motherhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights' (OCR) Dear Colleague Letter (DCL) reinvigorated the application of Title IX to campus sexual assault and changed the way campuses are handling these incidents. This article explores Title IX from the standpoint of campus-based victim advocates working within the formal system of higher education and compares this approach to campus sexual assault with historical tensions between feminist grassroots activists and the criminal justice system. Advocates' mixed allegiances to both the institution and to feminist ideals of survivor empowerment produce conflicts and identify needs for system advocacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the heart of this article are the stories of a woman who identifies herself as a "homegrown," Mexican American teacher. It is through storytelling with this teacher, Ms. Luna Martinez, that we come to understand how race, class, gender, ethnicity, and motherhood cross borders from the home to the classroom and back again. Although this article focuses on the life story of one teacher, it should be noted that her story resides within a larger research context. Ms. Luna Martinez's story works to counter deficit, majoritarian narratives that inflict harm on Communities of Color. Moreover, her story radiates moments of survival and resilience with the potential to uplift and inspire Communities of Color. As a "homegrown" teacher who embodies a "pedagogies of the home" approach in the classroom, Ms. Luna Martinez connects with students through a familial and communal kinship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the creation of a national index of sexist violence in Argentina in 2016 as an example of data activism in the Global South. Drawing upon a qualitative content analysis of press coverage and activist posts on social media, as well as interviews with activists, it describes the context of the #NiUnaMenos feminist mobilization and the collection "from below" of data on gender violence. This study illustrates how activists in the Global South can appropriate technology and promote new uses that not only respond to their local and immediate needs but also contribute to the production of alternative imaginaries on big data in the longer term. Moreover, the article positions women's movements as an essential component of current social movements in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on recent sociological work that explores the intangible, sensory, and affective dimensions of social life. In particular, I look at elusive, sensory, and affective elements of young women's bodily becoming, through feminist lens. My intention behind this is to problematize narrow understandings of (women's) embodiment in social sciences. I explore the stratification of bodies (through sex, gender, class, and race) and the way in which stratification works on bodies, what it produces, and how it limits and/or enforces bodily potentials. To this end, I follow affective flows between young women's dancing bodies as they participate in a performance ethnography I have conducted to explore embodiment. To work with partial, dynamic, multisensory data, and to explore the potentiality of what bodies sense, feel, and do, I use a poetic analysis of the participants' dance encounters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sociology of social movements has often drawn a fine line between individualistic “lifestyle movements” and more politically oriented collective action. Yet, this distinction belies the fact that seemingly individualistic movements can generate cognitive maps and associational ties necessary for wider mobilization. Drawing on a qualitative study of the Indian men’s feminist movement Men’s Action to Stop Violence against Women (MASVAW), we examine how an ostensibly individualistically oriented lifestyle movement can create the potential for collective action through forging social networks of like-minded individuals who can draw on local knowledge of specific situations to quickly mobilize their peers. Through this, we contribute to the literature on social movement networks by synthesizing theorizing on lifestyle movements with theorizing on activist social networks, demonstrating how networks can shift movements between different modes of coordination, from individualistic and everyday to collective and activist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the scarcity of female representation in music history curriculums, music textbooks, and traditional classical music repertoire affects student aspirations for professional careers in music and the way in which students relate to the music. The role of political issues and social movements in the classroom, such as those concerning gender issues, remains a controversial issue. However, it is also evidently a critical aspect in better understanding and re-creating the context for women in music. This article seeks to provoke discussion surrounding traditional music curricula in the vast disparity between male and female figures in music education and to encourage continual refinement of modern classical music curricula to present a more comprehensive view of music and music history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the shift from the identity politics of the early worker, feminist, and antiracist movements to the solidarity politics embodied in a movement of movements, to the emergence of solidarity economy initiatives and organizing. It examines the important contributions which Union for Radical Political Economics (URPE) and radical political economics (RPE) have made to these developments, and advocates that they become actively involved in analyzing and promoting the shift toward the solidarity economy.JEL Classification: [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few years we have witnessed a sharp resurgence in feminist activism as young women have become increasingly interested in feminist ideas as a means of making sense of their lives. This resurgence in feminist practice is evidenced by the formation of myriad groups and networks across Britain and the initiation of various feminist projects and campaigns, reported regularly and widely in local and national media. This article examines the renaissance of this new feminism through the example of one of the most active and publicly visible organisations, UK Feminista. It draws on ethnographic research into young women’s feminist activism, exploring the emergence of UK Feminista as part of this new wave of feminist activism in Britain. We argue that the wave metaphor has multifarious meanings and that to understand how the political practice of a small feminist organisation contributes to the amplification