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Background: Very few studies have used panel data regression models to estimate the determinants of handwashing with water and soap at critical times in a developing country. Objective: To analyse the predictors of handwashing with water and soap at critical times among mother/caregivers of children under-5 years in rural Afghanistan. Method: This study used data from 1208 mothers/caregivers of children under-5 years who were selected and interviewed at baseline and endline in 7 provinces using systematic probability proportional-to-size sampling method. Results: Mother/caregivers with access to handwashing facility with water and soap had 1.20 higher odds of washing hands at 5 critical times. Treatment at public facility, an indirect proxy of health education and having children under 2 years was associated with 1.07 and 1.05 higher odds of washing hands at 5 critical times. Access to handwashing with water and soap, treatment at public facility and children under 2 years were significant and robust to alternative specification of handwashing at least 3 times. Mothers/caregivers who reported contracting infectious diseases in the past 6 months had 1.04- and 1.52-times higher odds of handwashing at 5 critical times and at least 3 times respectively. Conclusion: Access to handwashing facility with water and soap, health education, children under 2 years and occurrence of infectious diseases were the predictors of appropriate handwashing behaviour. Therefore, there is need to improve the availability of handwashing facilities with clean water and soap to promote appropriate handwashing behaviour at critical times. In addition, there is need to promote activities that increase disposable income for households to purchase soap and handwashing facilities. There is need to promote healthcare seeking behaviour for mothers to access medical treatment and health hygiene education at public facilities vital for prevention of infectious diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/aims: Suicidal Ideation (SI) is a risk factor for suicide, a leading cause of death amongst young men globally. In this study we assess whether sustaining a serious physical combat injury is associated with SI and whether leaving service mediates this association. Methods: We analysed data from male UK Armed Forces personnel who sustained a combat injury in Afghanistan and a frequency-matched comparison group who did not sustain such an injury (the ADVANCE cohort). SI was measured from the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 item 'thoughts that you would be better off dead or of hurting yourself in some way'. Results: Approximately, 11.9% (n = 61) of the uninjured group, 15.3% (n = 83) of the overall injured group, 8.5% (n = 13) of an Amputation injury (AI) subgroup and 17.6% (n = 70) of a Non-Amputation Injury (NAI) subgroup reported SI in the past 2 weeks. The NAI subgroup reported greater likelihood of SI (Relative Risk Ratio (RR) = 1.44, 95% confidence interval (CI) [1.04, 2.00]) compared to the comparison group, whereas the overall injured group (RR = 1.23, 95% CI [0.90, 1.68]) and AI subgroup (RR = 0.65, 95% CI [0.36, 1.18]) did not. Leaving service fully mediated the association between sustaining a NAI and SI (natural direct effect RR = 1.08, 95% CI [0.69, 1.69]). Conclusions: UK military personnel with NAI reported significantly higher rates of SI compared to demographically similar uninjured personnel, while those who sustained AIs reported no significant difference. Leaving service was associated with greater rates of SI for both injured and uninjured personnel and fully mediated the association between sustaining a NAI and SI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gynecological cancers constitute an important global health problem with increasing incidence and prevalence. The aim of this study was to explain gynecologic cancer knowledge, attitudes, and cultural beliefs of Afghan refugee women living in Türkiye. This research was carried out as a descriptive phenomenological design for qualitative research. The study was conducted at the Refugee Support Center Association in Eskişehir, Türkiye, and data were collected between January and April 2023, guided by a semi-structured interview guide. Nineteen Afghan refugee women were interviewed. A purposive sampling method was used to recruit participants. Content analysis method was used for data analysis. Four overarching themes that described Afghan women's gynecologic cancer knowledge, attitudes, and cultural beliefs were identified: (a) limited awareness and knowledge of gynecological cancer among women, (b) women's attitudes toward gynecological cancers, (c) women's cultural beliefs regarding gynecological cancer, and (d) healthcare system factors. In line with the main themes, subthemes were created for each main theme. Afghan refugee women, who were in the double risk group as both women and refugees, had insufficient knowledge of gynecological cancers, and their cultural beliefs and attitudes played an essential role in their access to gynecological cancer-related preventive healthcare services. It is recommended that training be planned to increase the awareness and knowledge of Afghan women on gynecological cancers, considering their cultural characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces and explores the subjectivity of a queer community in Afghanistan, the self-identified murats. Murat is a subject position that emerged in Afghanistan over the past 20 years to become a viable category of personhood and a practical term of reference among a community of non-masculine dancers and sex workers living and working in the capital (and other major cities). Based on the findings of ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2016 and 2021 in Kabul, the article shows that the transnational and transhistorical formation of Afghan murats' gender and sexual subjectivities has been the result of the intersection of three other categories of personhood: the South Asian hijra, the Turko-Persianate bachah, and the Afghan īzak. By studying the Afghan murat subjectivity, the article further sketches out a template for imagining the sex/gender configuration in Afghanistan, suggesting that it is non-binary and cannot be comfortably divided into the two opposing poles of the male/masculine and the female/feminine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inflammatory myofibroblastic tumors (IMTs) are one of the most complex and rare neoplasms that have been discovered, with varying behavior in different cases. They mostly arise in the thoracic and abdominal cavity, the lungs, retroperitoneum, and extremities. They can also be detected in the head and neck area. IMTs have no age or gender preference which makes them tougher to anticipate. Head and neck IMTs are benign neoplasms with locally aggressive behavior and a low risk of metastatic spread. They have an unknown etiology, and they resemble malignant lesions radiologically. In this case report, we will review the case of a 40-year-old woman with an unusual IMT in the maxillary sinus that presented as a challenge in diagnosis and management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forced migration is one of the most pressing crises of our lifetime. Of the millions forced to migrate, many come to know the brutality of state-managed migration that habitually denies asylum seekers and places substantive