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This paper first introduces a theoretical formalization connecting a polity's income level to terrorism. Our framework can accommodate different underlying assumptions about individual- and society-level grievances, yielding competing hypotheses. We then construct a panel database to study terrorism for 1527 subnational regions in 75 countries between 1970 and 2014. Results consistently imply an inverted U-shape that remains robust to incorporating a comprehensive set of region-level covariates, region- and time-fixed effects, as well as estimating an array of alternative specifications. The threat of terrorism systematically rises as low-income polities become richer, peaking at GDP/capita levels of ≈ US$12,800 (in constant 2005 PPP US$), but then falls consistently above that level. This pattern emerges for domestic and transnational terrorism alike. While peaks differ by perpetrator ideology, the inverted U shape also prevails across ideology-specific subsamples. In sum, alleviating poverty may first exacerbate terrorism, contrary to much of the proposed recipes advocated since 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines money laundering and terrorist financing from both a conceptual framework as well as the regulations that attempt to combat its use. A historical perspective of money laundering provides context on its origins, evolution, and anti-money laundering efforts. After a review of the money laundering process, anti-money laundering efforts in the United States are examined through the end of the twentieth century as well as the rise of international terrorism. The impact of September 11, 2001 on anti-money laundering efforts is then examined along with identifying links between human and drug trafficking with terrorist financing. The article concludes with emerging technologies that may have a significant impact on both money laundering and anti-money laundering efforts as they apply to the threat of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the strengths, weaknesses, and gaps in the discipline of counterterrorism studies since al-Qaeda's catastrophic attacks against the United States on 9/11 along 10 dimensions: defining terrorism, group and lone actor typologies, causes of terrorism, terrorist psychologies, radicalization and recruitment, organizational dynamics, modus operandi, incident chronology databases, forecasting and predicting terrorism, and countering terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On October 7, 2001, 3 weeks after 9/11, U.S. forces attacked Afghanistan; bombers struck Taliban headquarters and Al Qaeda training sites. By early December, the Taliban and Al Qaeda have been defeated and had fled. However, a war that began so successfully in 2001, eventually ended ignominiously on August 30, 2021, almost exactly 20 years later, with a U.S. withdrawal and a total Taliban victory. The speed of the Taliban's triumph shocked everyone. The entire campaign, costing US$2.3 trillion and 2,488 U.S. lives, had failed—utterly. The United States had lost its longest-ever war. How is it possible to explain a defeat of that magnitude? This article seeks to address this question. Although numerous factors played a role, this article identifies three principal factors: the environment, the local politics, and the Taliban. Afghanistan is a very difficult place to conduct large-scale military operations. The West never came to terms with the local politics and consequently undermined their own efforts. Finally, although they were not militarily sophisticated, the Taliban were politically astute and very resilient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the impact of exogenous shocks on nonprofit operations by assessing the effect of 9/11 on donations to Muslim American nonprofits. The first narrative promoted by civil rights groups and some Islamic charities argues that donations to Islamic charities have declined. Individuals are afraid of getting indicted by law enforcement agencies for advertently or inadvertently funding an organization that supports terrorism. The second narrative is that donations to Islamic charities have increased post-9/11 as donors push back against Islamophobia by supporting Muslim nonprofits. I systematically assess these narratives using difference-in-difference (DiD) methodology and find that 9/11 had no significant impact on overall contributions to Islamic charities. Although donations to internationally focused Islamic charities declined in the year following 9/11, when compared with domestic-focused Islamic charities, they also recovered shortly after that. Moreover, they did not reduce significantly when compared with non-Islamic internationally focused organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is a content analysis of American news coverage of World Trade Center (WTC) cough syndrome, a common ailment among 9/11 survivors, published before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Before the pandemic, coverage was limited to areas geographically proximate to the attacks and embodied themes of respiratory disease descriptions, heroism and patriotism and government involvement. Pandemic-era coverage expanded to areas where survivors now live and embodied themes of survivors comparing 9/11 to the pandemic, survivors' vulnerability to COVID-19, lack of federal government transparency, calls for caution and safety protocols, heroism and patriotism and the 9/11 Victim Compensation Fund. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, research on attitudes towards the use of torture on suspected terrorists has become common. However, despite acknowledging the identity-rooted relationship between threat and out-group hostility, the possible relationship between identity attachment and attitudes towards torture has been under-explored. