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The integration process for immigrants is a multi-dimensional concept, influenced by a wide range of structural and individual factors, including social connections that immigrants make in the host society. An important part of this social connection can be developed with other co-nation immigrants within the immigrant community. However, this sometimes can be challenging due to the divisions that might exist within communities. Drawing on data with a mixed-method design, this study focuses on the Afghan community in Western Australia to understand, firstly, the relationship between Afghan immigrants' social connections within their community and successful integration within Australian society, and secondly the causes of divisions and challenges within the community. To do this, the Immigration Policy Lab (IPL) Integration Index was used to measure the level of integration among 115 Afghan participants in the quantitative phase, with 18 interviews and two focus groups conducted in the qualitative phase, to understand Afghan experiences of divisions within their community. Findings show that there is a correlation between Afghans' social connections within their community and the four dimensions of economic, social, linguistic, and navigational integration. Qualitative findings also showed the details of the challenges that Afghans face within their community due to ethnic/regional divisions as well as the challenges women face in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Often, undocumented immigrants are considered a population living in the shadows. But living below the radar of U.S. governmental authorities is no longer as accurate. As of the end of 2023, estimates indicate nearly six million, or nearly half, of the undocumented population has some level of liminal or protected status. At the same time, these protections are more temporary than before as most immigration policy now occurs in the executive, and not the legislative, branch, and is subject to dramatic shifts with a change in administration. Also, the diversity of protection types has grown. Using data for the U.S. case, this paper examines the broader implications of this trend on how the term "undocumented" is defined, as well as the advocacy and policy implications such new statuses portend. Having the world's largest undocumented population, the U.S. case can also shed light on our broader understanding of the undocumented label as a globally-referenced category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health is an integral feature of immigration, providing not only insight into population health but also a critical lens into immigrant integration and the power structure in receiving countries. The goal of this article is to chart the trajectory of scholarship on immigrants' health, focusing on the formative shift away from dominant individualistic perspectives focused on cultural and behavioral explanations toward a profoundly structural understanding of immigrants' health. Focusing primarily on the US context, we synthesize theoretical and empirical advances in structural perspectives of immigrants' health. We anchor these advances in the concept of exclusion, detailing how it undergirds structuralist perspectives of immigrants' health. We review common ways in which exclusion has been measured in the empirical literature on immigrants' health and highlight recent evidence linking exposure to exclusion to immigrants' health outcomes across the life course. We conclude by discussing key directions and challenges for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: This article examines China's recruitment of high-skilled migrants within a broader comparative analysis of selective migration strategies and adds the neglected Chinese case to the comparative immigration policy literature. China adopted certain selective migration polices from other countries, such as Canada and the United States, but its selective migration strategy does not fit established categories. Beginning in 2013, the Chinese communist government enacted new laws and issued new regulations to attract foreign talent and better regulate the entry, residence and employment of foreigners. The contours of China's distinctive selective migration policy became more defined as Beijing established a point system combined with a job offer requirement; reformed the Z visa, which is issued to those with a college degree who intend to work in China; established the R visa for exceptionally high-skilled migrants; and adopted more liberal policies on permanent residency for the highly skilled. These policies, combined with the opportunities presented by China's rapidly growing economy, attracted growing numbers of university graduates and propelled China, to become, for a brief period before the COVID-19 pandemic, a major destination for high-skilled migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: During his first administration, former President Trump adopted aggressive anti-immigrant policies, which included family separation, a ban on individuals from Muslim-majority countries, stringent border policies like the Remain in Mexico and Title 42, and attempted terminations of programs such as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for several national groups. Attorneys and representatives for immigrants had some success in pushing back against the administration's most extreme measures through litigation and advocacy. Should they return to the White House, Trump and his supporters have promised to enact an even more draconian anti-immigrant agenda, including a commitment to conducting the largest mass deportation in U.S. history, ending birthright citizenship (which is guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment), and revoking humanitarian protections for those already in the United States. Many of these efforts, of course, will be challenged in court. This article summarizes 10 likely immigration initiatives under a second Trump administration. It seeks to educate members of the public who value the crucial role and myriad contributions of immigrants and refugees — past and present — in the United States. It will also outline how advocates can fight to protect their clients from these measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy evaluation studies, which assess the effect of an intervention, face statistical challenges: in real-world settings treatments are not randomly assigned and the analysis might be complicated by the presence of interference among units. Researchers have started to develop methods that allow to manage spillovers in observational studies; recent works focus primarily on binary treatments. However, many studies deal with more complex interventions. For instance, in political science, evaluating the impact of policies implemented by administrative entities often implies a multi-valued approach, as a policy towards a specific issue operates at many levels and can be