restrictions on refugees who have been resettled. Sociologists of sport and leisure have examined the sporting experiences of refugees through an intersectional lens, foregrounding how displacement and resettlement are differently lived and negotiated across overlapping power structures and markers of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, religion, and legal status. Through a participatory and collective photovoice project, this article explores the experiences of an all-Afghan soccer team that played in a social, co-ed soccer league in the spring of 2022, just after they arrived in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. In photovoice narratives and subsequent interviews, team members underlined many of the barriers they faced as they navigated the formal and informal rules and dominant norms of this seemingly inclusive sports landscape. In doing so, they revealed some of the limits of official discourses of Canadian multiculturism, which rarely accommodate more significant forms of difference, and which reproduce racial and ethnic hierarchies that powerfully discipline newcomers who are encouraged to embrace their precarious status as model minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, no country, including the United States (US), has yet recognised the former. The US has consistently urged the regime to comply with the Doha agreement that emphasised an inclusive government. Moreover, the Biden administration has repeatedly asked the regime to respect human rights and allow girls education and employment, but in vain. What explains the divergences in US–Afghanistan relations post-withdrawal? What is the trajectory of the US–Taliban ties in the current context? Above all, is there any possibility of the US recognition of the Taliban regime in the foreseeable future? Based on primary data, it is posited that the relations between the US and the Taliban-controlled Afghanistan are divergent and currently antagonistic due to the Taliban's non-compliance with the Doha agreement. Futuristically, the study explores three scenarios to predict US–Afghanistan relations. First, there is a likelihood of US–Afghanistan rapprochement if the Taliban do the US bidding. Second, in cases of non-compliance, the US would get tough on the regime in terms of further sanctions. However, the Taliban would consolidate (informal) ties with China, Russia and other regional countries, including Pakistan. Third, the US has the military capabilities to do regime change in Afghanistan in case of another 9/11-type incident in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this scoping review was to ascertain the scope and nature of the literature focused on intimate partner violence (IPV) among Afghans across contexts, including Afghanistan. The scoping review adopted a systematic approach to search for, identify, and include peer-reviewed articles published in English. Fifty-two articles were retained in the final analysis, which generated results on IPV prevalence; multi-level risk and protective factors; qualitatively derived contextual factors; associations of IPV with adverse physical and psychological outcomes; IPV-related help-seeking behaviors; programs and interventions; the role of religion; IPV-related policies; and the role of fiction. Findings indicate that past-year physical IPV prevalence ranged from 52% to 56% in Afghanistan and 79.8% among Afghan refugees displaced in Iran. Studies conducted in Afghanistan identified a range of IPV risk factors occurring at the individual (e.g., age and employment), interpersonal/household (e.g., acceptance of IPV and violence perpetrated by in-laws), and societal levels (e.g., conflict/displacement). The findings highlight a rich literature on IPV in Afghanistan and significant gaps in IPV research across the Afghan diaspora and in contexts of displacement and resettlement. The results advance understanding of the drivers of IPV in the diverse Afghan population and highlight context-specific gaps, and needs for intervention and future research. These gaps indicate the importance of conducting research elucidating how risk and protective factors associated with IPV shift in forced migration and resettlement, and an urgent need for the development and testing of services and programs that respond to the specific needs of Afghan women experiencing IPV across contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experiencing sexual harassment and bullying during military service can lead to negative consequences for a soldier's mental health and life satisfaction, including increased risk of depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress. No studies have to date investigated the prevalence and correlates of sexual harassment and bullying among Norwegian Afghanistan veterans, despite the increased global focus on these topics. In 2020, 6,205 Norwegian Afghanistan veterans (8.3% women) completed an online post-deployment survey, including questions about experiences of sexual harassment, bullying, mental health, and life satisfaction. Compared to their male counterparts, female veterans experienced significantly more sexual harassment and bullying during Afghanistan deployment (3.2% vs. 0.04% for experiencing sexual harassment, and 4.0% vs. 1.0% for bullying) and during other military services (14.3% vs. 0.4% for sexual harassment, and 15.9% vs. 3.7% for bullying). Sexual harassment was associated with younger age and experiencing childhood sexual harassment for both women and men, with men also having longer deployments. Bullying was associated with longer deployments and childhood sexual harassment for women, while men who reported bullying more often had longer deployments, held an officer rank, were less inclined to have a spouse/intimate partner, and reported childhood sexual harassment and bullying. Both sexual harassment and bullying were associated with increased risk of mental health problems and reduced life satisfaction for women, but this was only true for bullying among men. Despite lower reported rates of workplace harassment compared to studies from other cultures, this study demonstrates that sexual harassment and bullying in the military can negatively impact soldiers' mental health and life satisfaction. Notably, female veterans' mental health and life satisfaction appear to be particularly affected by sexual harassment during military service, an association not seen in males. This underscores the need for gender-specific, cultural, and context-sensitive prevention and support for workplace harassment experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: The complexities of refugee resettlement are difficult to comprehend, and alternative approaches to education may enhance empathy. Puppetry's art form often engages broad audiences, allowing puppets to tell important stories. This project developed a research-based educational puppet show to increase understanding of refugees in the United States (US). Using a mixed-method approach, this exploratory study (1) interviewed eleven refugees from five origin countries; (2) analyzed the interviews for salient themes; (3) developed a "master" play based on emergent themes; (4) delivered the play through puppetry; and (5) empirically assessed the efficacy of puppetry in disseminating information about refugees. Findings: Five overarching themes regarding refugee resettlement emerged from the interviews, namely, (1) economic concerns; (2) language