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study, the results of the present study further the understanding of the relationship between identity and support for torture. Two main findings are supported: 1) greater attachment to American Identity increases support for the torture of suspected terrorists, and 2) the perceived threat of terrorism partially mediates the relationship between attachment to the American Identity and attitudes towards torture. Ultimately, the study demonstrates, high attachment to American Identity and the 9/11-generated discursive construction of terrorists as threatening this identity is associated with individuals' attitudes towards torture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the end of the Cold War and through the start of the 21st century, conventional IR theories were anticipating an eventual balancing against the United States. Puzzled when this phenomenon did not occur, balancing theorists engaged in a lively discussion, bringing with it the development of proposed alternative forms of balancing and a debate over whether the concept itself had perhaps outlived its relevance. This article reengages with this discussion, suggesting that many of the involved theorists were hampered by theoretical blinders based on statism, and that in fact balancing did occur, but in an unconventional manner and at the hands of an unexpected suspect: al Qaeda, a violent non-state actor, acting in a transnational manner. In this context, this article treats the 9/11 attacks of the violent Jihadist anti-Western movement as an instance of balancing against the hegemon, a successful one in that the Jihadists arguably aimed not at "winning," but at revealing the superpower's weaknesses so that others would subsequently join the balancing effort. By failing to view the Jihadists' efforts as an ideological balancing effort, the United States responded with force rather than ideational counter-balancing. They waged a war instead of emphasizing efforts to separate the radical violent Jihadist perpetrators from the idea they were championing—a struggle in the name of Muslims/the downtrodden East against the United States—and thus allowing the challenger to rise into a position of "dissident" in the Muslim world, and, arguably, paving the path for today's state revisionist behaviors. The article proposes a framework based on traditionally state-based concepts of intent and impact/capacity to show how non-state actors can in fact balance superpowers and therefore should be incorporated into balancing theories, and presents the actions of the violent Jihadists as an example of transnational, ideational balancing—a phenomenon as real and consequential as state-balancing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an editor's introduction to a special issue of the American Behavioral Scientist journal on terrorism in the 21st century. The editor, Harvey W. Kushner, explains that the issue was published shortly before the September 11, 2001 attacks, making the topic even more relevant. Kushner had to put his own contribution on hold due to his involvement in the U.S. Embassy Bombing trial. He then invited back contributors from the original issue to reassess their thoughts on terrorism after 9/11. The special issue includes articles on the future of terrorism, personal reflections on terrorism research, right-wing extremism, counterterrorism studies, and the impact of 9/11 on money laundering. The goal of the issue is to stimulate dialogue, understanding, and further research on terrorism in the new millennium. [Extracted from the article]

I was amazed at the resiliency of the EASU staff and the many conference participants who were physically in Ukraine. On June 23, 2022, I was invited by an EASU conference team member to participate in an upcoming 5-day conference in Ukraine in July entitled "Unknown Wars." Keywords: EASU; Ukraine; Russo-Ukrainian War EN EASU Ukraine Russo-Ukrainian War 355 357 3 01/16/23 20230301 NES 230301 The European Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (EASU) is a nongovernmental organization that promotes and advances science and scholarship within Ukraine and throughout the world. [Extracted from the article]

Information sharing has become a central concern for security agencies since 9/11. Previous research has identified a number of barriers to information sharing among agencies: a combination of legal or policy constraints, interagency rivalry and mistrust, and technology. Drawing on ideas from the sociology of information and trust, this article conceptualises the sharing/withholding of information between agencies as dependent on rules as a system of trust. Adapting Richard Ericson's framework of the different contexts of rule-following and making use of an Australian case study, the article demonstrates how law, culture and technology are intertwined in constraining or enabling access to information. The implications of this model for legal and policy interventions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a panel study where one survey was conducted immediately after a terrorist attack in central Stockholm, with over 20,000 participants, we examine the possibility that first-hand experiences with terror increases effects compared to people located elsewhere in Sweden. We use matching and as-if random variation in our data to identify the effect of personal proximity. While we find that people close to the attack perceived themselves as more affected, attesting to the vividness of the experience, we find no evidence of stronger rally effects, greater outgroup dislike, preferences for security policies or emotional effects. The results challenge previous theories on public opinion change in the aftermath of vivid events. In line with prior research, however, the