Search

Pre-1994, South Africa was a country riddled with inequality and discrimination stemming from the policy of ‘apartheid’. Since 1994, there have been considerable efforts made to enable the country to move toward becoming non-racial and democratic, with a culture of human rights and social justice. One of the primary tasks of the new democratically elected government was a reform of the education system. Specialized Education was initially neglected, but then in 1996 a National Commission was appointed to investigate Special Needs in Education and Education Support Services, of which the author was one of the co-ordinators. The timeline for the full implementation of the resulting White Paper 6 on Inclusive Education is 20 years. Inclusive Education in South Africa aims to meet the needs of all learners by addressing barriers to learning, welcoming diversity and fostering maximum participation by all in the culture of the school. This article, based on the author’s experience, will discuss the challenges for implementation of the policy in one of the South African districts which field-tested the recommendations in White Paper 6, a district with diverse contexts, the emerging promising practice, and the implications for specialized support professionals, in particular the role of school psychologists. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers the role of marketing in building intercultural relations in superdiverse, post-colonial societies, using post-apartheid South Africa as a case study. Drawing on neo-institutional theory, we analyze South African advertising campaigns to determine how marketing brokers intercultural relations by legitimizing social meanings conveyed through nation-building ideologies and consumers' lived experiences. We examine whether marketing outputs align with stages of Rainbow Nation-building strategies and types of consumers' lived experiences of South Africa's superdiversity. We then derive a conceptualization of intercultural marketing, which we characterize as an approach focused on brokering meanings of convivial intercultural engagement and collective development of societal welfare goals. We contribute to macromarketing theory, directing attention to the important brokering role marketing has, in bridging conceptions of reconciliatory social development held by public policy makers and by societies' populations. By conceptualizing intercultural marketing, its goals and tools, we contribute to multiculturally-sensitive marketing research and practice advancement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In common with much of the global South, the policy environment in South Africa surrounding the informal economy is highly significant for local development futures. The objective in this paper is to unravel the shifting trajectories and reframing of national government policy towards the informal economy in South Africa since the 1994 democratic transition. It is disclosed that, notwithstanding a rhetoric of support for the informal economy as part of small, medium and micro-enterprise (SMME) policy, a national policy framework for supporting the informal economy in South Africa was initiated only in 2012. A pro-development narrative is provided in national policy documents and is accompanied by the progressive roll out of support interventions seeking to address certain of the key challenges of informal entrepreneurs. The most controversial aspects of the new policy framework surround initiatives introduced in proposals to 'improve the regulatory environment' for local informal entrepreneurs. What exists within national policy is a pro-development approach for South African informal entrepreneurs linked to an anti-developmental agenda towards migrant entrepreneurs. Arguably, South Africa is far from having established a set of inclusive policies towards the country's informal economy and a suite of interventions that acknowledge its contributions for national economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The rescaling of responsibilities in water governance in South Africa has enabled strong water services authorities, such as the eThekwini Water and Sanitation Unit (EWS) in eThekwini Municipality, to play a leading role in shaping water and sanitation policy in South Africa. Yet water governance in the city is complex, shaped by the interactions of multiple social, economic, political and environmental relations in a transforming, fast-growing city that still reflects the legacy of apartheid. This paper identifies and explores the four dominant water governance discourses evident at present in the municipality, namely “water as a human right”, “water as an economic good”, “the spatial differentiation of service provision” and finally, “experimental governance and incremental learning”, which frame the current approach adopted by EWS. These discourses provide the context for the reforms undertaken in water and sanitation provision post-apartheid in eThekwini Municipality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Experiences of apartheid in South Africa have resulted in the association of shelter with citizenship, adding significance to the concept of “home”. This paper reviews experiences with grassroots efforts to make the government’s housing policy and programme more effective in addressing the needs of the urban poor. The experiences offer lessons relevant within and beyond South Africa. First, collaboration between state and civil society has been possible and has added substantively to the effectiveness of state programming. But, with a multiplicity of government agencies, the context is difficult. Housing construction has been constrained by delayed subsidy payments, and by a professionalization that limits opportunities for low-income residents. Second, community initiatives have had multiple incremental and positive influences on state policy and programmes, but substantive progress requires government adopting a more inclusive policy. Civil society agencies remain ambitious about the potential for securing substantive transformation, but this remains a work in progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South African adolescents experience a high prevalence of violence victimization alongside the health and economic burdens of HIV/AIDS and poverty. Polyvictimization is a useful theory and framework that allows