defined along multiple dimensions. In this work, we extend the statistical framework about causal inference under network interference in observational studies, allowing for a multi-valued individual treatment and an interference structure shaped by a weighted network. The estimation strategy relies on a joint multiple generalized propensity score and allows one to estimate direct effects, controlling for both individual and network covariates. We follow this methodology to analyze the impact of the national immigration policy on the crime rate, analyzing data of 22 OECD countries over a thirty-years time frame. We define a multi-valued characterization of political attitude towards migrants and we assume that the extent to which each country can be influenced by another country is modeled by an indicator, summarizing their cultural and geographical proximity. Results suggest that implementing a highly restrictive immigration policy leads to an increase of the crime rate and the estimated effect is larger if we account for interference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Categorising certain forms of human movement as 'migration' and others as 'mobility' has far-reaching consequences. We introduce the migration–mobility nexus as a framework for other researchers to interrogate the relationship between these two categories of human movement and explain how they shape different social representations. Our framework articulates four ideal-typical interplays between categories of migration and categories of mobility: continuum (fluid mobilities transform into more stable forms of migration and vice versa), enablement (migration requires mobility, and mobility can trigger migration), hierarchy (migration and mobility are political categories that legitimise hierarchies of movement) and opposition (migration and mobility are pitted against each other). These interplays reveal the normative underpinnings of different categories, which we argue are too often implicit and unacknowledged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Restrictive immigration policies harm the mental health of undocumented immigrants and their U.S. citizen family members. As a sociopolitical stressor, threat to family due to immigration policy can heighten anxiety, yet it is unclear whether political engagement helps immigrant-origin students to cope. We used a cross-sectional survey of college students from immigrant families (N = 2,511) to investigate whether anxiety symptomatology was associated with perceived threat to family and if political engagement moderated this relationship. We stratified analyses by self/parental immigration statuses—undocumented students, U.S. citizens with undocumented parents, and U.S. citizens with lawfully present parents—to examine family members' legal vulnerability. Family threat was significantly associated with anxiety; higher levels of political engagement reduced the strength of this relationship. However, this moderation effect was significant only for U.S. citizens with lawfully present parents. These findings emphasize the importance of the family immigration context in shaping individuals' mental health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research shows that restrictive immigration policies and practices are associated with poor health, but far less is known about the relationship between inclusive immigration policies and health. Using data from the United States natality files, we estimate associations between state laws granting undocumented immigrants access to driver's licenses and perinatal outcomes among 4,047,067 singleton births to Mexican and Central American immigrant birthing people (2008–2021). Fitting multivariable log binomial and linear models, we find that the implementation of a license law is associated with improvements in low birthweight and mean birthweight. Replicating these analyses among U.S.-born non-Hispanic White birthing people, we find no association between the implementation of a license law and birthweight. These findings support the hypothesis that states' extension of legal rights to immigrants improves the health of the next generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illustrates how US Border Patrol agents and Dutch Military and Border Police officers explain racialized border control outcomes, through colourblind ideologies. These ideologies—legalism, criminalization and securitization—function as euphemisms that allow border agents to downplay the importance of immigrants' race/ethnicity in their decision making and behaviour. Yet, underlying these colourblind ideologies are racialized immigration laws and social constructions that continue to produce group-based inequalities in who is questioned, arrested, detained and removed by border guards. We call for cross-national comparisons of how race/ethnicity is both manifested and concealed in border control. We also suggest the existence of supranational racial frames that protect the status quo in western immigration policies and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite being frequently invoked in everyday police work and immigration enforcement to justify coercive measures, public order and security remains an ambiguous legal concept. For EU citizens, the Citizens' Rights Directive stipulates public order and security grounds to provide a higher threshold against removals than criminal convictions alone. However, the removal grounds for EU citizens were founded on even less than criminal convictions in analysis of 100 removal orders for mobile Estonian and Romanian citizens in Finland. Ultimately, the removal orders relied on the assumption of future crimes and invoked a conception of 'dangerous individuals' with criminal tendencies, even based on single minor offences and administrative penal orders without criminal convictions. Notwithstanding various legal meanings, I argue that the required public order and security grounds for the removal of EU citizens corresponded to police conceptions of mobile populations as a potential source of criminality and a threat to social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper places the seemingly distinct projects of refugee protection and temporary foreign worker programs alongside one another to reveal their interlinked relationship. I argue that despite its seeming humanitarian exceptionality, refugee protection is deeply implicated in the production of both the category and supply of temporary foreign workers for the Canadian economy. I demonstrate that the defining limitations of refugee law in relation to questions of class and economic deprivation are integral to the conceptualization of the category of the migrant worker. I then engage with statistical data to show that patterns of refugee adjudications in Canada have contributed to maintaining the supply of temporary foreign workers. In particular, I show that Canada has consistently rejected refugee claims from key source countries of migrant workers, namely