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Constitutions reflect national values and set out the foundational principles of governance. Traditionally, those values and principles have been male-defined. As such, constitutions often form the basis of the 'gendered state' with all its attendant inequities. Feminist constitutionalism challenges the wider domain of constitution-making to consider questions relating to gender inequality in constitutional debate, design and redesign. Through a case study approach, this article utilises a feminist lens to examine on-going constitutional debates in Northern Ireland that have been deepened by Brexit. Any new constitutional arrangements on the island of Ireland will drive multiple transformations in social, legal and economic life that will impact on the lives of women. Subsequently, this article explores the gender dynamics of current debates to contribute to the broader feminist literature on constitutional transitions in deeply divided societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consociationalism's uneven performance has focussed attention on the (possible) end stage of power-sharing systems. Northern Ireland, once lauded a consociational success, is now discussed among consociational failures. We use new public opinion data to assess consociationalism in Northern Ireland from a citizen's perspective, exploring support for, trust in, and knowledge of power-sharing. We show that public attachment to the principles of power-sharing is higher than might be expected, despite dissatisfaction with the practical operation of the institutions. Whilst trust in the Assembly is low, trust in some Executive ministers is higher. The results from a political knowledge test are suggestive of healthy (if critical) political engagement. Support for power-sharing is, however, lopsided vis-à-vis the region's two ethnonational communities. Citizens therefore offer a mixed verdict which, while not a ringing endorsement of the status quo, does not suggest the end of power-sharing. Assessments of power-sharing elsewhere could make similar use of public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A challenge for constitutional processes is to facilitate popular participation, including among marginalised groups. Uneven inclusion is highly likely 'upstream', in the early stages when ground rules and foundational principles guiding constitutional change are fleshed out, and particularly so in deeply divided societies. This article explores the obstacles to such inclusion in constitutional discussion in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland after Brexit, asking what 'other' voices (including women's groups, ethnic minorities and youth) experience as barriers to participation and how they suggest these barriers can be overcome. We categorise barriers as situational, emotional and discursive, and show that discursive obstacles are experienced as the principal barrier to participation. We argue that an inclusive process requires not simply new institutional frameworks and agendas for deliberation, but also an overhaul of channels between policymakers and grassroots, enabling policymakers to communicate policy constraints and facilitating grassroots' critique into policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties are afforded a key role in making consociational democracy work; however, parties that dis-identify with salient identities and appeal to voters across the ethno-political divide face barriers when interacting with voters and with other, segmental parties. Nevertheless, such cross-segmental parties often thrive and even ascend to power. Northern Ireland's cross-segmental parties – the Alliance Party, the Green Party, and People before Profit – have sought to traverse group-specific voter interests and set their agenda apart from that of segmental parties. For such parties to be considered 'coalitionable', they should outline their (potential) governing contribution to complement other political parties' agendas. Cross-segmental parties' participation in government makes them appear electable, but it is the focus on bipartisan concerns that consolidates their electoral success and ensures their political relevance. We focus on the evolution of Alliance's political agenda and fill a gap in the literature on the relevance of cross-segmental parties in consociations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can ethnic reconciliation be achieved in conflict settings where populations are physically separated? We address this question by examining the role of "extended contact"—a form of indirect contact which entails learning about the contact experiences of others—in the context of Cyprus's frozen conflict. We field a survey experiment in order to test two pathways through which extended contact works: (1) by helping build a common identity; and (2) by activating empathy. We find that our treatments are associated with greater trust in the outgroup and greater support for cross-ethnic interaction, but only among segments of the population that are initially less favorable toward reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A tripartite alliance formed by the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions has been ruling the country with wide parliamentarian majorities. The country remains more consensual and politically inclusive than any of the other African countries in the post-independence era. This article examines three performance's aspects of the party dominance systems: legitimacy, stability and violence. As we are living in a period in which an unprecedented number of countries have completed democratic transitions, it is politically and conceptually important that we understand the specific tasks of crafting democratic consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civic political parties in divided societies occupy an ambiguous place in the power-sharing literature. Scholarship tends to focus on ethnic parties and assumes civic actors to be marginal. The empirical reality tells a different story: civic parties have contributed to peace, stability and democracy in some of the world's most deeply divided places by playing a mediating role, acting as a moderating force and representing otherwise marginalised groups. Drawing from interviews with representatives from civic parties, ethnic parties and civil society in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and broader institutional analysis, I argue that civic parties' survival can be explained by the fact that they meet therein not only with barriers but also critical openings. They adapt to this opportunity structure, with different party types developing under different forms of power-sharing. In illustrating the relationship between governance models and civic parties, this article underlines the importance of post-settlement institutional design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From pre-disaster to recovery, education is a fundamental key in reducing the impacts of disasters on children, people, and communities. This article aims to highlight the key components that are necessary for building school resilience to earthquakes and to demonstrate that promotion of the seismic resilience of schools is not only critical for children's safety and the continuity of their education but also for the effective post-earthquake recovery of communities. It is shown that promoting social cohesion through the improvement of the seismic structural safety of school buildings and the capabilities of school administrators with regard to shifting to an online teaching and learning mode during school dysfunctions or closures are key to the post-earthquake recovery of vulnerable communities in divided societies. This article can be of practical significance to educational administrators interested in school protection and in the continuity of educational services in the aftermath of disasters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many see responsiveness towards the majority as sufficient for democracy because no other policy position receives more support. By contrast, I argue that the primacy of the majority is normatively and empirically problematic. From a