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The article discusses the relationship between organized labor and the climate movement in the United States. It highlights the breakthrough that occurred during the 2023 auto workers strike, where the United Auto Workers (UAW) endorsed the transition to climate-safe cars and trucks. The article explores the concept of "climate alienation," where workers contribute to climate destruction through their labor, and how this has influenced labor's reluctance to support climate protection measures. It also discusses the emergence of a labor-climate movement that aims to challenge the "jobs vs. climate" frame and promote a just transition to a more sustainable economy. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of labor's support for climate protection and the potential for unions to propose plans for climate-safe production that increase worker power and address inequalities. [Extracted from the article]

The circulation of the discourse as well as the direct actions of the United Kingdom's YouthStrike4Climate movement is analysed by considering the production of movement discourses in conjunction with the way in which the movement self-mediates those discourses and actions, the way the mainstream media represents them and how they were received by non-activist citizens as well as political elites. It was found that the movement discourse invokes crisis and a sense of emergency to act; the need for a green new deal is proposed with an emphasis on intersectional climate justice and more democracy and inclusion of youth voices. The Internet, social media and cloud-based platforms were used a lot, to communicate both outwards and inwards. However, the resonance of social media engagement was relatively low. Mainstream media resonance, on the contrary, was quite high and overall relatively positive, although there was also evidence of belittlement and misogyny. The movement has played its role, among others, to increase awareness of climate change and the need to act, but the direct actions of the movement were less supported and there is also still a gap in terms of class and race, which will require a more embodied rather than performative intersectionality with regard to environmental issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media is an important tool for nonprofit public policy advocacy. To help nonprofits effectively utilize social media in advocacy efforts, this study proposes a measurement framework of social media social capital based on social networks. Specifically, in this study, we examine the relationships between social media capital and symbolic, political capital on social media. We study how a group of nonprofits utilizes Twitter to advocate for the Green New Deal and their interaction with politicians, activists, and publics on social media during the 2019 presidential primaries. Our analysis shows that different dimensions of social media capital significantly influence nonprofits' social media-based symbolic capital and political capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, several governments have adopted various forms of green stimulus policies (GSP) to manage environmental challenges and revitalize their national economies during crises. However, research on the varieties of GSPs within a country and the possible drivers of this diversity remain scarce. This study qualitatively compares the green growth and green new deal policies adopted under two different administrations in South Korea. Although both GSPs share similar components, they vary in their focus on nuclear energy and international cooperation. This study postulates that these differences are associated with the degree to which each administration saw GSP through the lens of a developmental state. Besides providing a comparative tool for examining GSPs and their elements, this research contributes to GSP research in a non-Western developed-country setting by highlighting how domestic factors shape the nature and composition of GSPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Review of Radical Political Economics is calling for papers for a special issue on climate change and capitalism. The journal is seeking manuscripts that provide a range of critical political economic perspectives on the topic, as well as a variety of methods, approaches, and geographic focuses. They particularly encourage submissions from climate activists, scholars in the Global South, early career researchers, and scholars from historically excluded groups. The journal provides a list of possible subjects for the special issue, including theoretical and empirical interventions, historical or contemporary analyses, critiques of economic analysis, and models of climate justice and anti-capitalist struggles. Submissions must adhere to the journal's guidelines and will undergo peer review. [Extracted from the article]

The Green New Deal is arguably the most ambitious climate policy platform to gain legislative traction in the U.S. to date. A pioneering policy framework in its holistic consideration of climate change, social justice, and economic reform, the resolution would have vast implications for commons governance regimes if enacted. Planning theorists have long debated how to manage the global commons, and this paper adds to that conversation by assessing the Green New Deal's theoretical underpinnings. Our analysis suggests that in practice, "top-down" Hardinian and "bottom-up" post-Hardinian commons theory coexist, as market and state-based interventions act as layers in the nested enterprises necessary for the formation of a polycentric approach to climate governance. This finding presents a novel theoretical perspective for studying the commons, specifically as we consider the influence of theory on developing policy imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of a "just transition" in the United States, specifically in relation to labor and climate action. It examines various initiatives at the federal, state, and local levels that aim to ensure workers in industries affected by the shift to renewable energy are not left behind. These efforts include legislation and union-led transition plans. While progress has been made, there are still challenges in achieving a truly just transition for all workers. The article also highlights the work of labor-climate activists in promoting a clean energy future, including advocating for renewable energy, supporting workers in transitioning industries, and promoting labor standards. Continued organizing and mobilization are emphasized as necessary to address the impacts of climate change and achieve a just transition. [Extracted from the article]