Jamaica and Mexico. By refusing these claims, Canadian refugee protection has constituted Jamaican and Mexican nationals as inappropriate subjects of permanent protection and, subsequently, primed them for incorporation as temporary foreign workers. In effect, Canadian im/migration has operated like a revolving door: pushing some nationalities out of the permanent protection of refugee status while pulling them into the precarious opening of temporary labour migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security concerns about immigration are on the rise. Many countries respond by fortifying their borders. Yet little is known about the influence of border security measures on perceived threat from immigration. Borders might facilitate group identities and spread fear of outsiders. In contrast, they might enhance citizens' sense of security and control over immigration. We test these claims using survey experiments run on a quota sample of over 1000 Americans. The findings show that allocating more government resources to border security increases desired levels of immigration. This effect is likely driven by a sense of control over immigration, induced by border security measures even when the number or characteristics of immigrants remain unchanged. Our findings suggest that border controls, which are widely considered as symbols of closure and isolation, can increase public support for immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding punitive implications, immigration detention as an administrative deprivation of liberty represents a characteristic police measure, targeting deportable noncitizens with limited rights and protections. Drawing on an analysis of the detention system in Finland, I discuss different functions of immigration detention, focusing on police powers in the governance of mobile populations. In Finland, immigration detention is separated from the criminal justice system and delegated to the police, who possess broad powers to impose coercive measures for the enforcement of immigration decisions and social control in the absence of effective judicial supervision. Despite being affiliated with the removal of rejected asylum seekers, immigration detention also is intertwined with crime prevention and control of irregular migration. In addition to deprivation of liberty in the first place, police measures support removal procedures that continue during detention, as well as other administrative strategies to control deportable people and deter unauthorized residency, involving varying degrees of coercion. Though connected with criminal justice and manifestations of penal power in border criminology discussions, immigration detention can arguably be better understood as a coercive police measure, which can be employed alongside other administrative means for immigration enforcement outside of the criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on immigration enforcement and bordered penality frequently depict immigration detention as a system of confinement enforced in closed, relatively opaque facilities geared towards the expeditious deportation of non-citizens. This notion is actually a synecdoche of the diverse forms of containment and the varying, more or less dispensable roles played by detention practices within immigration enforcement systems. This paper challenges this perspective by considering prominent changes taking place in the detention field across Europe, which can be seen as signals of a gradual detention crisis. In this respect, it explores the versatility of detention practices, which have made the detention system particularly resilient. Despite this resilience, though, the paper unveils and maps the obsolescence of detention centric models of immigration enforcement, which manifests itself in the jurisdictions in which detention systems either are largely irrelevant or have been shrinking in the recent past. Additionally, the paper examines the consolidation of the hotspot archipelago in Mediterranean Europe, which has expanded the containment capacity of the border control apparatus and made it increasingly plastic. Yet the hotspot system is in itself an additional manifestation of the obsolescence of detention-centric models of enforcement. After having scrutinised these different dimensions, the paper concludes by exploring the promises and pitfalls of a changing detention landscape and suggesting directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western nations like Australia should be safe havens for people fleeing their home countries due to war, persecution, and other threats. People make often perilous journeys in search of asylum expecting protection from violence. However, these expectations are not matched by the realities of Australian immigration detention. This study explores the realities of detention by analysing women's experiences of violence, including intimate partner violence, within Australian long-term immigration detention. The study uses quantitative data derived from 629 Commonwealth Ombudsman reports on 252 women. The results show that violence against women is rife in Australian detention facilities, where women are victims of multiple forms of violence perpetrated by partners, families, other detainees, and staff. Personal and situational factors are explored, including type and length of detention, family and kinship networks, as well as previous experiences of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates who counts as dangerous for immigration control purposes and how states spot and monitor purportedly dangerous people for immigration enforcement measures. By examining Canadian immigration detention law and practice during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, the study finds that nearly all danger-based immigration detentions targeted long-term Canadian residents who had typically lost permanent legal status following a criminal conviction. The article argues that a core function of immigration enforcement processes is the removal of supposedly undesirable persons from society and that danger-based detentions are used primarily for post-admission migration control. Furthermore, the study reveals that the surveillance and policing of dangerous individuals largely relies on external police agencies, with immigration officials rarely initiating or managing their own investigations. The findings from this research contribute to the growing body of literature on the overlap between criminal law and immigration law and shows that—in the context of danger-based immigration detention—immigration authorities do not initiate their own investigations, but depend almost exclusively on the work of criminal police forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent dramatic growth in self-employment among Mexican immigrants in the United States in the past two decades is a puzzling trend, in stark contrast to the stagnant growth or even decline among other demographic groups. The authors propose that the