barriers; (3) socio-cultural differences; (4) misperceptions; and (5) altered family dynamics. Almost all 107 respondents who completed a pre- and post-show survey evidenced having gained new knowledge about resettlement in the areas of (i) refugee status; (ii) the arrival process; (iii) economic realities; (iii) adaptation issues; and (iv) refugee perceptions of opportunities in the US. Applications: The salient findings of the interviews were consistent with extant literature on refugee resettlement and the 40-min research-based puppet show confirmed that puppetry can be an alternative, or supplementary, training tool. Puppetry brings life to didactic presentations for social workers and other service providers through effective portrayals of difficulties faced by both refugee and host in the adaptation process. It also suggests that puppetry can sensitize and educate practitioners on issues that can be controversial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India's neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan took the world by surprise. This article investigates how this event was seen differently in varied contexts, such as neighboring Pakistan. Our research shows epistemological pluralism in Pakistan, i.e. how different groups use different ways of knowing (epistemology), being (ontology), and valuing (axiology) to explain and analyze Taliban 2.0. Conceptually, the paper draws on insights from the relationality theory to demonstrate the reasons behind such epistemological pluralism. The theory of relationality provides the grounds for epistemological pluralism, i.e. the mixed sentiments and feelings among respondents about the Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan. Our research reports the perspectives of nine selected civil society activists about Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The respondents were interviewed during the second quarter of the Taliban administering Afghanistan. Some called it the victory of Islam, the freedom of Afghans from foreign occupation, and the protection of the Pakistani border from Indian proxies. Others were worried about the risks of increased extremism and terrorism in Pakistan, including the rise of banned organizations like Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. This study intends to document the interviewee civil society activists' suggestions to the State of Pakistan for dealing with Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intimate partner violence (IPV) affects all communities, but immigrant communities can be distinctively more vulnerable. This study explores the coping strategies of 10 immigrant Middle Eastern Immigrant Survivors of IPV in the United States. A phenomenological design was utilized to explore Middle Eastern immigrant IPV survivors coping strategies. The study participants had similar and different experiences with formal resources and informal help-seeking behaviors. These study results recommended that there is a considerable need for future research to extend the study of this population as well as an urgent need to increase accessible resources to empower immigrant IPV survivors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patient satisfaction is essential to the patient-centered approach in health services delivery, but little is known about satisfaction with physiotherapy services in Afghanistan. This study evaluated patients' satisfaction with physiotherapy services and related factors in this country. This study was conducted on 420 recipients of a physiotherapy center in Afghanistan. A questionnaire was used to collect data that measured satisfaction in 4 dimensions: treatment process, logistics, organizational factors, and overall. The scale of the questionnaire was 5-point Likert. The highest possible score was 100. Statistics methods included Spearman's correlation coefficient, Mann-Whitney and Kruskal-Wallis tests for univariate analysis, and Linear Regression for multivariate analysis. The average overall satisfaction score was 84.82 ± 13.24. Among the demographic variables, the relationship between education level and overall satisfaction score was significant. The findings of the linear regression model showed that the 3 dimensions of satisfaction, including the treatment process, logistics, and organizational factors, had statistically significant relationships with overall satisfaction. The level of satisfaction was high in all dimensions. To maximize satisfaction, reducing waiting time and better communication with patients, as components of logistics and organizational factors, are suggested. Patients also need to receive feedback from physiotherapists that are an essential components of the treatment process dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politically astute and organisationally deft, the Taliban forged 'antagonistic cooperation' with key regional players who courted the movement vigorously as it sought to reinvent itself as 'Taliban 2.0'. However, two years into the rule of 'Taliban 2.0', the chasm between rhetoric and reality has widened. This article disaggregates the idea of 'Taliban 2.0', arguing that subtle differences notwithstanding the Taliban is an ideological movement which demonstrates a remarkable contiguity in showing fidelity to its hardline ideology manifested in its attitudes towards women, deployment of violence and links with transnational actors. Domestic political actors too stuttered in responding to the Taliban's momentum amid a dramatically reconfigured geo-political landscape, a glaring power asymmetry, factionalism within opposition ranks and the rise of new actors like the Daesh which attempted to fill the void. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tests the key arguments of indexing theory by analysing how the press of seven countries reported Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan in 2021. The seven countries represent a mix of democratic (US, UK, India and Pakistan) and authoritarian governments (Russia, China and Iran). In a marked similarity, we found that press of the two types of political systems mainly supported their governments' policy towards the Taliban. Though the democratic press showed some critical coverage, it was of tactical nature. Moreover, most political and security events in Afghanistan were reported in neutral way, suggesting the democratic press compromised on their critical agenda to hold their governments responsible for their actions. In terms of news sources, the press of US and UK involved more foreign sources as compared to other countries. The findings suggest the security nature of events is an important determinant of whether official indexing will prevail or confronted in press coverage of international conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary armed conflict, the spatiality of violence and the constellation of actors involved in it change frequently, but how these changes affect one another remains poorly understood. What explains the spatial shift of areas affected by violence in multi-actor conflicts? We argue that the emergence of a new dominant conflict actor facilitates a shift in conflict-related violence. We theorize the causal mechanism as 'low-risk/high-opportunity attraction'. It exists in territories where these actors can draw on a local support base and enhance capacities to engage in violence. To demonstrate our theory's validity, we conduct two plausibility probes: on the conflict in Colombia paired with the conflict in the Lake Chad region, and on the conflict in the Afghan–Pakistani borderlands paired with the conflict in Iraq/Syria. We adopt a mixed-methods approach integrating visualizations, spatial analysis, network analysis and process tracing, drawing, inter alia, on interviews from remote regions of war-torn Colombia and Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Limited research on experiences of women, who constitute a double vulnerable group in both women and refugee status, regarding sexual and reproductive health. The purpose of this study is to examine the knowledge, beliefs, and cultural practices of Afghan women living in Türkiye regarding sexual and reproductive health. Method: This descriptive phenomenological study was conducted with 18 Afghan refugee women. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect data. Results: Four themes emerged from interviews: cultural practices and beliefs related to pregnancy and postpartum, use of contraceptive methods, gender-based violence, and access to health services. Conclusions: Afghan women have different cultural practices regarding prenatal, pregnancy, and postpartum and lack of knowledge about sexual and reproductive health. Considering individual differences in sexual and reproductive health, providing sensitive, supportive, and informative services is recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan has been an important factor in India–Russia ties. There was not much cooperation between them before 1979. However, in later years, the two countries had an intelligence-sharing mechanism along with Afghanistan in order to deal with their common security challenges which had close links with security situation in Afghanistan. In the 1990s, India–Russia supported their mutual fight against terrorism as Taliban-controlled Afghanistan became a common security challenge. In the current context, both countries have established institutional mechanisms to coordinate their Afghanistan policies. Their engagement with Taliban is 'conditional' while the two countries would continue to share intelligence and coordinate their respective Afghanistan policies since they still face similar security challenges from Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unaccompanied children who do not or cannot access the child protection system in Türkiye often become engaged in child labor and find themselves living in precarity. This paper highlights narratives of survival within their culturally-assumed transition to manhood based on empirical research on the life experiences of 12 unaccompanied, male Afghan youth who came to Türkiye as unaccompanied children. These narratives reflect patriarchal culture, particularly the Taliban's extreme manifestations of patriarchy, both in a context of war and violence. Unaccompanied Afghan children migrate for survival and, after dangerous journeys, live as irregular migrants. Their daily life is marked by (1) fear of police and deportation, (2) child labor, (3) long and challenging work routines, (4) lack of leisure time, schooling, adult protection or support and (5) lack of social security. As a result, they develop survival strategies to manage their precarious lives. Their narratives share commonalities focusing on the conditionalities of constructing manhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates media coverage of Afghan refugees by English-language media in Pakistan and explores how coverage is shaped by a shift in the political stance of the Pakistani state and establishment towards Afghanistan. The author examines how Afghan refugees, their forced repatriation from Pakistan, and the subsequent conflict between Pakistan and Afghanistan were framed in both long-form and short-form media coverage over three years. Using Galtung's Peace and War Journalism Model to inform the Critical Discourse Analysis, this study finds that conflict-escalatory frames dominated media coverage, and media stance changed over time to reflect state policy on the forced repatriation of over three million Afghan refugees in Pakistan. Findings reveal that the coverage in all four publications was highly politicized and inflammatory, the voice of Afghan refugees was significantly missing from coverage, while the Pakistani government and military elite were predominantly used as news sources. Based on the findings, the author argues that pressures from the Pakistani state and military establishment are key reasons why media coverage of Afghan refugees frequently contained negative frames of terrorism and ethnonationalism. Sporadic employment of limited peace-oriented framing was, however, observed in some of the coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maternal health in the United States is an area of immediate concern. The compounded disadvantages and unique global positions of refugee women highlight the need for research that explores the experiences of refugee women during pregnancy and childbirth. The present study examines how contextual factors shape pregnancy and childbirth experiences for Syrian, Afghan, Congolese, and Karen women living in Clarkston, Georgia, US. Qualitative data were collected via focus groups facilitated by community interpreters. We used a reproductive justice framework to center women's desires, needs, and experiences, and to highlight the importance of structural factors in the findings and analysis of this study. Using codebook thematic analysis, three themes were developed: (1) isolation and alienated knowledge, (2) gendered disparities and structural inequities, and (3) community support and precarity. The findings reflect both the diversity and constancy of women's experiences and highlight how the context of the US impacts women's ability to exercise agency during pregnancy and childbirth. Systemic change is needed to improve women's access to tools that increase their capacity to exercise agency both during pregnancy and childbirth, and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan's recent political transformations starkly confirm the country's inevitable connectedness to volatile global geopolitics, currently witnessing the transformation of the role of the entire South Asian region within global geostrategic re-alignments. The US disengagement from Afghanistan put India and China into a new competitive scenario of cultivating their respective relations with Afghanistan. Before this complex backdrop, the article focuses on India's policy options in Afghanistan, but first of necessity engages briefly with the changing regional geo-politics and the emerging new world order. In light of these new geopolitical realities, it becomes evident that despite much distrust and many misgivings, India's Afghanistan policies have to be robust, focused on defending its geopolitical interests and concerns against China's expansionist clout, while seeking to promote a multipolar world order, a strategy that appears like a reincarnation of India's earlier path of non-alignment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how the Taliban's opium poppy eradication edict and the westward shift in illicit fentanyl production from China to India potentiates an opioid squeeze on Pakistan from its east-west flanks, influencing Pakistan's opioid production, distribution and use. As opioid output sputters in Afghanistan, while Indian chemists increasingly normalise illicit fentanyl production in South Asia, opportunistic Pakistani chemists