for a nuanced understanding of lived adolescent experience patterns. Polyvictimization examinations are further enriched by person-centered analytical approaches. This study used latent class analysis to differentiate a sample of South African adolescents from highly deprived communities by their polyvictimization profiles and contextual violence risk and protective factors. Adolescents were sampled twice (2010/2011; 2011/2012), and data reflected their lifetime (sexual abuse) or recent (all other forms of assessed abuse/violence) violence victimizations, as well as individual, household, and community characteristics. Model fit indices supported a seven-class model with adolescents in high, moderate, and low polyvictimization classes. Adolescents in the high polyvictimization classes experienced a heavy burden of poverty and multiple forms of violence across contexts and were distinguished by HIV/AIDS and disability. Adolescents in the low polyvictimization class experienced relatively little violence, despite living in violent communities, and low household and individual burdens of HIV/AIDS and disability. Findings emphasize the importance of considering adolescent violence through a contextually sensitive polyvictimization lens to understand the complex web of violence that adolescents experience. This work supports previous research in low-resource South African settings highlighting the interconnected nature of violence, poverty, disability, and HIV/AIDS. Future research should explore these complex violence patterns and their effects, while program and policy actions must target and prevent adolescent violence especially for those impacted by poverty, disability, and HIV/AIDS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers why the housing subsidy programme in South Africa has had so little impact on poverty reduction despite its scale and generous funding. It discusses how this was linked to the government’s conception of housing, the institutions involved and who controlled funding flows for housing. Most government funding went to contractors to build new units “for the poor”; it was assumed that these would replace homes in informal settlements that the poor developed themselves. Despite statements about the government’s commitment to the People’s Housing Process (PHP), informal settlements were only seen in negative terms and there was no support for incremental upgrading and very little support for low-income households to build their own homes. Meanwhile, the contractor-built houses were usually too small, of poor quality and in locations far from livelihoods and services. The paper ends with suggestions for how the formal institutions of government can learn to support and work with the poor. The incremental approaches of the poor to their own housing and livelihoods can serve as an alternative first principle for conceiving of the challenge of human settlements policy and practice. Furthermore, funding flows and their associated institutions should support people-centred development and institutionalize systems that make the informed participation of residents of informal settlements a pre-condition for state support. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Environment & Urbanization is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The historical patterns of access to water and other areas of public service delivery in South Africa have been markedly skewed. Despite the reversal of the regime and the fact that South Africa is a middle-income country, there are a significant number of people who are water- poor and poor in governance and institutional capacity to manage water. The recurring themes in integrated water resource management, reticulation pipes, weirs and pumps, stream flow regulations, and ecological requirements are dominant in water sector discourse and are alienating for those who do not master the language. There are constraints determined by racial, economic, or social structures that retain and reproduce dominant power relations. The paper considers the relationship between knowledge, agency, and shame and posits that unequal relations of power and knowledge restrict agency, jeopardize the building of trust, and may perpetuate feelings of shame. The role of the state in opening up water policy networks and redressing issues of knowledge, power, and agency is critical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using policy cycle model as a heuristic, this article studies Indian, Brazilian, and South African engagement with Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) by (a) comparing NAMA policy process and (b) identifying factors driving or limiting the framework’s domestic application. India largely remained uninterested in NAMAs, Brazil aligned its domestic climate policy and NAMAs, while South Africa had a more nuanced engagement when formulating NAMAs. Four factors influenced these countries’ NAMA engagements: the level and necessity of international support, the availability of domestic policy provisions to tackle climate change, the domestic institutional capacity to coordinate interministerial functioning, and the role of individuals in the institutional apparatus. As an international climate policy framework, studying NAMA engagement provides learnings for nationally determined contributions under the Paris Agreement for designing the instrument, ensuring clarity on support provisions for ratcheting up ambitions, and enhancing institutional capacity, to expedite transition from policy formulation to implementation and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) is the major policy initiative of the Government of National Unity (GNU). The RDP is an integrated, coherent socio-economic framework which attempts to integrate development, reconstruction, redistribution and reconciliation into a unified programme. The aim of this paper is to assess the performance of the RDP in the first 18 months of GNU rule. An overview is given of the RDP White Paper as well as the initial RDP projects, the Presidential Lead Projects (PLPs). This is followed by an evaluation of the performance of the RDP. Specific attention is paid to institutional deficiencies, local government, community participation, centralization and budgeting. The paper concludes that although the RDP has not performed according to expectations, it is too soon to make