results indicate that public opinion among people across Sweden did change on a range of issues. These general effects occurred uniformly, regardless of geographic location in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of 11 September 2001 attack, there was increased security concern in relation to border entry of refugee claimants. Subsequent to this event, several new measures were implemented to enhance the control mechanisms to reduce the threat of terrorism. In light of the close link between refugee and security concerns, especially in relation to the fear of terrorism, this paper examines the consequences of 9/11 on the conceptualization of security and implications for refugees and migrants from Venezuela, assesses the consequences of hosting refugees by neighbouring countries of Venezuela and investigates and proffers solutions in reconciling State security and refugee security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors employ work on events, framing, and social problems to develop an inductive approach to studying events. The article's central premise is that tracing direct references made to events offers a fruitful strategy to investigate their framing cross-nationally and over time. The authors apply their approach to the case of 9/11 in American, French, and Dutch national newspapers (2001–2015). By combining word counting, topic modeling, and content analysis they examine the amount of attention given to 9/11, the issues to which it has been linked, and the implications attributed to it. The results indicate that the framing of 9/11 in the above three countries has been stable and uniform regarding foreign issues. There are however enduring, marked cross-national differences with respect to domestic issues. In France, 9/11 has barely been related to such issues; in the United States, the event has been connected principally to national security; and in the Netherlands, it has mainly prompted the problematization of Muslim immigrants. Because 9/11 has been a significant event many years after its occurrence, albeit differently so in each country of study, the findings point to the relevance of studying the framing of events cross-nationally and over extended periods of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of public opinion and foreign policy recognize that the general public is poorly informed about international affairs, but they disagree about whether and how this fact affects the policies that it will support. Some argue that the lack of information has little effect, at least in the aggregate, while others hold that political information mediates attention to elite cues. We investigate a third line of argument in which political information has a direct effect on the policy options individuals support. Low levels of political information give rise to a pattern of complacency toward likely international threats in times of relative peace and a contrasting tendency to support violent and aggressive policy options during war or acute crises. We test this argument using survey data from two relevant historical settings: the American entry into World War II and the response to the 9/11 terrorist attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does groupthink affect court deference to the government in times of heightened security concerns? We argue that male judges serving in homogeneous panels in federal appellate courts modified their behavior post-9/11, but that the presence of a female on the panel mitigated these effects. Using data on the U.S. Court of Appeals from 1978 to 2008 in search-and-seizure cases, we argue that women can safeguard against groupthink effects that otherwise trend toward a more deferential, less rights-oriented approach in times of heightened security. Our findings suggest women mitigate their male colleagues' shift toward more deferential decisions by affecting panel outcomes that are more consistent with peacetime decisions. These results suggest the important role women exert in collegial panels beyond direct voting patterns. In times of heightened security concerns, panel diversity can avoid groupthink that might stand in the judiciary's way of providing an effective check on executive and legislative power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study offers a quantitative analysis of the coverage of Taliban conflict in the four leading newspapers of Pakistan and Afghanistan through the perspective of war and peace journalism--developed by Johan Galtung and adopted by many scholars. Consistent with the existing literature, the researcher found that both the English and vernacular press in the two countries predominantly reported the Taliban conflict through war journalism framing. The local press was equally escalatory while reporting on the conflict. The press in the two countries showed remarkable differences in the war journalism framing but applied similar thematic strategies of peace journalism. The study advocates an academic juncture between political communication and peace journalism scholarship to identify the issues that influence media content during conflict times for better understanding of the potential role of media in peace and conflict resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effects of 9/11 on the self-employment outcomes of Arab and Muslim immigrants. Using CPS Data 2000–2005 and a difference-in-differences approach, I analyze the changes in their self-employment entry/exit decisions and earnings after 9/11 using native whites as the main comparison group. I find that the Arab and Muslim immigrants are less likely to enter self-employment after 9/11, especially into industries that require higher levels of capital investment. However, there is no evidence that 9/11 has negative impacts on their exit decisions or earnings. The paper further documents