of this wave of feminist activism it is helpful to draw on concepts developed within social movement theory such as cycles of protest, repertoires of action and collective identities. We show how UK Feminista mobilises young women and provides resources to existing and new feminist organisations and activist groups, commenting particularly on its use of the Internet and social media as a mobilising device. We explore the role of the Internet in young women’s engagement with feminism, the forms of activism in which they take part and the importance of feminist cultural memory to the construction of a collective feminist identity. Our analysis reveals the significant part played by a small mobilising structure, UK Feminista, in the resurgence of feminist activism in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the start of the new millennium in the UK, a range of new feminist activities – national networks, issue-specific campaigns, local groups, festivals, magazines and blogs – have been formed by a new constituency of mostly younger women and men. These new feminist activities, which we term ‘third-wave’ feminism, have emerged in a ‘post-feminist’ context, in which feminism is considered dead or unnecessary, and where younger feminists, if represented at all, are often dismissed as insufficiently political. Representations of North American third-wave feminism are brought into play in these criticisms of the UK third wave, and insufficient attention has been paid to the distinctiveness of the UK contexts. Drawing on data from a survey of 1265 people involved in post-2000 forms of feminism and semi-structured interviews with thirty feminist activists, the article sketches out the contours of the contemporary feminist movement and its activists, activism and priorities. It attends to differences and similarities between second and third waves, and situates contemporary UK feminism in its distinctive UK context. Arguing that feminism is both alive and relevant for significant numbers of people in the UK today, the article interrogates younger feminists’ reluctance to use the term ‘third-wave feminism’ to describe themselves, attributing this reluctance to ambivalent and cynical representations of the third wave in academic literature and the popular media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to explore urban knitting as a worldwide social movement, rather than solely a kind of “inoffensive urban graffiti” made with knitted fabric. Building on the available literature and original research, the article argues that this movement weaves together elements from craftivism, domesticity, handicraft, art, and feminism. It then explores a specific urban knitting initiative, called “Mettiamoci una pezza” (“Let’s patch it”), carried out in L’Aquila, Italy, 3 years after the earthquake that devastated the city in 2009. To analyze the sociopolitical aspects of this initiative, a series of qualitative research studies was conducted over time, to which were added semistructured interviews with the initiative’s local organizers. The findings show that the initiative in L’Aquila clearly exhibits the five original features of the urban knitting movement that emerge from the literature as being characteristic of this movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this dual-autoethnographic narrative, we examine the Women’s March on Washington in relation to critical approaches to activism. We draw upon our own unique experiences at the March, coupled with a chronology of the event’s origins, its approaches to diversity and inclusion, and media coverage of the movement. We contend that despite initial critiques of whitewashing feminism, the Women’s March thoughtfully addresses issues of solidarity and intersectionality from a point of transnational resistance and encourages demonstrators to unite in new formations of protest. Tracing the lineage of feminist scholarship from Gloria Anzaldúa and Audre Lorde to Leela Fernandes and Sara Ahmed, we fold theory into praxis and advocate for reimagined understandings of collective resistance efforts that attend to the postmodern, global contexts of Trumpian politics. We rely on Hardt and Negri’s conception of “commoning” within the multitude to explore how the March enters into a larger conversation of intersectional justice, both within and beyond academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements on the left, such as the International Women’s Strike on 8 March 2017, see in the present moment a reorganization of capital accumulation in which gender, sexuality, race and class play significant roles. The 8 March strike, in particular, has been characterized by the willingness to emphasize and render visible the link between masculinist violence, sexism, homophobia and transphobia, and the dynamics of dispossession, privatization of common resources, and environmental destruction caused by neoliberal capitalism—dynamics that are rendering ever-wider strata of the population vulnerable to poverty, marginality and insecurity. This study draws on an analysis of the contributions that approaches such as social reproduction theory and the feminist reinterpretation of Rosa Luxemburg’s thought on primitive accumulation may make to understanding the present historical moment, in order to interrogate the nature of the contemporary struggles of feminist social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countries around the world have adopted neoliberal or austerity policies. Among states that fund organizations, this may have a detrimental effect on civil society. Looking at the Canadian context, this article examines whether subnational governments, provinces, step in during times of national budget cuts and changing political environments to fund organizations. We do this by analyzing the effect of critical events, regime changes, and the founding of key organizations on state funding in the province of Nova Scotia between 1960 and 2014. We do this to examine how the interaction of national and subnational political context shapes subnational funding of organizations. We find that critical events appear to be linked to increases in provincial funding, however, do not appear to be linked to cuts in funding. Regime changes and founding of key organizations have less clear-cut relationships with provincial funding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an interview with professor Avtar Brah. Brah says that he went to school in Uganda where colonial rule was present at that time. According to him, transnational feminism is about knowing how patriarchal relations are placed in the power geometries of international relations. He says that new cold war seems to have begun between Russia and western nations.