will be incentivised to supply synthetic opioids to high-demand international markets, just as Pakistani farmers supply opium and heroin to international clients. This convergence has ramifications for Pakistani law, drug enforcement and public health, as domestic production increases domestic access to synthetic opioids. The article conducts an empirical examination of current trends in South Asian opioid production, distribution and use, along with an exegesis of the legal and regulatory systems in Pakistan, Afghanistan and China. This study also details how the Pakistani government should respond to this challenge legislatively, foremost through blanket ban of fentanyl and its precursors. Pakistan can reduce domestic use through evidence-based treatment programmes, including discrete and confidential treatment administered by females to female users, opioid substitution therapy, safe needle exchange programmes, culturally sensitive drug awareness campaigns, and increased data collection to detect geographic hotspot locations of opioid use and overdoses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the experiences of soldiers' wives are mediated in the context of militarised popular culture and following two ultimately unpopular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. We show how audiences, representation (in two senses) and gender matter in a qualitative research project with soldiers, soldiers' wives and veterans, which explores their perceptions of contemporary media representations of British soldiering, and their social media use. In the summer of 2014, we interviewed 31 participants in 5 focus groups for a British Academy funded project. Participants were veterans, veteran support groups, family members (all 'wives') and those directly involved with the promotion of the armed forces in various media (the Joint Information Activities Group, Media Operations Team). The focus groups explored media representations of contemporary soldiering across a range of media and genres (TV documentaries, reality TV, drama, newspapers) but also social media use – practices of self-representation. In this article, we focus on interview data from the wives' groups (as they identify themselves) and find four emergent and overlapping themes: ridicule, comfort, danger and silence. We argue that the mediation of soldier's wives is an area of pronounced contradiction: one that is important in and of itself for what it tells us about the experience of that group of women and equally important for what it tells us about representation, practice and gender and the ways in which these are entwined in digital culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear binary: patriarchal and conservative men resisting aspirational women. However, such analyses have failed to account for the significant number of men in Afghanistan who have been vocal advocates for women's rights and have worked tirelessly towards building a gender-just society. To challenge stereotypical representations, this report draws on primary interview data to explore the views of Afghan male allies who are working for gender equality and feminist peace in the country. The report discusses the allies' perspectives on gender relations and their commitment towards feminist peace. The report also offers an analysis of the current situation in Afghanistan under the Taliban regime and its implications for our male allies and their work. Through their stories, the report hopes to shed light on the challenges faced by men who support women's rights in Afghanistan and challenge the narrow portrayal of Afghan men as culturally and religiously conservative and opposed to gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Symposium on the Afghanistan War. During and after the American withdrawal from Afghanistan, emotions ran high. This special issue responds to public calls for further in-depth study of the Afghanistan War. We assembled an international array of interdisciplinary scholars who address reasons the mission became a misadventure. Additional papers focus on the consequences borne by the people who served and the institutions that fought America's longest war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reflects on the broad contours of the war in Afghanistan from Southeast Asia's perspective. While the United States' withdrawal from Kabul was calamitous, the pessimism about America's role in Southeast Asia has been overstated. The United States' withdrawal from Afghanistan was largely inconsequential for the region. Southeast Asian states deftly mixed their support for America's campaign in Afghanistan and the broader war on terror without being seen as too sympathetic, including, in some instances, condemnation of America's attacks on Islam. Regional governments balanced their domestic political interests with their foreign policy objectives. The abrupt Afghan withdrawal may instead have positive outcomes, as the United States boosted its courtship with countries of Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific region through new security arrangements such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and the Australian, U.K., and U.S. trilateral pact (AUKUS). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores shortcomings in military effectiveness in the war in Afghanistan. It focuses on three sets of problems: the failure to resolve internal contradictions in the training effort, the failure to integrate political considerations with military activity, and poor strategic and operational/tactical integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous reflections exist regarding who should be held accountable and what lessons should be learned from the military withdrawal and political collapse of Afghanistan. This essay argues that the failures in Afghanistan are second- and third-order effects of a failure of strategic thinking on behalf of civilian and military leadership alike. I argue that this failure of strategic thinking is caused, in part, by the overreliance on concepts of civil–military relations espoused by Samuel Huntington. These concepts have been inculcated by a professional military education system that has subsequently developed a generation of officers with an atrophied appreciation for the political aspects of war, and an inability to link operational prowess to the achievement of strategic objectives. This dilemma is aggravated by a similar overreliance on systematic thinking, which further obscures the linkages between the military and political aspects of strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role did North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the coalition (International Security Assistance Force—ISAF) it led play in the failure of the West in Afghanistan? This essay argues that the ISAF intelligence community's inability to come to grips with the complex operational environment in Afghanistan contributed to the problem. Using three concepts from the complexity literature, requisite variety, learning, and enactment, I analyze critical flaws in NATO's approach. ISAF's weak cross-cultural competence, its inconsistent relationships with international civilian organizations, and its absence of double- and triple-loop learning are identified as key drivers of NATO's weak intelligence performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western defeat in Afghanistan was due to an inadequate process of strategic reflection