a shift of Arab and Muslim immigrants’ businesses toward industries such as construction, finance/real estate/insurance services, and professional services after 9/11, areas in which they have performed well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we reassess the relation between association membership and individuals’ feelings about immigrants, thereby focusing on possible shifts in this relation in the wake of negative societal shocks (i.e., the 9/11 terrorist attacks). That is, do such events tighten or loosen the connection between association membership and immigrant intolerance? Using repeated survey data from Flanders (Belgium), our results indicate that there is at best a weak overall connection between association membership and immigrant intolerance. The exception lies with members of socially embedded (or “connected”) associations, which tend to be significantly more tolerant toward immigrants. Interestingly, we find no significant change in the relationship between voluntary association membership and immigrant intolerance in the immediate aftermath of 9/11. This suggests that negative societal shocks have little direct impact on the membership-attitudes relation. The analysis contributes to discussions on the potential “bright” and “dark” sides of civic engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emotional culture of flight attendants thirty-two years after Hochschild’s (1983) study, The Managed Heart. Using data collected by participant observation and informal interviews, we argue that flight attendants are empowered by post-9/11 institutional changes in security policies and as a result are using more discretion in how they perform courteous emotional labor. We put forward two interrelated concepts—the “9/11 effect” and “role shields”—to explain how a new emphasis on safety over courtesy in institutional policies provides cabin crew with a normative resource to achieve greater autonomy. We establish that flight attendants are now more assertive when they interact with passengers. By acknowledging the flight attendant’s post-9/11 experience and their increase in what we label emotional agency, this study offers a historical-comparative complement to Hochschild’s emphasis on emotive constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article empirically analyzes how victims’ remains were recovered, identified, repatriated, and retained after the World Trade Center (WTC) terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. It does so by asking the question whose body is it. This question brings to the fore issues related to personhood and ownership: how are anonymous and unrecognizable bodily remains given back an identity; and who has ownership of or custody over identified and unidentified human remains? It is in this respect that the article engages with technoscientific and legal, or “technolegal,” trajectories of human remains in the wake of the WTC tragedy. By using the metaphor of “materialization,” it becomes possible to trace how remains are forensically identified and implicated in legal regimes. “Technolegal materialization” as a concept and methodological sensitivity contributes to the current “actor-network theory” (ANT)-inspired legal scholarship, which tends to focus on legal practices in courtrooms but not those beyond them. In this article, 9/11 victims’ remains are followed from “Ground Zero” to the forensic laboratory and beyond and articulates five instances of technolegal materialization of bodily remains and their past and contemporary existences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Illustrates the way in which the pursuit of a 'war on terror' in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks in the United States of America on 11 September 2001 framed a policy environment that securitised UK ports. • Provides a detailed elaboration of counter-terrorism practice in UK ports in the context of responses to international terrorism, laying out a typology that others interested in port security can work from. • Highlights the spatial dimension to the securitisation of UK ports alongside its temporal dimension, noting the pursuit, particularly by the British state and port owners, for greater knowledge about, and through this control over, activities associated with UK ports. • Contributes towards efforts to more clearly map and conceptualise maritime security by illustrating the way in which security practice within the shore component of the maritime domain--ports--was justified and practices institutionalised. This article lays out a typology of counter-terrorism practice in the UK ports in the context of responses to international terrorism, providing a mechanism to examine port security. Focusing on developments in the years after the International Ship and Port Facility (ISPS) Code came into force on 1 July 2004, the article first lays out the policy environment in which counter-terrorism practice was implemented, arguing that the securitisation of UK ports was framed by the pursuit of the 'war on terror'. With this complete, the article moves to elaborate the typology, examining 'legislation and regulations', 'institutional developments and infrastructure changes' alongside 'working practices' implemented. The article concludes by utilising the typology to argue that the counter-terrorism security response relating to UK ports in this context was constantly evolving, layered and increasingly expansive in scope, highlighting a spatial dimension to the securitisation of UK ports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts on topics related to psychiatry history which include the portrayal of patients with obsessive-compulsive disorder in U.S. films, geographies of memory, trauma and loss of the September 11, 2011 terrorist attack and California's psychometric testing in 1920-1935.