a definitive evaluation. However, there is heavy pressure on the government to deliver tangible benefits soon. If this is not done the GNU's image will be badly tarnished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the experience of reinventing oneself post HIV diagnosis when living on antiretrovirals. Six women and men enlisted for antiretrovirals in South African public health facilities were interviewed, and a qualitative analysis was conducted drawing on Foucault's theory of governmentality. For the participants, the prevailing governing rationality of taking personal responsibility for their health is synonymous with self-recovery and restoration of self-determination. From the hopelessness and despair of HIV diagnosis, for all six participants, committing to antiretrovirals enhances their capacity to take back control of their transformation from victim to survivor, and with it, a sense of personal integrity. Yet, an unwavering resolve to use ARVs is not always possible for some of them, is not preferable or is not always desirable, which perhaps signals that for certain people living with HIV, their life-long journey of self-governance with ARVs is likely to be characterized by constant contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is intended to support discussions about how to effectively address domestic and sexual violence. It proposes the following key strategies: expanding beyond police, courts, and prisons; adopting upstream approaches to address the social, structural, institutional, and historical drivers of violence; and using evidence-based strategies to prevent violence from happening in the first place. Comparing the United States, South Africa, India, and Brazil, the article makes the case that advocates working to address domestic and sexual violence have relied too heavily on criminal legal sanctions. Not only does this result in unmet needs of both survivors and their communities but it also expands the repressive powers of police and prosecutors and contributes to steadily growing levels of incarceration. The article concludes by calling for services that better meet the needs of survivors and for the rapid scale-up of prevention strategies, both evidence-based interventions and legal and policy approaches that address the root causes of men's violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South African Constitution guarantees the right to water, which is reinforced by a national Free Basic Water policy. However, water delivery is a local government function, which, in the absence of a national regulator, is largely operated as a commercial service. Using the lens of the Mazibuko water rights case--the first South African test case on the right to water--this article examines the conflict between a progressive rights-based model, which views water as a social good, and the commercialized model, which treats water as a source of revenue instead of a public service. The article finds in the legal iterations of the Mazibuko applicants the potential for a new, more equitable approach to water services. This is despite the set-back occasioned by the ultimate legal defeat in the Constitutional Court in late-2009. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports that the South African Ministry of Education has published a document that outlines a long-term plan to stop labeling, separate education, and denial of education simply because of the belief that the education system works and any failure is caused by the exceptional child's own deficits. Intended purpose for the federal agency's move; Other education initiatives launched by the South African government.

Despite the documented rise in the population of incarcerated women over recent decades, female offenders only represent about 5% of the total global incarcerated population. South Africa is no different – female offenders total less than 3% of the country's incarcerated population, a populace that was previously counted as one of the ten largest correctional systems in the world. This small representation of women in the correctional system leads to interpretations of their pathways to offending and experiences of incarceration to be the same as those of male offenders, delegitimising any role that gender may play in offending behaviour. By utilising a feminist pathways research approach, the narratives of 17 women incarcerated in the Johannesburg Female Correctional Centre are contextualised in this study, to reveal conduits to women's incarceration that primarily involve victimisation and socially constructed gendered vulnerabilities that are interconnected with poverty and oppression. As seen through excerpts of their life history interviews, this confluence of factors, coupled with pathways of narrowing options, contribute to female offending. Ultimately the research allows for a holistic understanding of the unique choices and challenges incarcerated women in South Africa face, and the role agency and patriarchy has played in the pathways taken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will bring together the social glue concept of social reproduction and a feminist analysis of civil society to the study of nonprofit care work in order to cast analytic light on the dynamics of care work in the nonprofit sector and contribute to theorizing care work, to identify and theorize aspects of nonprofit care work which reproduce and sustain social glue, and to supplement theory on civil society. Drawing on qualitative interviews with nonprofit care workers in South Africa and Scotland, this article argues that care work, in general, and nonprofit care work, more specifically, are key components of civil society and central to the gendered social glue that holds societies together. We argue that nonprofit care workers are part a distinctive but porous set of social relations and have their own unique way of sustaining social bonds in the context of late neoliberalism. The article looks closely at three dynamics of social glue in nonprofit care work, namely, empowerment, emotional/personal costs, and unpaid work. We argue that nonprofit care workers find micro ways of resisting the erosion of social glue and reweaving the social fabric through care and relationship and further that these forms of resistance may sustain much needed social bonds until larger social transformation