The consideration of cosmopolitanism in archaeology provides a useful lens for thinking about and expanding how to conceive of inter-regional interactions and experiences of belonging in the ancient world. Previous models in Mesoamerican archaeology often implicitly follow a cosmopolitanism of elite male citizens of the world. In incorporating a feminist perspective to the analysis of inter-regional relations, this paper examines Maya women's roles in cosmopolitan encounters during the Late Classic to Postclassic periods (ca. 600-1521 CE) with a particular focus on merchant women, clothing as a statement of belonging in a larger world, and the adoption of new cooking practices. Such a perspective underscores the ways in which inter-regional interactions in Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica may have been unevenly and contingently experienced, rather than homogenously adopted, and that the articulation of different worlds need not require everyone to be highly mobile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the publication of Sheryl Sandberg's book Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, popular media debates about gender equality gained additional fuel. However, the popularisation of feminist discourses in digital media has not brought substantial political change. In this article, I demonstrate how famous working mothers like Sandberg and Tina Fey provide accounts of their difficulties with identifying as 'women who have it all', although they are often perceived in such terms. I propose the framework of affective dissonance to describe the discrepancy between their own sense of self and the public perception of them as 'women who have it all'. I argue that both Sandberg and Fey fail to contribute to a renewed political feminism because they disavow their experience of affective dissonance, rather than actualising its political potential. These 'women who have it all' are entrenched in postfeminist neoliberal discourses of choice and agency, which locks them in frameworks of identity politics, foreclosing the possibility of an ethics of solidarity necessary for a feminist movement that might produce political transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both new and historical materialisms have attracted a reputation for leading to ‘bad politics’. Historical materialisms have been accused of reducing too much to material relations and their production, whereas new materialisms have been accused of avoiding politics completely. This article reads the critique directed at materialisms against Hannah Arendt’s exceptional distrust of matter. Focusing on her concept of ‘worldliness’, it grapples with the question ‘why do we need an attention to matter in the first place?’ The attempted re-reading takes place through a feminist and postcolonial lens that draws out the contributions and failures of Arendt’s (anti)materialist framework in its banishing of matter from politics. Arendt’s focus on the prevention of dehumanisation further serves as a means to discuss materialism’s risk in negotiating the tension between deindividuation and dehumanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I analyze a painting by Modoc/Klamath artist Peggy Ball through a Native feminist reading methodology. The painting, Vanport, is named after a city that disappeared in a flood in 1948. The artist survived that flood, and displacement as did thousands of others. The painting is a rememory map of dislocations and hauntings and disappearances. The painting remaps gentrified dislocations, telling stories that focus on the relationship of the present to the past and the past to the future. The painting itself is a Native feminist practice. The travel to places gone, to places that will reappear again; by people gone as well as by people presently alive; into times that existed, that never existed, that will exist again; to times made contemporaneous by time traveling dogs; with people co-present through desire-at the heart of all this time travel is recognition and survivance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, studies of Indigenous menstrual practices were mired in assumptions that these practices were oppressive toward women. The high regard for menstruation as demonstrated through Indigenous women's coming of age ceremonies and the continuing rituals of menstruation among Indigenous peoples has not been critically engaged with, and is often relegated to dismissive and oversimplified statements. The Western menstrual taboo not only influences theories of Indigenous menstrual customs but also relies on settler colonial rhetoric to help support a continuing politics of taboo. Although there have been numerous cultural studies of modern menstrual discourse focused on how contemporary Western menstrual practices are rooted in patriarchal bias, even self-declared feminist literature treats the menstrual taboo as nearly universal to Indigenous menstrual practices. This article provides an Indigenous feminist critique of contemporary menstrual discourse. I begin with a short history of settler colonialism and menstrual discourse and then analyze contemporary popular menstrual discourse. The final part of this article is an intervention on the assumed Indigenous menstrual taboo by looking at menstrual practices of the Hoopa Valley Tribe, located in Northern California, to demonstrate that for this culture and society, there is no menstrual taboo. It is through this in-depth analysis of Hupa menstrual practices that we see how Indigenous feminisms challenge settler colonialism and provide a decolonizing lens to contemporary scholarship that not only imagines alternative analyses but also acknowledges that these alternatives did, have always, and will always exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the significant gender gap suffered by free Internet encyclopedia, Wikipedia. Plain sexism displayed by the Wikipedian community including the creation of a separate American women novelists category is mentioned. It adds that topics important to feminist and gender studies or others linked to minorities rights movements which may be more likely to be removed from Wikipedia is cited.