The authors contributed equally to the paperThe List, one of the most archaic means of written enumeration and classification, has made a forceful recurrence in the post-9/11 global security landscape. From terrorist sanctions lists and No-Fly lists to “kill-lists” for drone warfare; from the privately compiled lists of risky banking clients to the regulatory lists of untrustworthy or incompliant companies, the list seems to proliferate as a contemporary technology of security and regulation. How and why are lists becoming newly embedded in security practices? What work do lists perform as specific techniques of government and forms of normative ordering? And what consequences follow for how problems of legal accountability and political responsibility are currently understood and addressed? This paper frames security lists as inscription devices that are heterogeneous, unpredictable and productive in unforeseen ways. It draws attention to the ways they materialise the categories they purport to describe, and how they enact novel forms of knowledge, jurisdiction and targeting. We suggest that critiques could be strengthened by making visible and contesting the fragmented and diffuse conditions through which security lists are produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ‘war on terror’ has marked the existence of exceptional measures involving military action abroad and the introduction of counter-terrorism legislation in the United Kingdom. Within this context fear, risk and insecurity have been intrinsic in legitimizing the measures created as being necessary to maintain national security. This article presents the findings from a study investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on British Muslims’ emotions. The study revealed how facets of the ‘war on terror’, including ‘human rights and policing’, ‘What if? and pre-emption’, ‘geopolitics and reflexive fear and risk’ and ‘fear from inside the binary’ impacted participants’ emotions. Through exploring how thepolicy measures implemented in the ‘war on terror’ have influenced British Muslims’ emotions, the article takes a small step in addressing the analytical gap in criminological research on emotions in the ‘war on terror’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the September 11 attack on America, thrill-motivated hate crimes tended to decline as the rate of violent crime generally declined, but defensive hate crimes seemed to increase substantially. Just as individual factors were important in accounting for thrill-motivated hate attacks, so group factors became important for the purpose of explaining defensive hate crimes. The purpose of the present study was to apply group threat theorizing to explain increases in hate crimes against various groups since the 9/11 attack on America. In particular, we examined the prevalence of hate-motivated assaults against Muslims, Jews, gays, Blacks, and Latinos. Two separate data sources were employed: newspaper articles from LexisNexis and the Southern Poverty Law Center “hate incidents” spreadsheet. To control for changes in the level of hate crimes generally over time, we examined the percentage of hate-motivated assaults overall (in addition to their frequency of occurrence) that were directed at particular groups by the year in which they occurred. Our results indicated that hate-motivated assaults in the aftermath of 9/11 seemed to be driven to an increasing extent by a series of group threats in the wider society. Our results suggest that defensive assaults tend to peak when a particular group is regarded as representing a danger to the dominant group’s prestige, wealth, or power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined whether satisfaction with the Air Force (AF) as way of life increased post-9/11 and whether it has sustained. Using data from 179,309 personnel collected across a period of eight years (2000–2008) in four waves of cross-sectional data collection, we found that satisfaction with the AF as a way of life increased dramatically following 9/11 and since then has declined from the height, but has not returned to pre-9/11 levels. After controlling for time as well as demographics, the best predictors of satisfaction were (1) feeling that the AF is a good environment for bringing up children, (2) a strong a sense of community, and (3) perceived strong unit leader support for members and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of repeated exposure to collective trauma in explaining response to subsequent community-wide trauma is poorly understood. We examined the relationship between acute stress response to the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings and prior direct and indirect media-based exposure to three collective traumatic events: the September 11, 2001 (9/11) terrorist attacks, Superstorm Sandy, and the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting. Representative samples of residents of metropolitan Boston (n = 846) and New York City (n = 941) completed Internet-based surveys shortly after the Boston Marathon bombings. Cumulative direct exposure and indirect exposure to prior community trauma and acute stress symptoms were assessed. Acute stress levels did not differ between Boston and New York metropolitan residents. Cumulative direct and indirect, live-media-based exposure to 9/11, Superstorm Sandy, and the Sandy Hook shooting were positively associated with acute stress responses in the covariate-adjusted model. People who experience multiple community-based traumas may be sensitized to the negative impact of subsequent events, especially in communities previously exposed to similar disasters. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, I argue that seemingly ‘un-noteworthy’ interactions between states can demonstrate the significance of language for social relationships and foreign policy partnerships. Using language game analysis, I apply Peter Howard’s four-stage model to the case of the US–Turkish Economic Partnership Commission’s proposal for qualified industrial zones shortly after 9/11 and examine how the expectations for enhancing partnership are shaped and at times dashed through the language used among a network of actors. A language game analysis provides an explanation for how actors’ expectations rise and fall and provides an understanding of the maintenance, enhancement, and dismantling of state relationships in a social and practice-centered context. I utilize author interview data as well as texts from newspapers, speeches, and organizations to show how partnership between allies is vulnerable to social expectations signaled in and through the common language they both hold. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that in the wake of 9/11, Pakistan engaged in two policy moves that were highly problematic and controversial from a domestic perspective: the alliance with the United States, and the simultaneous disengagement with the Taliban regime. While realist accounts largely posit these moves as a consequence of US diktat, this article is more interested in exploring how the actions were enabled by a domestic political narrative. Scholarly accounts in the post 9/11 era tend to marginalise the role of indigenous agency and ‘voice’, and overwhelmingly work within frameworks that emphasise the consequential effects of US hegemony. Conversely, in examining official Pakistani political discourses, the article argues that a number of identifiable rhetorical strategies played a performative role in enabling specific Pakistani policy outcomes in the wake of 9/11. In important ways, the analysis moves away from unproblematically assuming Pakistan as simply a passive recipient of American ‘empire’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the processes of investigation and gathering evidence about victims of the September 11 attacks to better understand the inability of state and nonstate institutions to effectively deal with the invisibility of undocumented migrants in terms of providing assistance and recognition at a moment of tragedy. The failure to make the invisible visible or to address the very question of visibility publicly is explained by three major reasons: 1) A general fear of coming forward on the part of undocumented migrants or their families, partly as a result of their legal status and their lack of trust in government agencies, which was compounded by ineffective communication about available relief services; 2) different procedural requirements and logics of evidence used by government and nongovernmental relief agencies, which, in some cases, made it impossible for undocumented migrants or their families to provide proof of their presence at the site or employment in the businesses affected; 3) the context of 9/11 as a disruptive event that influenced the overall climate in which issues of victimhood and immigration status could be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article asks what happened to racially motivated hate crimes in the wake of the 7/7 terror attack that hit London in July 2005 and the 9/11 terror attack that hit the United States in September 2001. There is anecdotal and descriptive evidence of an increase in bias-motivated crimes since the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States, but little quantitative research on the issue. This study offers empirical evidence on the effects of 7/7 and 9/11 on hate crime using rich data from four police force areas in England with sizable Asian/Arab populations. We find significant increases in hate crimes against Asians and Arabs that occurred almost immediately in the wake of both terror attacks, which subsequently decayed, but remained at higher than pre-attack levels a year later. We argue that this demonstrates a significant link between terror attacks and subsequent increases in hate crime and hypothesize that attitudinal changes resulting from media framing and coverage may act as a conduit linking terror attacks and hate crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

September 11 narratives from Mennonite children of New York City (NYC) are presented in the form of research poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a qualitative analysis of nation-state population “resiliency” to several spectacular and/or highly symbolic terrorist assaults that were watershed events. It draws heavily from qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) frameworks to isolate and identify the presence of what Goertz calls the “secondary dimensions” of a “primary concept” such as resiliency to terrorist assaults. In turn, the presence of those secondary dimensions and their strength presuppose and derive from “tertiary indicators” that are the basic metrics and concrete manifestations of those secondary dimensions. The nation-states under consideration include the London bombings of 2005, the United States for 9/11, the Madrid bombings of 2004, the first suicide bombings within pre-1967 boundaries of Israel, and the Russian Federation in the case of the 2002 terrorist assault against the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow. The results serve as the basis for the development of a “resiliency continuum” of nation-states where placement of those countries on the continuum reflect “nonresilient,” “semiresilient,” and “resilient” conditions, themselves defined by the number of secondary dimensions found in each case study. In the process, the analysis illuminates possible interconnections between “context specific” factors, such as a country’s historical experience with terrorism and population characteristics (e.g., education levels, degree of heterogeneity) to the resiliency or nonresiliency condition, and describes possible links between exogenous “systems factors” such as war and power ranking to the resiliency condition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An essay is presented which examines the television (TV) show "Sons of Anarchy" and how the cable drama revises and revisits the American Western film genre. It traces the associations between the fictitious town setting of the show and how the narrative reverse traditional community archetypes. It mentions that the update of gunslinger violence, outlaw culture and the popularity of the drama communicates a post-9/11 trauma that plays out on television.