is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conceptual frameworks for health policy analysis guide investigations into interactions between institutions, interests, and ideas to identify how to improve policy decisions and outcomes. This review assessed constructs from current frameworks and theories of health policy analysis to (1) develop a preliminary synthesis of findings from selected frameworks and theories; (2) analyze relationships between elements of those frameworks and theories to construct an overarching framework for health policy analysis; and then, (3) apply that overarching framework to analyze tobacco control policies in Togo and in South Africa. This Comprehensive Framework for Multi-Sectoral Approach to Health Policy Analysis has 4 main constructs: context, content, stakeholders, and strategies. When applied to analyze tobacco control policy processes in Togo and in South Africa, it identified a shared goal in both countries to have a policy content that is compliant with the provisions of international tobacco treaties and differences in strategic interactions between institutions (e.g., tobacco industry, government structures) and in the political context of tobacco control policy process. These findings highlight the need for context-specific political mapping identifying the interests of all stakeholders and strategies for interaction between health and other sectors when planning policy formulation or implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Africa, hundreds of black, abandoned children enter the legal child care system on an annual basis and become eligible for adoption. Although these children have a right to be raised in their country of origin, they are often made available for intercountry adoption owing to a lack of prospective domestic adopters. Statistically, middle-class black South Africans present as a significant source of domestic adopters, but the number of black South Africans legally adopting abandoned children is small. A qualitative enquiry, using grounded theory, was conducted to establish what factors dissuade involuntarily childless black South Africans from legally adopting abandoned children. Personal interviews were conducted with 39 purposively selected black participants to gather data. The conclusion drawn is that five main factors dissuade black South Africans from adopting abandoned children: (1) meanings of kinship; (2) racial connotations associated with legal adoption; (3) conflicting Christian beliefs; (4) parenthood, gender and identity; and (5) empowered single women prioritising climbing the socio-economic ladder. Recommendations focus on social marketing strategies, policy and practice innovations and research to promote domestic adoption in the African context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Nation states in both the Global North and South have debated the human rights and liberatory function as opposed to the dependency and economically viable function of social protection policy. This article is an attempt to advance empirical knowledge in the field of social protection policy and poverty alleviation. Method: Using participatory action methodology, I present evidence from 11 women who were involved in an arts and craft economic development cooperative in a community named Bhambayi in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Results: Underscored by the asset-based community development and sustainable livelihood frameworks, this article presents three themes: positive contributions to human capacity development, supportive intersectoral collaboration, and striving for economic self-reliance. Conclusions: This article proposes fresh strategies for women who find themselves outside the circle of secure economic livelihoods to move beyond short-term and survival strategies and work toward economic inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public policy in post-apartheid South Africa has been characterized by a mix of state regulation and ‘neo-liberalism’. This article argues that this mix is rooted in the model of economic modernity adopted in South Africa in the 1920s and 1930s, and underpinned by the institutions of a modern state. In an economy transformed by mining and subsequent secondary industrialization, the state played a central role in facilitating capitalist growth, including through the regulation of labour. I argue that, contrary to the conventional understanding, the enduring characteristic of the political economy of modernization in South Africa was not so much the mobilization of cheap African labour, mostly migrants from across Southern Africa, but was rather the institutionalization of high wages and protected incomes for economic, social and political insiders. Anglo-centric institutions and conceptions of industrial and social citizenship were adapted to the colonial context in South Africa. The imperatives of both gold-led capitalist industrialization and the governance of a society in which the settler or immigrant population remained a minority required that the African population was excluded from most dimensions of this citizenship. But the institutions, discourses and ideologies associated with high wages (for citizens) continued to structure economic life in South Africa through and after the apartheid period. South Africa’s mode of economic modernization thus reflects the possibly unique interaction of a British model of economic modernization with the social, economic and political realities of a colonial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of countries have workers’ compensation systems which reserve specific arrangements for workers in certain sectors, notably mining. This article describes the current impetus to reform of the century-old South African mining compensation system. It is intended as a case study of the implications of harmonization of two disparate compensation systems for occupational lung disease, specifically in relation to equity in financial benefits, equity in coverage, linkage of compensation to disease prevention, and efficient administration. After decades of neglect, it is clear that while inferior financial benefits for miners are no longer tenable, the costs of equalization are not supportable by the current actuarial status of the miners’ Compensation Fund. There is also an argument for two miner-specific entitlements to be