expansion of interior immigration enforcement, a characteristic of the US immigration policy during that time span, contributed to this unique trend by pushing Mexican immigrants into self-employment as an alternative livelihood. Exploiting temporal and geographic variation in immigration enforcement measures from 2005 to 2017, the authors show that tougher enforcement has been responsible for approximately 15% of the rise in Mexican self-employment in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I examine how belonging takes place within lives shaped by the hostile milieu of UK immigration policies and politics, by focusing on the everyday experiences of unaccompanied young people seeking asylum. Drawing on Deleuze and Guattari's assemblage, I suggest an understanding of belonging as a rhizomatic assemblage, comprising the interactions and relations of diverse forces and flows. Based on the analysis of in-depth interviews with unaccompanied young people and the professionals who care for or work with them, I conclude that belonging is reconfigured in-between relations, always incomplete and in transition. I argue that belonging is characterised by inconsistencies and ruptures and made possible by the 'micro-politics' of those unaccompanied young people encounter in their everyday lives. I contribute to the literature by conceptualising the sociological notion of belonging in a novel way and exposing its key components and nature formed under precarious conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A wide range of sub-national immigration and immigrant-related policies have been adopted in the United States in the last two decades. Using data from the Urban Institute and IPUMS, the authors analyze the impact of state-level policy climates related to enforcement, integration, and public benefits on inter-state mobility for immigrants. The findings of the present analysis show that immigrants are responsive to changes in the state-level immigration policy climate. They are less likely to move out of states that are on balance more supportive of the foreign-born population and more likely to relocate from restrictive states. In addition, the policy impacts do not vary significantly by immigrants' education, language fluency, or employment status, calling into question whether the policies miss their intended targets. These findings have implications for local governments and agencies in policy design and implementation as they continue to develop policies targeting the foreign-born population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights often fall short of challenging oppression because they are enmeshed with conservative institutions, such as the law and the state. Despite these shortcomings, grassroots organisations contesting border regimes in Berlin often make use of human rights in their everyday mobilisation. They engage in autonomous forms of mobilisation outside the state and construct non-legal notions of human rights that are emancipatory for racialised migrants. However, these same organisations also address demands to state authorities by using legal notions of human rights. In this article, I draw on the framework focusing on abolition and non-reformist reforms, which have been developed by activists and scholars in their resistance to policing and the Prison-Industrial Complex. I innovatively extend its use to propose a nuanced understanding of grassroots approaches to human rights. Specifically, I argue that these approaches entail the concurrent pursuit of short-term reformist reforms and border abolition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: This study explores the relationship between "sanctuary policies" that bar local law enforcement agencies from cooperating with federal immigration authorities and immigrant attitudes toward law enforcement agencies. It draws upon original survey data collected in New Mexico in 2019 and finds: • First, that immigrants who believe they are protected by sanctuary have more trust in their police and sheriffs than immigrants who anticipate collaboration between local law enforcement and immigration authorities; • Second, that awareness of sanctuary policies is nonetheless the exception to the rule, particularly among immigrant men. The study therefore highlights not only the limits to sanctuary policies sensu stricto but the limited scope and gendered nature of legal consciousness among immigrants in a multilayered enforcement regime. Our findings suggest that promoting sanctuary policies to immigrant communities, particularly through immigrant-serving agencies, may be nearly as critical in improved immigrant-police relations, as adopting sanctuary policies. The Department of Homeland Security and the courts should therefore adopt a uniform definition of sanctuary and disseminate it to state and local officials — especially in law enforcement — throughout the country. Furthermore, localities that adopt sanctuary policies should publicize them as widely as possible so that they have the desired effect in immigrant communities and facilitate the improvement of police-community relations in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Restrictive immigration policies and enforcement practices are associated with poor health and mental health outcomes among Latinx immigrants. Over the last two decades, the state of California has enacted over 20 pro-integration immigration policies to protect and enhance the quality of life for immigrants. Accounting for the nested structure of immigration policy, this study examined the relationship between immigrants' perceptions of integration and health. Participants originated primarily from Mexico (N = 137). Hierarchical regression analysis was used to evaluate the contribution of variables in sequential blocks. While controlling for demographics, and immigration characteristics, we assessed the relationship between California immigration policy knowledge, perceived immigrant integration, threat of deportation, and two indicators of health—psychological distress and self-rated health. Perceived immigrant integration was associated with lower levels of psychological distress and better self-rated health. The threat of deportation was associated with a decline in self-rated health and higher levels of psychological distress. Policy advocacy and access to health care are needed to reduce the harmful effects of enforcement practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration is an extremely divisive political issue in Western Europe and North America. We examine whether immigration policy preferences are more nuanced than commonly understood. Too often, analyses of immigration policy preferences only consider the number of people allowed into the country. Yet, immigration policy must also address which people are allowed into the country and what rights they can have. We present results from a series of original surveys conducted in Germany between April 2020 and August 2022. We find preferences about