informed, first, by an overestimation of the attractiveness of the Western political agenda to Afghans and, second, by overconfidence in the effectiveness of its military approach. As a corollary, popular support for the Taliban was underestimated. The insurgents possessed a degree of what we term strategic cohesion—a sociopolitical and military embeddedness within society—that produced a far stronger strategic effectiveness than we could replicate in our Afghan allies. Furthermore, a military-professional mindset underestimated the degree to which political considerations permeated the battlefield. The political effect of military actions was insufficiently integrated into strategic practice. Specifically, the linchpin officer in staff planning and field operations in Western armies struggled to act as what we term strategic colonels. In both respects, the war continues to offer important lessons for Western involvement in future conflict, including with Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of the status of American women as warriors between Operation Desert Shield/Desert Storm in 1990-1991 and the War in Afghanistan, beginning in 2001 [and simultaneously the Iraq War in 2003] is explored. This era of American civil-military history included rescinding the 'Risk Rule' of 1988, the formal ban on women serving in ground combat units. This generation of women's legitimate military service as warriors began. The Afghanistan War period also exposed, however, the physical and emotional risks military women often face from their own colleagues on a global scale in the form of sexual violence. As a society, we purposefully must eliminate such risks inherent in the contemporary All-Volunteer Force (AVF) and clean up the resulting messes before we even consider taking the risk of conscription and mass mobilization of American women in our next war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can the presence of international organizations reduce civilian deaths caused by aerial bombing? This commentary examines this question in the specific context of the U.S.-led war in Afghanistan. We evaluate this based on interviews conducted with members of international organizations that were present in Afghanistan during the conflict, existing intergovernmental organizations, nongovernmental organizations, and government reports, and with quantitative data on civilian casualties between 2008 and 2013. We conclude that there is tentative evidence from Afghanistan that international organizations can in fact reduce the severity of civilian killings that result from the use of air power. However, there is much need for greater data sharing to more fully answer this important question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two decades of war in Afghanistan left a mark on the American armed forces and redefined the American ways of war-making. One of this war's legacies is the reimagining of the role of private military and security contractors in contemporary warfare. Due to the massive involvement of the private sector in the American war machine, this industry transformed from a marginal participant into a central partner. The privatization of military and security functions became a norm, an integral part of security architecture and military operation. In this study, I provide a brief review of this development and its implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary examines the influence of the Afghanistan war on the content of Armed Forces & Society. My 20-year tenure as editor of Armed Forces & Society overlaps completely with the war. Using the lenses of the postmodern or post-Cold War military, I reflect on how the articles of this journal were influenced by the war. The postmodern military relies more heavily on volunteers, is more likely to engage in unconventional missions, and more likely to use multinational forces. I found an increase in articles devoted to reserve forces and contractors. In addition, many articles investigated the unique management challenges of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). The multiple deployments and brutal nature of the war led to a large increase in health/mental health articles and also contributed to changes in the scope of the military family and veterans' literature. The limited civil–military relations literature was affected indirectly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did Afghanistan falter as a U.S. partner? America's war in Afghanistan was lost for many reasons, but the U.S. military contributed to its downfall in two ways. First, U.S. combat units, trained to fight conventional battles, conducted counterterrorism operations (aka "search and destroy" missions) against guerilla forces that resulted in hardening the resolve of the enemy while causing widespread and senseless civilian casualties. Second, the Afghan military could not exist without U.S. logistical and material support. Because the Afghan Army was trained and equipped to fight a conventional-type war, they were incapable of operating independent of U.S. support, and could not survive on their own against guerrilla forces in a protracted civil war. Therefore, the Afghan security forces were not properly trained and equipped, demonstrating that the U.S. military repeated mistakes of the Vietnam War. It is argued that the United States must temper its conventional warfare mindset and re-direct resources toward improved ways to conduct limited wars against irregular adversaries. The constabulary forces concept described by Morris Janowitz is a feasible way to improve the chances that U.S. forces will succeed in such limited wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American war in Afghanistan was originally an act of retaliation and retribution. Over time it assumed the moral burden of state-building. The state-building effort however was undermined by inadequate planning, inadequate knowledge, and inadequate understanding of the complexity and difficulty of the state-building process. Ultimately, the Afghanistan state-building effort failed. The commentary assumes the premise that even in an era of great power competition, the West cannot escape the challenge of state-building as fragile and failing states will continue to threaten global security. The commentary suggests a set of considerations for those responsible for the inevitable state-building challenges of the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On October 7, 2001, 3 weeks after 9/11, U.S. forces attacked Afghanistan; bombers struck Taliban headquarters and Al Qaeda training sites. By early December, the Taliban and Al Qaeda have been defeated and had fled. However, a war that began so successfully in 2001, eventually ended ignominiously on August 30, 2021, almost exactly 20 years later, with a U.S. withdrawal and a total Taliban victory. The speed of the Taliban's triumph shocked everyone. The entire campaign, costing US$2.3 trillion and 2,488 U.S. lives, had failed—utterly. The United States had lost its longest-ever war. How is it possible to explain a defeat of that magnitude? This article seeks to address this question. Although numerous factors played a role, this article identifies three principal factors: the environment, the local politics, and the Taliban. Afghanistan is a very difficult place to conduct large-scale military operations. The West never came to terms with the local politics and consequently undermined their own efforts. Finally, although