retained—free medical examinations for ex-miners and autopsy-based posthumous compensation. A new dispensation to support the casualties of a declining industry will require sustained political will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional organisations can effectively promote regional health diplomacy and governance through engagement with regional social policy. Regional bodies make decisions about health challenges in the region, for example, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the World Health Organisation South East Asia Regional Office (WHO-SEARO). The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has a limited health presence as a regional organisation and diplomatic partner in health governance. This article identifies how SADC facilitates and coordinates health policy, arguing that SADC has the potential to promote regional health diplomacy and governance through engagement with regional social policy. The article identifies the role of global health diplomacy and niche diplomacy in health governance. The role of SADC as a regional organisation and the way it functions is then explained, focusing on how SADC engages with health issues in the region. Recommendations are made as to how SADC can play a more decisive role as a regional organisation to implement South–South management of the regional social policy, health governance and health diplomacy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa's population is aging. Most of the older Black South Africans continue to live in extended household structures with children, grand-children, and other kin. They also constitute a source of income through a means-tested noncontributory state-funded pension available at age 60. Using census data from the Agincourt Health and Demographic Surveillance System in 2000, 2005, and 2010, we develop a typology of living arrangements that is reflective of the social positioning of elderly persons as dependent or productive household members and analyze changes in the distribution over time. Older persons, in general, live in large, complex, and multigenerational households. Multigenerational households with "productive" older persons are increasing in proportion over the period, although there are few differences by gender or pension eligibility at any time point. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Convention on Children’s Rights and the subsequent African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child together with the Bill of Children’s Rights and numerous other policies and regulations in many African countries have set the precedent for children’s rights to be respected and implemented across the African Continent. However, little is known about the actual advancement of children’s rights within Sub-Saharan Africa; hence, the purpose of this study was to explore the advancement of children’s rights within an African context. This qualitative study included a sample of eight respected leaders on different aspects of children’s rights, including academics; policy analysts; directors of children’s centres; legal experts; and members of national, regional, and international committees on children’s rights issues. Data were collected through individual interviews, a questionnaire and the analysis of instruments on children’s rights. The findings indicate there have been considerable improvements in terms of the development of policies and instruments concerning children’s rights. However, challenges around implementation were vividly conspicuous. It is argued here that school psychologists should adopt a social justice framework embedded within a rights based approach to promote children’s rights within the African context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After substantial global investments into biofuel production from 2005 to 2008, challenges to a sustainable and robust biofuel industry have become more apparent than many proponents have anticipated. Across country and development contexts, conflicts arose as plans to scale up production clashed with local preferences or national policies, and Southern Africa has been no exception. This article analyzes recent difficulties with biofuels projects in Tanzania before the background of the more successful experiences of Brazil and South Africa. We identify areas of incompatibility between local expectations, government policy, and investor incentives. An assessment of different biofuels business models shows that some—such as contract farming—may not be appropriate for Tanzania’s situation and that policies are necessary that can address the needs of both local and regional stakeholders and provide adequate incentives for investors to pursue sustainable biofuels production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the socioeconomic changes that have impacted on the lives of poor children since the end of apartheid in South Africa. In particular, the article highlights the ways in which child labour legislation after 1994 has had the unintended consequence of deepening chronic hunger and childhood poverty on food-rich farms where children formerly participated as seasonal or part-time workers. Drawing on more than 10 years of ethnographic research beginning in 1996 in the Western Cape, this article demonstrates, through its focus on childhood poverty, the trappings of democracy in the post-apartheid era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Foreign experience suggests that strong unions with close connections to the state can use political exchanges to mould social and economic policies to more readily reflect the needs of labour. South African unions could conceivably form a similar pact with the African National Congress by agreeing to moderate their demands for wage increases and to cooperate in the restructuring of the economy in exchange for prolabour policies. Given, persistent inequality and a rich tradition of social protest, it could be argued that neocorporatism represents an unnecessary compromise in the South African situation. Nonetheless, neocorporatism's track record underscores the role institutions can play in redressing social inequality, yet creating the conditions for economic growth. However, the key actors—labour, capital and government— may be neither able nor willing to strike a comprehensive deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]