policies governing immigration flows are conditional on policies governing entrance criteria and rights eligibility. Respondents who oppose immigration in general are willing to compromise and allow more immigration if entrance criteria become more selective. Respondents who support immigration are willing to compromise and accept less immigration if rights become more generous. Our findings have implications for understanding divides over immigration as well as policy debates more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration policies and deportations have negatively impacted not only undocumented immigrant students and their families, but also their teachers, administrators, counselors, and other community members. Drawing on Freire's (1970) concept of praxis, and on critical-ecological educational approaches (da Silva Iddings, 2017), we interviewed educators to better understand the possibilities of partnerships between university-schools-communities to collaboratively facilitate educational equity and safety of undocumented immigrant students in U.S. schools. Thus, this article aims to shed light on ways to respond to the current sociopolitical and educational issues these students are facing and on ways to improve their schooling experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latinxs have a long history of participation in basketball, yet links to education scholarship are for the most part non-existent. In a context of ongoing subtractive policies around curriculum, teaching, toxic immigration policies and other sociopolitical realities, Latinxs have long used "hoops" as a space for identity formation, "education," and refuge. Working through the aforementioned gap in education scholarship, I make connections to Latino males research, work on fugitivity, and draw implications for decolonizing forms of education/schooling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a book review of "Trump and the Deeper Crisis" edited by Kevin A Young, Michael Schwartz, and Richard Lachmann. The book explores the deeper crisis that Donald Trump represents, highlighting the continuity of issues across presidential administrations. It discusses various topics such as Trump's racism, alliance with White evangelicals, immigration policy, healthcare failures during the COVID-19 pandemic, and ruling class divisions over fossil fuel use. The book also examines Trump's foreign policy approach, comparing it to previous presidents and highlighting the transformation of US foreign policy over the years. The review concludes that the book provides a class-based analysis of the contemporary US political economy and places Trumpism in historical and material context. [Extracted from the article]

Local elected sheriffs increasingly have responsibility to implement immigration policies, yet sheriffs are rarely studied in criminal justice. By measuring the attitudes of Texas sheriffs, we seek to understand their important views on immigration in the United States. A census was completed with Texas sheriffs in late 2019 and early 2020. Views were sought on (1) controlling unauthorized immigration, (2) pathways to citizenship, and (3) unauthorized immigration and crime. A strong return rate captured the views of 142 (56%) respondent sheriffs from both rural and urban counties. Findings indicate that a majority of Texas sheriffs see a link between authorized immigrants and crime, see a limited path to citizenship and view the primary enforcement of immigration to be a federal prerogative. Practical implications and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of immigration policy is marked by the wrongful and discriminatory exclusion of certain groups of people. In this article, I argue that descendants of those who were wrongfully excluded have a pro tanto right to immigrate to the state in question as reparation. I begin by identifying the two main approaches theorists generally take to establish a claim for reparation: the inheritance approach and the counterfactual approach. In the first section, I argue that the inheritance approach does not offer a promising argument for reparations for descendants of those who were wrongfully excluded. In the second section, I argue that the counterfactual approach, by contrast, does. In the third section, I respond to the objection that this prima facie claim for reparation can be undermined by current circumstances. In the fourth section, I show why this reparation should be offered in the form of immigration rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a prospective cohort study of Latinx adolescents living in an agricultural county in California, we examined perceptions of federal immigration policy and its effects on community and individual wellbeing. From May to December 2017, 565 youth responded to an open-ended item integrated into ongoing surveys. Median age was 14 (range 13–16 years), 53% female, and 94% Latinx. About 12% were immigrants, 71% children of immigrant parents, and 52% had a parent employed in farm work. Most (78%) indicated they directly experienced or observed effects of current federal immigration policies. Adolescents described anti-immigrant sentiment as heightening discrimination, isolation, fear, and mental health changes. They also perceived constraints on future educational and employment opportunities. These findings suggest that the federal immigration policy environment can negatively impact the wellbeing of youth in Latinx communities and that immigration policy should be considered a social determinant of health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research demonstrates that acculturated co-ethnics of immigrant groups adopt restrictive immigration policy preferences akin to that of host country dominant groups. However, acculturated U.S. Latinxs still maintain relatively open immigration policy preferences despite their distance from the canonical immigrant archetype (e.g., Spanish-speaking, immigrant). To answer the puzzle, I draw on sociological perspectives and theorize that the increased societal integration of undocumented immigrants in tandem with an expanding interior immigration enforcement apparatus generates rebuff against Anglo political norms among acculturated Latinxs. Using 6 national Latinx surveys, I corroborate my theory and find perceptibly threatening immigration enforcement contexts forestall the adoption of restrictive immigration policy preferences via acculturation. Absent deportation threat, acculturated Latinxs adopt immigration preferences similar to white Anglos. I also replicate these findings for attitudinal dimensions outside immigration policy preferences. This paper suggests political assimilation is not preordained among acculturated immigrant co-ethnics in light of an unreceptive host society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do undocumented immigrants matter as constituents for state legislators? In this study we examine legislator responsiveness to differing ethnicities and