normative point of view a 'good' democracy not only needs to maximise the influence of the majority but must also protect minorities against oppression by the majority population. These two goals are difficult to reconcile when majorities and minorities have different policy preferences. From an empirical point of view, a lack of policy responsiveness towards minorities has real empirical consequences as it may endanger the legitimacy and stability of a democracy by decreasing the political support of minority groups. The empirical analyses with 28 minority groups confirm the risks of a lack of policy responsiveness: minorities exhibit less political support than majorities, partly because responsiveness towards them is lower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research on consociationalism largely debates whether or not it exacerbates ethnic cleavages. Yet, although power sharing in some circumstances can harden ethnonational identities, a correlative consequence may be to further marginalise groups outside the bounds of official inclusion. While an emerging corpus of literature looks at women and power sharing, little research has been done regarding the implications of power sharing for sexual minorities. I argue in this article that consociationalism does impact on sexual minorities in complex ways. To account for variations in types of consociationalism, I examine two divergent forms – liberal and corporate – that demonstrate differences in relation to sexual minorities. Thus, I compare sexual minorities within Northern Ireland’s liberal structure with those in Lebanon’s corporate form. I find that differences between liberal and corporate consociations generate important, albeit complicated, implications for sexual minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the difference between winning and losing elections is large, elites have incentives to use ethnicity to control access to spoils, mobilizing some citizens and excluding others. This paper presents a new electoral mechanism, the turn-taking institution, that could move states away from ethnically mediated patron–client politics. With this mechanism, the whole executive term goes to a sufficiently inclusive supermajority coalition; if no coalition qualifies, major coalitions take short, alternating turns several times before the next election. A decision-theoretic model shows how the turn-taking institution would make it easier for mass-level actors to coordinate on socially productive policy and policy-making processes. We argue this institution would raise the price elites would pay to deploy and enforce exclusive ethnic markers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although advocates of consociationalism have asserted that there is solid empirical evidence supporting the use of power-sharing institutions in divided societies, previous quantitative tests of these theories suffer from serious data limitations and fail to take into account the conditional nature of institutional effects. The authors test the effect of (a) proportional representation (PR) over majoritarian electoral rules, (b) parliamentary over presidential or semipresidential arrangements, and (c) a federal over a unitary system in reducing conflict in a cross-country data set of 101 countries representing 106 regimes. The results undercut much of the previous empirical support for consociationalist arrangements in divided societies. Using a multiplicative specification, the authors find that PR and parliamentarism appear to exacerbate political violence when ethnic fractionalization is high, though the effect of federalism is less certain. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It has been widely established as fact that ethno-political conflict and civil war between the Tamils and the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka have generated immense sufferings among the Tamil and Sinhalese ethnic groups at the level of the masses. However, very little has been discussed about the plights of the Muslims of the North and East, particularly the former who became victims of the Sri Lanka’s long running ethnic conflict. In October 1990, the entire Muslim population of Jaffna, Vavumiya, Mullaitivu, Mannar and Kilinochchi districts in the northern region were evicted from their homes at gun point and turned into Internally Displaced Persons overnight by the Tamil Tigers (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam). Muslims of the North claim that they have some basic and important problems to be solved. This study attempts to identify some of the special problems of the expelled Northern Muslims who are languishing in the state supported refugee camps in Puttalam district. A questionnaire on the special problems of the Northern Muslims was circulated to the North Eastern youth, students, unemployed Muslims, and farmers. The population of the target group was selected randomly. More than 250 questionnaires were issued. Ninety percent of them responded to the questionnaire. Interviews were also conducted over the phone with an educated section of the Northern Muslims. Finally, solutions are suggested to the protracted ethno-political conflict based on power-sharing and easing the special problems of the Northern Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What, if any, is the value of sport to processes of peace and reconciliation? After introducing the largely rhetorical arguments for and against the value of using sport as a vehicle to promote peace building in divided societies, this article makes a more detailed and forensic examination of the evidence based on: the role played by sport in South Africa before and after apartheid; and second, drawing upon the author's own experiences garnered over more than two decades of conducting research and leading sport-based intervention initiatives in Northern Ireland and Israel. The article argues that sport is intrinsically value neutral and under carefully managed circumstances it can make a positive if modest contribution to peace building. The mobilization of an engaged sociological imagination in the context of a broader human rights agenda is central to this contribution. Drawing upon notions of pragmatism, left realism and praxis, the article concludes by presenting a 'ripple effect' model that illustrates the circumstances under which sport can make a difference in the promotion of social justice and human rights in deeply divided societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict in Sri Lanka between the Tamils and the Sinhalese brought the Eastern Muslims into the crossfire. Muslim elites and politicians generally cooperate with the Sinhalese ruling class. Such cohabitation irritated the Tamils. Since 1985, relations between the Tamils and the Muslims in the Eastern region have become strained, and Muslims claimed they have some problems to be solved. This study attempts to identify some special problems of the Eastern Muslims. A questionnaire on the special problems of the Eastern Muslims was distributed to the Eastern youth, students, unemployed Muslims and farmers. The population of the target group was selected randomly. More than 150 questionnaires were issued with a 75 percent response rate. Interviews were also conducted on the phone with an educated section of the Eastern Muslims. This study also suggests solutions to the protracted ethno-political conflict based on power sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In divided societies reconciliation between groups is an important, though difficult, goal. Democratic states always favor some group identities over others, making the idea of full reconciliation ever elusive. I argue that education alone cannot do much for reconciliation in divided societies, but can do so in tandem with a parallel political process of reconciliation. One way to push reconciliation through both is to construct a society that accepts the idea of nested identities; a state with nested identities accepts the different identities within it, though an overarching state identity is overlaid on top of these other identities. I suggest ways in which the idea of nested identities can be implemented in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]