they were not militarily sophisticated, the Taliban were politically astute and very resilient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States government's inability to view the conflict with the Taliban through the lens of the bargaining model of war was a fundamental element of its failure in Afghanistan. This problem was reinforced by a dysfunctional civil–military relations shaped by Samuel Huntington's theory of objective control, resulting in the military pursuing campaigns of attrition that fit its organizational preferences but did not advance civilian political goals. These issues are evident in three different moments during the War in Afghanistan where the U.S. failed to seize an opportunity that could have changed the result of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghan refugees experienced a surge of crisis in August 2021 after the U.S. troops withdrew operations in Afghanistan, leaving them exposed to the harms of the Taliban regime. Sudden evacuation led to family separation and uncertainty. Furthermore, the trauma of leaving loved ones behind and resettling into a new country of which this group had limited familiarity could have challenges in terms of integration. Through our brief practice note, we discuss the challenges faced by Afghan refugees resettling in the United States during these difficult times, along with implications for practitioners and service providers. We highlight strategies to ensure culturally responsive service provision for these refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Limited knowledge exists concerning the prevalence and drivers of intimate partner violence (IPV) against Afghan women and its association with child morbidity and mortality in Afghanistan. The study used data from the 2015 Afghanistan Demographic and Health Survey (ADHS 2015). The prevalence and associated sociodemographic factors of IPV were described by analyzing the data from Afghan women aged 15 to 49 years selected for the IPV module in ADHS 2015 (n = 24,070) whose children under 5 (n = 22,927) were included in the further analysis to estimate the morbidity and mortality of children and its association with IPV. It appeared that more than half of the Afghan women aged 15 to 49 years experienced IPV in the past year. Illiteracy (odds ratio [ OR ] = 1.69; 95% CI: 1.19, 2.39), living in rural areas (OR = 1.47; [1.19, 1.82]) being from the Pashtun, Tajik, Uzbek, and Pashai ethnic backgrounds were associated with a higher risk of IPV exposure. In general, the likelihood of child mortality within the first 5 years was higher among children born to mothers exposed to IPV, particularly physical and sexual even after adjustment for sociodemographic inequalities, the number of antenatal care, and marriage age. In addition, the odds of diarrhea, acute respiratory infection, and fever in the past 2 weeks were significantly higher among the children of victimized mothers in both adjusted and unadjusted models. Moreover, low birth weight and small birth size were more likely to be observed among the children of a mother who either experienced sexual or physical violence. The findings emphasized the elevated risk of morbidity and mortality among children under 5 born to mothers exposed to IPV and incorporating IPV screening into maternity and child care could reduce these adverse outcomes among Afghan women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on a study that examines how gender has been referenced in United Nations (UN), supranational and state documents on forced migration over the past 40 years. It is motivated by the premise that humanitarian protection discourses reflect broader institutional priorities and ideologies and may therefore expose gaps that reveal the relative importance given to the category of gender. The evidence presented below is the result of an extensive review of policy documents on Afghanistan, Kurdistan Region-Iraq (KRI), and Sri Lanka contained in the Refworld database. 1 The study sought to understand how gender is mentioned in terms of 1. governmentality — a top-down policy preference, which emphasizes the management of humanitarian protection; 2. empowerment — a bottom up policy preference, which emphasizes self-actualization and self-determination: we seek to understand how agency is expressed, including how opportunities for participation feature in policy discourse; 3. inclusion — the scope of coverage of different gender categories in policy discourse; and, 4. differentiation — the particularization of needs, wishes, and demands made by women, men, and girls and boys in displacement settings. The paper finds: • Where gender and displacement are discussed together, there is greater emphasis on governmentality, which crowds out other objectives, including advancing opportunities for gender empowerment and participation. • Internally displaced persons (IDPs) tend to be treated as an operational challenge alongside security and peacebuilding. The nature of their displacement is implicit in these documents, associated within the recurring themes of land, violence, empowerment, and livelihoods. The documents mention violence, but do not widely cover maternal, sexual, and reproductive health. • The documents offer little insight into the identities of the displaced — whether female, male, children, or members of LGBT communities — and are mostly silent on their specific protection needs. Overall, the paper finds remarkably little integration of gender within the humanitarian literature on forced displacement. In spite of much advocacy by the UN, the concept of gender has not been effectively disaggregated to address the specific needs of IDPs, especially in the discussion of children. This paper argues that taking gender seriously means recognizing how protection needs may be shaped by power relationships, and how policy and practice would be enhanced by a more nuanced understanding of how vulnerabilities and opportunities are structured by gender and the specificities of the displacement context. It recommends that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and partner UN agencies continue to find opportunities to bring humanitarian policy on gender and forced displacement into conversation in order to strengthen protection. To this end, it suggests that the concept of gender should be disaggregated to address the specific needs of displaced people, to reflect the wider range of identities of displaced people, and to foster opportunities for their empowerment, and participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades of long wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the media's attention on military veterans in the UK has been characterized by a series of shifts: from a focus on combat operations; to initiatives to support transition to civilian life; and finally to a largely invisible presence of veteran issues in the mediated public sphere. This article presents findings from an online qualitative survey conducted with British veterans in 2020. The authors' primary focus is on how veterans express their concerns when asked about varied televised representations of military and post-military experience. How did the respondents perceive differences across television genres (drama, news, reality TV), and how did this affect their engagement? How do they see their veteran identity reflected back at them through popular media culture? There is a growing research interest in 'veteran