During the ten years that have passed since the mediated terrorist attacks in the United States on 9.11, 2001, they have become—through instant historicization as well as endless repetitions—stable points of reference for transnational collective memory. Focalizing the anniversaries of September 11, 2002 and 2011, on Swedish television, this article pursues how the medium annually commemorates the tragedy. Fusing television research with memory studies, the argument is that we may approach the anniversaries as an electronic “lieu de mémorie”: a material-symbolic space reappropriated annually as media become vehicles for “working through” in commemoration, mourning, debate, and critique. Despite the fragmentation of both television and collective memory in the context of digitalization, on the anniversaries, Swedish television promotes itself as a central “nucleus” for connectivity offering viewers a return to the traumatic site—to the television set—while interpellating them as a “global we,” of media witnesses. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the redevelopment of New York City and New Orleans, Louisiana after Hurricane Sandy which hit Atlantic City, New Jersey in 2012, with special attention paid to the World Trade Center attack of September 11, 2001, and Hurricane Katrina which hit New Orleans on August 29, 2005. Topics involve federal aid to natural disasters, crisis-driven urbanization, and post-crisis policies. Attention is paid to Naomi Klein's book "The Shock Doctrine."

Millions of people witnessed early, repeated television coverage of the September 11 (9/11), 2001, terrorist attacks and were subsequently exposed to graphic media images of the Iraq War. In the present study, we examined psychological- and physical-health impacts of exposure to these collective traumas. A U.S. national sample (N = 2,189) completed Web-based surveys 1 to 3 weeks after 9/11; a subsample (n = 1,322) also completed surveys at the initiation of the Iraq War. These surveys measured media exposure and acute stress responses. Posttraumatic stress symptoms related to 9/11 and physician-diagnosed health ailments were assessed annually for 3 years. Early 9/11- and Iraq War–related television exposure and frequency of exposure to war images predicted increased posttraumatic stress symptoms 2 to 3 years after 9/11. Exposure to 4 or more hr daily of early 9/11-related television and cumulative acute stress predicted increased incidence of health ailments 2 to 3 years later. These findings suggest that exposure to graphic media images may result in physical and psychological effects previously assumed to require direct trauma exposure. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a case study of Saint Paul's Chapel located in Manhattan, New York City. The Church, which is built by the Trinity Parish served as a ground for various service exchanges during and after the September 11 terrorist Attacks in 2001 states the author. The author says that the place has undergone several renovations since it first opened in 1789. The author in this article discusses the Sunday morning Worship practices followed in the church.

The September 11 attacks impacted society generally, and law enforcement specifically, in dramatic ways. One of the major trends has been changing expectations regarding criminal intelligence practices among state, local, and tribal (SLT) law enforcement agencies and the need to coordinate intelligence efforts and share information at all levels of government. In fact, enhancing intelligence efforts has emerged as a critical issue for the prevention of all threats and crimes. To date, an increasing number of SLT law enforcement agencies have expanded their intelligence capacity, and there have been fundamental changes in the national, state, and local information sharing infrastructure. Moreover, critical to these expanding information sharing expectations is the institutionalization of fusion centers (FCs). Despite these dramatic changes, an expanding role, and the acknowledgement that local law enforcement intelligence is critical to the prevention and deterrence of threats and crimes, very little research exists that highlights issues related to the intelligence practices of SLT law enforcement agencies and FCs.1 This research describes what agencies are doing to build an intelligence capacity and assesses the state of information sharing among agencies. Specifically, a national survey was developed to examine the experiences of SLT agencies and FCs for building an intelligence capacity as well as to understand critical gaps in the sharing of information regarding intelligence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using the data of the EURISLAM project, this article investigates the impact of dramatic eventson the public debate with regard to Islam in Belgium, the Netherlands, France, Germany, Switzerlandand the UK. It assesses the extent to which dramatic events such as 9/11, the bombings in Madrid andLondon and the murder of Theo Van Gogh in Amsterdam impacted on the debate on multiculturalism,notably the accommodation of Western-European institutions to Islam. In this contribution, weanalyse the overall evolution of public debate in the written press on Muslims, and moreparticularly Muslim rights, for the period 1999–2009. Our aim is to empirically analyse thetransitions that the public debate on Islam in Europe has undergone in the wake of the most dramaticterrorist acts perpetrated by Muslim extremists during the last decade. We hypothesize that dramaticviolent events involving Muslim extremists had an impact on the number of claims about Muslims andIslam in general, but not on the debate about religious rights for Muslims in Europe. Descriptiveanalysis and time series plus