In this article, we examine three key, recently emergent sites of anti-austerity activism in Britain – Left Unity, the People’s Assembly and Occupy – in order to explore to what extent and in which ways the traditional British left is in the process of reconfiguring itself. More specifically, we explore the ‘points of contact’ being developed, or not, amongst feminist, anarchist and Marxist/socialist activists. We argue that if we are seeing a mutation of the left at present, it concerns a noticeable (if partial and contested) ‘feminist turn’ in terms of the composition, ideas and practices of these sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyse how memes construct networks of feminist critique and response, mobilising the derisive laughter that energises current feminisms. Using the 2012 case of the ‘Binders Full of Women’ meme, we argue that feminist memes create online spaces of consciousness raising and community building. The timeliness, humorous affect and media techné of meme propagators become significant infrastructures for feminist critique, what we term ‘doing feminism in the network’. If the Internet is particularly good at facilitating the diffusion of feminist jokes, as others argue, we illustrate how the networking and distribution capacities of social media platforms such as Tumblr, Facebook and the online shopping site Amazon.com also cultivate new modes of feminist cultural critique and models of political agency for practising feminism through meme production and propagation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on how contemporary feminisms in the Western world show how closely related the ideas of doing feminism and making media are. It mentions that the ubiquity of the internet locates feminist advocacy and consciousness- raising within the virtual world. The strategic role played by digital feminists in popularising and mobilising movement feminisms is also cited.

By the 1990s the dynamic array of creative direct action tactics used against militarised technologies that emerged from women’s anti-nuclear protest camps in the 1980s became largely eclipsed by cyberfeminism’s focus on digital and online technologies. Yet recently, as robots and algorithms are put forward as the vanguards of new drone execution regimes, some are wondering if now is the time for another Greenham Common. In this article I return to cyborg feminism and anti-nuclear activisms of the 1980s to explore what drone feminism might look like today. I examine how anti-nuclear protesters infused affect and techné, creating innovative images of, and tactics for, material resistance. I argue that Greenham women’s cyborg feminisms arose from their material entanglements with the military base. In their efforts to reveal and undermine the national and imperial myths upon which warfare is based, protesters re-imagined technological possibilities based upon a global accountability for ‘earthly survival’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this conclusion essay, I weave together the different voices in this special issue to voice the role of autoethnography as a method for radicalizing knowledge production as decolonial academic-activist solidarities. Theorizing the body of the academic as the site for intervention into the authoritarian-neoliberal regimes of knowledge production, I imagine the ways in which the account of the personal disrupts the colonizing tropes that are reproduced by postcolonial cultural studies, offering home as a site for voicing resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines women’s studies as a moment that mediates the conflict between the women’s movement and the university on the question of knowledge and knowledge-production. The starting point is the assertion made by historical–materialist feminists that knowledge is produced in and through political struggle. The article argues that social movements, as much as the science practised in institutional settings, may be studied in terms of practices of knowledge-production. It is with the concept of ‘knowledge-practice’ that the article traces the influence of social movements on the Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women’s Studies Centre (KSP-WSC), University of Pune, Maharashtra. The article traces the links between such practices at the Centre and various social movements, so as to understand how the Centre negotiates with the university while also engaging with social movements and activism. This particular women’s studies centre, the article shows, attempts to import the knowledge-practices of movements. This is most distinctively visible in the Centre’s critical research methodologies and critical pedagogies derived from Phule–Ambedkarite–Feminist (PAF) perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]