Under Chair Paul Volcker, the Federal Reserve took to heart Chicago School economist Milton Friedman's argument that the organized working class, protected by the Keynesian commitment to low unemployment, had raised inflation expectations and allowed a wage-price spiral to set in. The Federal Reserve campaign against inflation was, again, an offensive against the U.S. labor movement, which central bankers and conservative officials understood as the institutional driver of inflation expectations. Keywords: labor; politics; capitalism; finance; neoliberalism EN labor politics capitalism finance neoliberalism 8 15 8 09/20/22 20220901 NES 220901 Graph: This Fred Wright cartoon from the 1970s has been updated to reflect increases in corporate profits, prices, and wages over the past year. As the economist Joan Robinson once put it, inflation is an expression of the "class war."[7] Viewed from another angle, controlling inflation requires state management of these competing claims. [Extracted from the article]

The dire need for an energy transition to mitigate and reverse global warming is inspiring scholars to reexamine political influences on technological systems. The multi-level perspective of the socio-technical transitions framework acknowledges how technological systems are affected by the social and political landscapes where they are built. Energy landscapes literatures elaborate on the socio-technical transitions framework by explaining how the boundaries of landscapes are negotiated in the context of energy transitions. Energy scholars have found that negotiations over the form and purpose of energy landscapes frequently skew in favor of capital accumulation instead of social reproduction. Studies of landscapes in human geography and labor history have shown how the power imbalance energy scholars observed can be corrected by workers and their communities struggling against business owners and the state. Using archival data, I show how U.S. natural gas legislation in the postwar period was intended to limit coalminers' demands for landscapes of social reproduction. This point matters because the vulnerabilities of industrial capitalism to energy worker organization could be exploited to push for a just and sustainable energy transition like the Green New Deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Capitalism, climate change, global unions, green economy, international labor, neoliberalism Keywords: capitalism; climate change; global unions; green economy; international labor; neoliberalism EN capitalism climate change global unions green economy international labor neoliberalism 85 90 6 01/04/22 20220101 NES 220101 Covid-19 has provided a stark reminder that today's world is both scarred by grotesque levels of inequality and populated by billions of vulnerable people. Awash with enormous resources and a well-oiled propaganda apparatus, they have their own narrative for dealing with Covid-19, climate change, and other crises, namely, "The Great Reset" or, its close relative, "Build Back Better."[11] Countering this dominant narrative will be difficult, but it is nevertheless essential. [Extracted from the article]