studies' from a range of disciplines, but the relationship between veteran identity and perceptions of (post)-military representations remains largely under-researched, at least in the UK context. One concern is that negative or misleading stereotypes of veterans among publics could hinder their successful reintegration into society, but the authors are interested in how veterans make sense of such representations across popular media culture, how they imagine the 'general public' audience in their reflections, and the nature of veteran identity they project within the survey responses. This study finds that anxieties about 'mad, bad or sad' stereotypical representations of veterans continue, but the diversity within its findings also reaffirms the importance of not treating veterans as a homogeneous group in research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has worked with non-EU countries, including Afghanistan, to manage migration from that country since 2015. EU policies regarding Afghan migration aim, in part, to change a migration dynamic in which smugglers have played a key role. This approach was maintained even in the immediate aftermath of the return of the Taliban in 2021 and was mainstreamed into EU humanitarian efforts. Here, we argue that current efforts at so-called border externalization have contributed to a moral rift between the EU and Afghan smugglers, one in which the smugglers develop moral justifications for their work. We show that the EU's short-term gains with regard to lower arrival numbers have come at the expense of developing a sense of legitimacy for their migration principles, governance, and infrastructure among the Afghan people over the long term. The widening moral rift between Afghan smugglers and EU policymakers is likely to bolster an existing migration infrastructure that provides a logic for grassroots resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the use of visual communication in sexual and reproductive health information resources produced by an Australian Family Planning organization for different populations – people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds (especially recent immigrants from Syria and Afghanistan), Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, and young people from both these groups. Co-authored by a semiotician and the manager of the organization's Health Promotion Team, it combines visual analysis of semiotic products with firsthand experience of the organization's semiotic practices. The article shows how the same medical information leads to different health information products for different groups on the basis of ideas about what can be considered culturally acceptable to these groups. In this way, it demonstrates a social semiotic approach to the analysis of visual communication in which the findings of analysing visual products are understood in relation to the practices of their production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Requirement for blood transfusion in the injured paediatric civilian population is rare. Therefore, a substantial evidence base underpinning damage control resuscitation (DCR) in paediatric patients is lacking. Published outcome data originating from Iraq and Afghanistan offer a unique opportunity to study large cohorts of children who received DCR. It is hoped that by collating the data, this review will inform pre-deployment medical training and support the development of paediatric specific DCR guidelines, which can be used in all trauma environments. Methodology: A comprehensive search of the literature was conducted using online databases, grey literature searching and screening of reference lists. Papers discussing blood product, crystalloid or tranexamic acid (TXA) administration in paediatric patients injured in Iraq and Afghanistan from 2001to present were included. Results: Eighteen papers were included – all were retrospective studies of data from military trauma databases. Most children that received massive transfusion were male (73.4%), injured in Afghanistan (69.9%) by explosives (60.4%) with a median age of 9 years. A definition of paediatric massive transfusion of 40 ml/kg of all blood products within 24 h was developed. Massive transfusion rates were high (15.7% of children). Whole blood administration occurred in 4% of patients requiring blood transfusions. Low crystalloid volumes in combination with balanced blood product ratios were associated with improved survival, along with the use of whole blood and TXA. Conclusion: The review offers insight into the paediatric population likely to require DCR and the optimal DCR strategies to be used in their management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban 2.0 have made overtures to states across different regions to seek international recognition. In a departure from their past isolationist foreign policy practices, I argue the Taliban have expediently, yet uncharacteristically, pursued these initiatives in a spirit of " pragmatism." The modus vivendi they have reached with Iran demonstrates the Taliban's unprecedented prioritization of pragmatism over ideology. I draw upon Machiavellian pragmatism in International Relations theory to examine the shift in the Taliban's political posture through the lens of Iran–Afghanistan relations in three crucial episodes: the Taliban's rule over Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001, the post-9/11 Afghanistan, and the resurgence of the Taliban since August 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the governance of post-US invasion Afghan and Iraqi media systems by analyzing provisions pertinent to public broadcasting, licensing, and defamation in 14 laws and policy documents in the two nations. The author argues that the results point to a regime of regulatory ambivalence whereby state authorities have established an ontologically incongruent complex of legal and policy structures characterized by a simultaneous cohabitation of democratic and authoritarian tendencies. This ambivalence, born of struggles and contestations between state authorities, domestic civil societies and external supporters and donors, is a deliberate technology of media governance. The authoritarian tendencies of this regulatory regime have implications for media/journalists' self-regulation as they are designed to curtail the agency of media institutions and journalists, and assert government control over speech and the flow of information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan has gone through a series of turmoils propelled by internal conflicts and foreign interventions. As the neighbor that shares Afghanistan's longest and, arguably, most important neighbor, Pakistan cannot remain aloof from the developments in Afghanistan. During the past 40 years, Pakistan has supported Mujahiddin against Soviets in 1980s, recognized the Taliban regime in 1990s, and joined the US-led war on terror in the 2000s and 2010s. The article argues that the current Afghan imbroglio confronts Pakistan with a peculiar set of challenges due to the lack of legitimacy of the Taliban regime in the eyes of foreign powers and the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. We contend that Pakistan needs to engage with the Taliban and use its leverage to make the Afghan government under the Taliban more inclusive. The same will help to resolve the miseries of the Afghan population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]