immigration statuses of immigrant constituents through a field experiment conducted in 2014 in 44 U.S. state legislatures. We advance a theory of citizen advantage, that citizens and particularly white citizens will reap greater representation from legislators, but that even undocumented immigrants can constitute a meaningful subconstituency that receives some, albeit less, responsiveness from legislators. Each legislator received a constituent request that was identical in content and varied the constituent's race/ethnic identity by using a first name and surname cue (Latinx or Eastern European) and immigration status (undocumented/citizen/control). We found that legislators respond less to undocumented constituents regardless of their ethnicity and are more responsive to both the Latinx and Eastern European-origin citizen treatments, with Republicans being more biased in their responsiveness to undocumented residents. Nuances within the data reveal that despite limited electoral incentive, some legislators are responsive to undocumented immigrants regardless of race or ethnicity; however, when immigration status is not cued, white residents receive greater responsiveness than Latinx. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National identification strength is a key Euroscepticism driver. We examine how politicians' framing of immigration policies increases the salience of different national identity representations and its relationship with support for the European Union (EU) in a two-waves between-subject survey-experiment using French and German samples. As predicted, exposure to assimilation frames (directly for the French sample or via frame perception for both samples) increased the salience of ethnocultural national identity representations. Additionally, as hypothesised, higher ethnocultural representations salience following assimilation frames exposure was related to higher Euroscepticism. However, feeling emotionally attached to the EU reduced this negative impact of ethnocultural national identity representations on EU attitudes. We discuss the role of ethnocultural nationalism in Euroscepticism and the importance of fostering stronger emotional ties to the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a dearth of studies comparing the relative explanatory power of several major theories related to policy support for immigrants specifically in the context of local policies (as opposed to those at the state and national levels) and related to immigrant settlement and attraction (as opposed to welfare or legal benefits). By testing alternate explanations of local immigration policy, the analysis contributes to the development of theory related to policymaking in this area. Based on a national survey of municipalities across the US there is little evidence that racial threat theory limits local immigrant supportive policies. However, the policy determinants differ by the type of immigrant attraction and support policy examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although current and former English Learner (EL) or "ever-EL" students comprise one of the fastest-growing K-12 populations, we still know relatively little about the factors that influence their college-going. Using Perna's seminal college-going model as a launching point, we propose a policy-driven empirical approach to explore how state and federal policy uniquely inform ever-EL students' academic trajectories. This model considers how EL education policy is largely defined at the federal level but interpreted and implemented by state and local actors (i.e., the Lau and Castañeda cases). In addition, largely of immigrant origin, ever-EL students are directly affected by federal immigration policy as well as state immigrant policies. We suggest that the unique status of EL education in K-12 schools and the framing of immigrant-origin communities in federal and state policies make it necessary to consider both federal and state policy contexts in ever-EL college-going research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrialized countries have increasingly used skill-based selective migration policies to reduce labor and skill shortages. But are these policies effective? This paper uses Japan and the United Kingdom to illustrate how immigration policy and employment, training and labor practices influence labor and skill supply. Until recently, these two countries had different migration policies and labor practices. Yet data shows similar patterns of labor and skill shortage profiles in both countries. This paper draws on empirical research to argue that such outcomes suggest that immigration policies will not alleviate labor and skill shortages unless accompanied by the transformation of employment and training practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine patterns of county participation in immigration enforcement across the Obama and Trump administrations and responses to the Trump administration's efforts to mandate local compliance with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) directives. We focus on the policy that directly speaks to local discretion in enforcing federal law—namely, the willingness of local officials to render immigrant detainees to ICE. We find that underlying patterns of detainee transfers from counties to ICE were largely consistent between the Obama and Trump administrations. Nonetheless, the rate of detainee transfers increased during the Trump administration, an outcome associated with county support for Trump in the 2016 election. The findings suggest that partisanship is an entrenched source of diverging county enforcement practices, increasing intergovernmental conflict and undermining the "steam valve" potential of immigration federalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work highlights the experience of eight education students from a public university in the American Southeast in their trip to Stewart Immigration Detention Center. A pre-interview and two post-interviews were conducted to understand students' perceptions toward the topic, what they learned from their experience, and how the experience affected their views on immigration with a particular concern for the intersection of immigration and education. Some of the themes that emerged were the broader injustices of the profit driven immigration detention industry, the difficulties of structural change, the idea of American (industrialized world) privilege, the ease by which individuals are detained, and the dehumanizing treatment. In regard to education, participants highlighted the need for curriculum to focus on the topic of immigration including the integration of immigrant stories, a global education that counters xenophobic narratives, and the need for a more critical approach overall in the social studies classroom. This research is relevant to the larger intersection of immigration policy and education and the need for educators to become advocates for social change not only in their classroom but