A Global Green New Deal (GGND)—that includes Arctic sea ice climate triage and carbon cycle climate restoration, and that, following Eisenberger (2020), would move us toward a renewable energy and materials economy (REME)—is necessary to turn our current civilization and species-threatening climate crises into an opportunity to stabilize our planet's climate and advance to a new, more equitable and prosperous stage of human development. Imminent, potentially catastrophic, global climate impacts of Arctic sea ice loss, the first global climate "tipping point," are reviewed, and practical and efficient potential climate triage methods for avoiding this are summarized. Longer-term carbon dioxide removal (CDR) and carbon capture, sequestration, and use (CCSU) methods, that would move us toward long-term carbon cycle climate restoration, are presented. A general reframing of climate policy and specific GGND policy proposals—that include Arctic sea ice climate triage and carbon cycle climate restoration that would rapidly move us toward a REME and avoid increasingly catastrophic climate impacts—are proposed. JEL Classification : Q53, Q54, Q55, Q56, Q58 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I present an analysis of those aspects of Karl Polanyi's social and political thought that relate to environmentalism and 'green' politics today. I discuss whether or not he prefigured the degrowth movement, before focusing on his understanding of the New Deal (1933-1939). At the time of writing, the prospect appears likely of a return, at a global scale, of economic slump, mass unemployment and ecological crisis, the background conditions to which Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal was responding on the national scale. The paper concludes by drawing lessons from this comparison for possible Green New Deals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Planners and activists are identifying ways to promote equitable adaptation that counter climate injustice. This article explores how this progressive turn in adaptation compares with past progressive movements. I argue urban progressive politics have cyclical tendencies toward liberalism and radicalism, and that the evolution of planning for climate adaptation mirrors these waves. I review 10 recent guidance documents that recommend strategies for enhancing racially just adaptation. I then assess how these recommendations advance the three pillars of progressive reforms: redistribution, expansion of democracy, and structural reform. I find that proposed strategies for racially just resilience are a welcome advance from mainstream, unjust resilience planning. However, history suggests that the focus on procedural justice for oppressed communities seen in recent discourse may limit their scope and durability. I conclude with suggestions for areas where climate activists and scholars can expand given emerging political space for ambitious thinking under a Green New Deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This theoretical contribution will examine the process of displacement of the constitutive contradictions of advanced capitalist societies from interior to exterior during the postwar era known as the 'capitalist Golden Age' (1945 to 1980). I ask the following question: what if this displacement is both an inherent and necessary process? In that case, the apparent stability or expansion gained in the core during this era was not only at the expense of externalized instability and destruction 'elsewhere'; rather, this displacement was a precondition for growth in the centre. This has normative, political and methodological implications for current projects of socio-ecological transformation based on a proverbial Green New Deal. By examining theories of unequal ecological exchange and biophysically expanded versions of the labour process as developed by ecological anthropologists such as Hornborg or ecological economists such as Georgescu-Roegen, I will explore the possibility of understanding the material trajectory of advanced capitalism as a zero-sum game. This leads to a view of capitalist development in the 20th century where the accumulation process is no longer seen as progressive. To substantiate this argument, I will re-examine the energy flow patterns that sustained the growth of American capitalism during the Fordist period of accumulation, or so-called Golden Age of American capitalism. This revision of the American experience of growth from 1945 to 1980 can be considered a contribution to the wider study of the development of the dependence of capitalism on fossil fuels, or 'fossil capital'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: climate change; deindustrialization; green economy; industrialization; labor; neoliberalism EN climate change deindustrialization green economy industrialization labor neoliberalism 14 20 7 06/05/21 20210401 NES 210401 Despite 2020's record fall in carbon dioxide emissions - largely due to extensive and repeated "lockdowns" of cities, plus dramatic decreases in air travel and the use of motor vehicles[4] - the world is far from making the changes necessary to avert climate catastrophe. The report also found that 135 Eskom officials are linked to Eskom vendors, which have conducted business with Eskom worth at least R6 billion ($412 million) - an average of around R45 million ($3 million) each. A clearer look at the roots of Eskom's fiscal crisis and international energy trends indicates that Eskom's unbundling and the related expansion of the REIPPPP will potentially exacerbate South Africa's energy crisis rather than help to resolve it, and deepen the country's already dire unemployment rate. I B ... South Africa's state-owned power utility, Eskom - which generates over 90 percent of energy consumed in the country - is in deep crisis. b i It is in this context that some are promoting the "unbundling" of Eskom, a measure initially imposed by the World Bank as a condition of debt relief. [Extracted from the article]

Human-induced climate crisis is destroying the capacity of our planet to support our species and other life at an unprecedented rate. The most urgent of climate crisis tipping points is Arctic warming and sea ice loss. It is estimated that Arctic summer sea ice loss, that could—based on current trends—occur in one or two decades, would cause an abrupt 0.5 Watts per square meter increase in global warming above preindustrial levels that would be roughly equivalent to the effect of more than seventeen years of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions if it occurred today. A Global Green New Deal (GGND) will require at least three phases and three funding sources. The three overlapping phases are (a) short-run climate restoration or triage, (b) medium-term soil carbon sponge and water cycle adaptation or regeneration, and (c) long-run GHG drawdown or mitigation. The three funding sources are (a) utilizing the sovereign of the US government and Federal Reserve to create dollars, (b) taxing GHG emissions, and (c) taxing wealthy and high-income individuals with a particular focus on rentiers. The ex-nihilo financial support offered by the Fed to bail out the global financial system from 2008 to 2011 would have been almost sufficient to fund a 2020–2050 comprehensive GGND that includes all of the components above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When asked what "type" of manuscript you are submitting, please check the box that says, "Climate Change and Capitalism." All submissions will undergo I RRPE i 's regular peer review procedures and must not be under review with any other publication. [Extracted from the article]

The article offers information on the Green New Deal framework for climate stabilization. It discusses the global efforts to mitigate the climate change by controlling the carbon-dioxide emission, a.long with information on the International Energy Agency's energy policy framework for controlling the carbon-dioxide emission. It mentions the work of Peter Victor that aims to demonstrate how advanced economies could function effectively within a degrowth framework.