intervention analysis were undertaken to test thesehypotheses.1 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This analysis of 170 photos published in print newspapers on the 10th anniversary of the attacks on the World Trade Center shows how newspapers visually framed the observation as a story of a somber remembrance. Images of the physical site prevailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Various mental health services were provided in New York City in the response to the September 11 attacks. This article describes these services and the subsequent research in disaster psychiatry to identify recommended practices for future disasters. Method: A PubMed search identified 198 articles since the 9/11 attacks that included "New York City" and either "9/11" or "disaster," and either "psychiatry" or "mental health." The abstracts of all of these articles were reviewed to identify articles that described clinical services and those articles were then reviewed in detail. Additional reports on 9/11-related services were identified through book chapters. Results: Acute services included debriefings and other single-time outreach interventions. Postacute phase interventions included community outreach with the goal of addressing normative psychological sequelae; multisession interventions based on evidence-based treatments, and hospital-based psychiatric services provided in the context of general health screenings for response workers. - Conclusions: Many programs integrated medical and nonniedical services. The professional literature in the decade since this disaster has shifted recommended practices away from psychological debriefings in the acute phase to the implementation of psychological first aid (PFA). Many of the acute 9/11-related services actually closely resembled PFA. In the postacute phase, resources need to be made available for more resource-intensive psychiatric treatment for the fraction of survivors who develop psychiatric illness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is much to be commended in Habermas’s suggestions for the relaxation of the constraints on public liberalism and the idealized norms of deliberative democratic debate in his proposals for the introduction of new institutional spaces that will facilitate the engagement between what he calls ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ citizens in his writings on ‘post-secular’ societies. The article examines the parallels between Habermas’s proposed democratic innovations, which will facilitate the introduction of ‘situated knowledges’ through proposing what I.M. Young would call ‘communicative leveling’, within the context of criticisms of secularism, public realism and the critiques of the idealized norms of deliberative democracy. However, it will be suggested here that there is also a certain convergence between Habermas’s theoretical interventions and the ‘instrumental engagement’ of governments with minority religious communities in the post-9/11 context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Terrorists can strike twice—first, by directly killing people, and second, through dangerous behaviors induced by fear in people’s minds. Previous research identified a substantial increase in U.S. traffic fatalities subsequent to the September 11 terrorist attacks, which were accounted for as due to a substitution of driving for flying, induced by fear of dread risks. Here, we show that this increase in fatalities varied widely by region, a fact that was best explained by regional variations in increased driving. Two factors, in turn, explained these variations in increased driving. The weaker factor was proximity to New York City, where stress reactions to the attacks were previously shown to be greatest. The stronger factor was driving opportunity, which was operationalized both as number of highway miles and as number of car registrations per inhabitant. Thus, terrorists’ second strike exploited both fear of dread risks and, paradoxically, an environmental structure conducive to generating increased driving, which ultimately increased fatalities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including hate crimes and terrorism by Deloughery, King, and Asal, the legitimacy and attitudes of terrorism towards U.S. policy by LaFree and Morris, and follow-up issue on the 9/11 terrorist attacks by Roberts, Roberts, and Liedka.

Different elements of local police agencies’ terrorism preparedness may be associated with different organizational/environmental variables. We use 2003-2007 data (showing considerable adoption and desistance of practices) on medium-to-large-sized local agencies to examine relationships between contingency (vulnerability, organizational characteristics) and contagion (network/isomorphic influence) measures and preparedness elements, including terrorism special units, dedicated assignment of personnel, terrorism-related community outreach, computerized intelligence files, and interagency-shared radio frequencies. Modeling 2007 preparedness revealed consistencies and some differences in the associations between these measures and the different preparedness elements. The finding of no association between objective vulnerability score and any terrorism preparedness action particularly warrants further research attention. It will also be important to extend preparedness research into the recent period of economic recession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis finds sources used by The Times in its coverage of the war on drugs changed after Sept. 11. Consistent with the U.S. government's narco-terrorism initiative, The Times cited more U.S. State Department and law enforcement sources than before the attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]