in regard to the larger injustices in the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines public opinion about immigration policy in 2012 and 2016, seeking to understand whether there are meaningful differences in public opinion across these elections, whether the predictors of opinion changed, and whether the issue's salience grew. One prominent candidate for explaining differences in opinion about immigration in 2016 is the rhetoric of Donald J. Trump, whose presidential candidacy was launched with an attack on immigration from Mexico. We analyze content from Trump's campaign speeches and from Mitt Romney's 2012 campaign speeches to compare the emphasis on immigration themes, finding that Trump talked far more about immigration than Romney did. We also examine media coverage and find a marked increase in mentions of the immigration issue, which should, in theory, lead to more people seeing immigration as an important problem. We analyze "most important problem" questions from American National Election Studies surveys and find that mentions of immigration increased from less than one percent in 2012 to about five percent in 2016. However, we find that the overall distribution of public opinion about immigration changed very little from 2012 to 2016. Multivariate models show that the predictors of opinion about immigration policies were primarily the same in 2016 as in 2012: a combination of perceived economic threat, perceived cultural threat, and ethnic prejudice. In addition, models of presidential vote choice find that immigration issues were statistically significant predictors in 2016 but not in 2012. All of this suggests that Trump's 2016 candidacy did not persuade so much as it activated. Trump's rhetoric did not significantly alter American public opinion on immigration. Still, his emphasis on the immigration issue did garner increased media coverage and was attractive to many Republican and conservative voters who already held anti-immigration views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do perceptions of local immigrant populations influence immigration policy views? Building on findings that Americans may not accurately perceive population dynamics, we argue that objective measures do not fully capture the effects of local context on public opinion. Our research uses novel subjective experimental reminders about current levels of and recent changes in local immigrant populations to explore how these perceptions impact immigration policy views. In a survey experiment, we asked 2,400 Americans to consider current levels of or recent changes in their local immigrant population. Asking subjects to consider current levels of local immigrant populations modestly increases support for pro-immigrant policies, with particularly strong effects among non-White and Republicans. These effects may be driven by positive perceptions of immigrants and have implications for understanding the role of local community frames in shaping public opinion about immigration, particularly for groups who do not typically support permissive immigration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on narrative interviews with irregular Chinese migrant workers (ICMWs) in the United Kingdom (UK) to show how the UK's immigration policies foster forms of illegal working and labour exploitation that they are supposed to combat. It argues that the binary conceptualisation of 'forced labour' as the polar opposite of 'free labour' leaves those migrants working without a right to do so at the risk of both criminalisation and exploitation. The article shows how the fear of criminalisation, together with the pressure to become economically successful in the West, among ICMWs diminishes their capacity to leave exploitative work, reinforcing the unequal power relations between them and their employers, landlords, advisers, and translators. Many ICMWs who are officially cast as 'illegal immigrants' need protection, not from 'snakeheads' and 'traffickers', but the exploitative and precarious work UK government policies render them economically reliant upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two purposes. The first is theoretical: to revise use of the concept of moral economy in migration studies, and the related concept of deservingness. I will identify different versions and meanings, showing their significant contribution to the understanding of migration issues, but discussing their lack of consideration of a particular aspect: the conflict between competing moral economies. The second and related purpose will be to apply the concept of moral economy to an analysis of the public debate on the recent measure, related to the COVID-19 pandemic, enacted to regularise unauthorised immigrants in Italy (May–August 2020). The measure, almost unique in Europe and in the Global North, has involved only workers, and workers employed in two sectors: agriculture and domestic/care services. This decision can be seen as a choice in terms of moral economy: some sectors and some immigrant workers have deserved more consideration than other workers. The empirical material is constituted by declarations and statements by social and political actors who took part in the debate, using moral-economic arguments to support their position. I will review this debate through the lens of competing moral economies and different notions of deservingness. In the conclusion I argue that in migration policies, relevant moral and political values are involved: human rights and national sovereignty, the right to mobility and citizens' rights, the right of asylum and social cohesion. I wish for a more subtle use of the concept of moral economy to feed a better discussion of these crucial topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe is experiencing heightened public attention toward anti-immigration policy reforms and restrictions. Despite the potential importance of these policy changes, we do not know whether these policies influence how immigrant children perceive their futures in their host countries. Employing secondary data analysis of the Program for International Student Assessment and the Migrant Integration Policy Index data, I show that a decrease in policy support for immigrant integration is associated with a decrease in how good of a job immigrant children expect to have when they are adults. Since students' occupational expectations influence their eventual status attainment, this article shows that a decrease in pro-integration policies has important implications for the integration of immigrants into their host countries and for their life trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public relations professionals engineer acceptability for policy, such as child immigrant detention, through key messages. Agenda building, engineered frames, and rules theories guide study of spokesperson attributions from 221 articles from January 2017 to October 2019. Findings show attributions to U.S. government spokespersons appeared most