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This article argues that autonomous militaries can play a balancing role during major internal political crises. However, when militaries' autonomy is curtailed by political leaders before the crisis, militaries cannot maintain the political balance between rulers and opponents, thereby increasing the risk of armed conflict. The article first explains the main concepts relevant to the discussion (autonomy, political crisis, balancing role), exploring their possible interlinkages and presenting several hypotheses. Subsequently, it discusses four relevant cases from the Middle East before and during the Arab revolts of 2010–2011: Egypt in 2011 and Lebanon in 1958, which demonstrate the balancing capacities of autonomous militaries during major political crises, and Lebanon in 1975 and Syria in 2011, which reveal that nonautonomous militaries cannot play a balancing role in such circumstances. The article concludes with several observations regarding the military's balancing role during major internal political crises in divided and homogenous states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, the difference between monarchies and republics appears more profound than ever. Aside from Bahrain, all of the Middle Eastern monarchies avoided major anti-governmental protests, and no armed conflict has occurred in any of them since 1979. Inspired by Middle Eastern case studies, this article argues that traditional legitimacy contributes to peace in Middle Eastern monarchies. The article explores the argument with time-series cross-sectional data covering 19 Middle Eastern countries from 1947 (or independence) to 2009. Traditional legitimacy is not measured directly but assumed to be embedded in the monarchical regime type, and the results show that alternative covariates are unable to fully explain the monarchical peace. Moreover, the study finds that horizontal discrimination increases the risk of intrastate conflict in authoritarian republics but that discrimination has no effect in monarchies. Future conflict studies should therefore consider legitimacy connected to authoritarian regime types. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on political sovereignty in Middle East and mentions violence in the region. Topics discussed include terror attacks, military interventions and civil wars in the region. Other topics which includes political situation in Syria and Iraq are also discussed. Sectarianism and militarization in the region are mentioned.

The article discusses the conditions of scientific research and the scientific community in the Middle East. It discusses the progress in science, with the Synchrotron-light for Experimental Science and Applications in the Middle East (SESAME) going fully operational in the summer of 2016. SESAME is the first synchrotron facility in the Middle East, located in Allan, Jordan and run collectively by the governments of Iran, Jordan, Israel, Pakistan and others.

Under what conditions do minorities in the Middle East participate in authoritarian coalitions? Research on authoritarian resilience in the Middle East has been largely silent on linguistic and religious minorities’ preferences over regime types. Here, we examine whether minorities differ in their support for authoritarianism from the majority groups in four Middle Eastern states. We argue that minorities whose status is threatened by a transition to majoritarian decision-making institutions are less likely to be supportive of democratization. We examine how different cleavages affect the preferences of minorities over regime type and identify three historical legacies in the Middle East that have shaped these cleavages: the Ottoman-Islamic legacy of minority accommodation, the ethnic class structure that emerged as a result of the region’s integration to world markets in the nineteenth century, and a post-independence pattern of authoritarian secularism. Based on survey research and a comparison of minorities in Turkey, Egypt, Morocco, and Jordan, we find that linguistic minorities tend to be less supportive of authoritarianism while religious minorities tend to be more supportive of authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This critical study focuses on three major conflicts involving protests in the Middle East and North Africa. From a theoretical perspective, this research expands the study of gatekeeping by examining the characteristics of gatekeeping practices by citizen journalists. Overall findings suggest traditional ‘gatekeepers’ continue to maintain the status quo regarding news about conflict zones. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the world petroleum production and its rising prices due to political tensions in the Middle East. It also discusses the prediction made by Dr M. King Hubbert, a petroleum geologist with Shell Development Company in 1956 according to which the U.S. production would peak in either 1965 or 1970. It also discusses the issue of the quality of crude which include the low sulphur light sweet crude and the heavy sour (high sulfur) crude which requires removal of the sulphur.

Southern and Eastern Mediterranean (SEM) countries have recently turned into receivers of migrants, but they have neither the institutions nor the policies that would allow them to integrate migrants. Therefore, most migrants in SEM countries found themselves in irregular situation. Using a variety of statistical sources, official and non-official, the article establishes that out of 5.6 million immigrants living in SEM countries in the mid-2000s, a minimum of 3.6 would be in irregular situation. They belong to three categories: approximately 2 million migrant workers attracted by SEM labour markets where they are employed in the informal sector with no work permit, 1.5 million de facto refugees who cannot obtain the status of refugee and are waiting for resettlement in a third country or return to their homes, and less than 200,000 transit migrants initially bound for Europe, which they are unable to reach for lack of visa. While their reasons to be stranded in the SEM differ, these three categories share the same vulnerable conditions, with no legal access to work, services, or protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the role of political stability in Lebanon and the deactivation of the Hizbullah in maintaining regional security in the Middle East. How the Hizbullah evolved as a military instrument of Syria in Lebanon; Support of the Hizbullah for Palestinians with operations against Israel; Factors that would inhibit efforts to disarm Hizbullah; Credibility of the European Union to broker peace in the Middle East.

The article examines the impact and implications of 1991 Gulf War on the future agenda of the United States in the Middle East and identifies the limitations determining the future U.S. security, economic, and political stakes in the area. The Gulf War seems to have changed nothing substantial in arms sales to the Middle East beyond dealing a military blow to Iraq. The practice of arms transfers to the Arabs and Israelis as the tools of U.S. foreign policy and influence peddling shows no sign of ending or of creating stability in the area. A drastic departure from conventional policy postures does not seem in the offing. However, the revival of Pax Americana is likely to bring along new difficulties when the United States is in a state of relative economic decline.

Considers the decline in influence Islam has in the premodern era and notes that most states in the Middle East have opted for a political life in which Islam is relegated to private practice and thus deprived of influence over official political life. The impact of the Islamic and Middle Eastern political heritage in the present; The golden age of Muslim past; Islamic orientations in modern societies; Islam as the basis of political opposition movements; More.

Seeks to understand why Islamicists prize the nondemocratic and even nonliberal political rule to be found in revelation-based politics. The older Arabic and Islamic analysis of political regimes and their goals; Investigation of why thoughtful thinkers within the cultural milieu called for independence while endorsing nondemocratic and nonliberal regimes; Problems with current Western analyses and critiques of political Islam; More.

Comments on democratic institutions in the Middle East. Functions of democratic institutions in the Arab world; Implications of the democratization of the Middle East for the world.

The article reviews the book "When Victory is Not an Option: Islamist Movements in Arab Politics," by Nathan J. Brown.