in stories. Journalist inquiries were declined at times by spokespersons citing legal and privacy arguments. While all spokespersons addressed the vulnerability of detained children, government spokespersons framed adult immigrant criminality as causing children harm. Opinion polls show government efforts to present child detention as a law-and-order issue appears to clash with cultural rules that value child well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With more jobs requiring educational credentials, highly educated migrants are sought by many governments. This study is drawn from recently collected data between 2018 and 2020 in Hong Kong on highly educated migrants from Mainland China. We explored how entry visa categories, current experience and future expectation of highly educated migrants are related to their intention to stay. The findings suggest that all three aspects of their migration experience are related to their intention to stay. The findings also indicate that immigration policies, in particular visa categories, play a significant role in the intention of highly skilled migrants to stay. Thus, the government should pay attention to the types of visas that are likely to influence the retention of the highly educated in Hong Kong and the number of visas that are issued each year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research has explored which factors are important in understanding immigration attitudes, incorporating economic, cultural, and political components, among others. Simultaneously, a literature linking local demographic context to immigration attitudes has developed, in part to identify under what conditions demographic change might increase immigration Backlash. I combine these literatures by examining what characteristics and/or contexts for U.S.-born Whites predict Backlash to demographic change. I find evidence that county-level Hispanic growth predicts a preference for reducing immigration among three groups: those without a four-year degree, those identifying as political Independents, and those reporting a decrease in household income. These results provide a framework for understanding how immigration policy attitudes may evolve for different groups in the context of demographic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individual attitudes towards immigration are powerfully driven by ethnic context, that is, size of foreign-born population. We advance the literature by examining how the change (growth) in foreign-born population, in addition to its size (level), is related to two distinct outcomes: natives' views on legal and unauthorized immigration. By analysing a probability US sample, we find that an increase in the state-level immigration population is positively related to Americans' approval of a policy aimed at containing the flow of undocumented immigrants. The proportion of immigrants in a state, however, is not a significant predictor of support for such restrictive policy. With respect to legal immigration, neither the amount of recent change in, nor the size of, the immigration population matters. Our study provides strong evidence for contextual effects: net of compositional factors, a dynamic change in foreign-born population has an independent impact on how Americans view unauthorized, but not legal, immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent do national partisan cues exert influence over local voting behavior? Despite being an "immigrant welcoming city," in November, 2019, Tucson, Arizona, voters rejected Prop. 205—the Tucson Families Free and Together Initiative. We leverage theories of elite partisan cues to explain why voters in a progressive city voted against such an initiative. In contrast to Democratic support for sanctuary cities at the national level, we argue that mixed cues from local Democratic elites contributed significantly to a surprising rejection of the initiative. Using aggregate-level data and a framing experiment, we find that the local political environment split Democratic votes (50% favored, 50% opposed) while keeping Republican voters—who received consistent elite cues of opposition—uniformly against the proposition. This study illustrates how local partisan elite cues can shape ballot initiative voting outcomes, even to the point of overriding negative partisanship and national co-partisan consensus on the same issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

B I [A] successful, reinvigorated national industrial policy depends on a humane and inclusionary immigration policy. i b Can the labor movement and the left organize for a green industrial policy I and i an inclusionary immigration policy bold enough to stop climate change? Keywords: capitalism; climate change; environmental movement; green economy; immigrant workers; industrialization; labor; neoliberalism; populism; racism EN capitalism climate change environmental movement green economy immigrant workers industrialization labor neoliberalism populism racism 50 58 9 02/07/23 20230101 NES 230101 Graph: The Climate Strike and march in Pittsburgh on September 24, 2021.Mark Dixon, Flickr After years of sidelining and irrelevance in the market-dominated climate policy world, the American left struck green gold with the Green New Deal (GND) - substantially expanding the horizon of political possibility in green industrial policy. The GND framework, if not affirmatively messaged, can reproduce the exclusionary logics of the original New Deal.[29] A GND with Immigrants at the Center The degrowth movement has been a complementary, sometimes opposing parallel framework to the GND. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores how the development of mother-tongue instruction (MTI) policies in the Danish welfare state have created varying notions of difference and sameness in the schooling of migrant students and how they experience these notions locally in practice. Based on an analysis of MTI's policy history and oral history interviews with former migrant students, we analyse MTI policy development within the Danish welfare state as a primary case and discusses whether these developments seem to be unique to the Danish welfare state by considering (West) Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden as a comparative perspective. Noting the paradoxes and dynamics of the welfare-state policy of 'school for all under one roof' at the intersections between the policy and practice level, we posit that migrant students are regulated as a homogeneous group that is expected to be 'the same' but is simultaneously considered to be 'different' from other, majority students. The findings thus reveal the paradox of welfare-state education policies and practice: while macro scale policy for migrant education aims to emphasise difference through MTI, the social consequences at the micro level show the opposite; namely, that MTI produces feelings of sameness and belonging among migrant students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]