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The article presents the discussion on search and seizure, sentencing, and the interpretation of federal statutes. Topics include variety of areas including abortion rights, gay and transgender rights, and immigrant rights; and interested in articulating the individual judicial philosophy during running the Court and reducing the appearance of discord on the Court.

The Constitutional School of American Public Administration dictates that the rule of law serves as the intellectual and practical foundation of the field. One way to support the Constitutional School is to examine how the U.S. Supreme Court works to shape the administrative state in its own image. This article provides a thorough examination for how the Court under Chief Justice John Roberts constitutionally protected laws affecting gay marriage, affirmative action, abortion rights, gun ownership, and health care while simultaneously narrowed constitutional protections concerning voting rights, campaign finance laws, and employer mandated contraceptive coverage. These contrasting constitutional viewpoints not only represent a transformative era in the history of the nation's highest Court but also in how public administrative agencies implement the Court's decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article undertakes a discursive feminist reading of citizenship and human rights through the cases of Ireland and El Salvador, domestic abortion rights movements as part of a transnational women's rights movement. Topics include reports that feminist abortion rights campaigns have connected important sites of activism and contestation such as civil society, national parliaments, regional human rights systems and the United Nations.

The article outlines the motivations behind professional and non-professional production and the process of development and delivery in a practical way, with the intention of equipping others to develop similar initiatives as part of future activist programming. Topics include examines that it provide value of embedding dialogical arts process within feminist activism; and reports that title referred to the domestic policies of the Irish state that preclude access to abortion in the country.

Can ostensibly nonpolitical television programming affect policy opinions? In this article, I use a laboratory experiment to test whether the gender norms portrayed on two primetime sitcoms can alter political attitudes on gender issues, specifically access to abortion, and contraception. Though the shows in the experiment did not explicitly discuss any policy, I find that sitcoms can influence policy opinions, particularly when the show conveys a “boys will be boys” mentality toward sexual behavior. This finding has important implications for public opinion scholars because it suggests that there may not be such a thing as apolitical programming, and pop culture may have a profound, overlooked effect on public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses the study concerning pro-choice which covers all the way to the sex-selective abortion in Great Britain. It mentions the debate revolved around the question of whether the right to abortion was so sacrosanct. It raises the question if people should defend a woman's right to choose even if it involves female foeticide, and shares the author's perspective as a pro-choice feminist herself.

The article discusses Latin American attitudes toward sex and sexuality, particularly focusing on the influence of the Catholic Church. It examines Latin American stances and policies on issues such as abortion, sexual education, contraception, and same-sex marriage, particularly addressing church-state relations in Argentina and Nicaragua. The authors comment on issues of sexual violence, teen sex, and teen pregnancies. The organization Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (CDD), an offshoot of the nonprofit group Catholics for Choice, is also considered.

The article focuses on the survival strategies of two organizations that make anti-institutional claims against their parent organizations. The dissident identity organizations discussed in this article include Catholics for a Free Choice (CFFC), a pro-choice Catholic organization, and Feminists for Life (FFL), an organization of feminists who oppose abortion. The author asserts that the institutions' insider and outsider status places them at risk of being isolated from community support. She claims that all social movement organizations are dissident identity groups.

The author recounts his long personal involvement in the abortion drama of over 400,000 males annually found in the waiting rooms of over 400 clinics. He shares research findings from four waves of survey data from 1984 through 2004 involving 3,000 males. Highlights include the desire of almost all to stay with the clinic patient throughout the procedure and afterwards in the recovery room, though very few clinics allow this. A majority would like family planning education sessions, and some would appreciate personal counseling, though very few clinics offer these services. Clinics that pioneer in helping men could be honored, others pressured to do so, and laws considered to force reforms across the board. To date the Men's Movement has ignored the entire matter, and thereby missed a major opportunity to help many males claim a new and better manhood in what for many remains a secret and exceedingly trying matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that the prohibition of abortion in Chile, other than when the mother's life is in danger, is a form of human rights violation targeting women specifically. The Pro-Birth Policy was established in Pinochet's Chile as a response to the previous government's attempts, under Allende, to encourage family planning and to educate and inform women about their choices. This had been done to put an end to the increase in back-street abortions with the inevitable toll on women's lives. Pinochet's regime reversed these women-oriented family planning policies, and criminalized abortion, on the basis of costs to the state and, more importantly, the need to increase the birth rate for reasons of national security. Women's bodies were used by the Pinochet regime, both by sexual violence and torture, and by the denial of women's reproductive and sexual rights, as a means to impose discipline and order on society. The fact that this is still not acknowledged in the construction of a collective memory indicates that the issue has not yet been resolved in democratic Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study which examined how pro-choice and pro-life groups attempted to frame the abortion debate in 1995 and 1996. Method; Results and discussion; Conclusions.

This paper considers the ways in which discourses of abortion and discourses of national identity were constructed and reproduced through the events of the X case in the Republic of Ireland in 1992. This case involved a state injunction against a 14-year-old rape victim and her parents, to prevent them from obtaining an abortion in Britain. By examining the controversy the case gave rise to in the national press, I will argue that the terms of abortion politics in Ireland shifted from arguments based on rights to arguments centred on national identity, through the questions the X case raised about women's citizenship status, and women's position in relation to the nation and the state. Discourses of national identity and discourses of abortion shifted away from entrenched traditional positions, towards more liberal articulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resource mobilization theorists have argued that professionalized social movements emerge as more sources of funding become available for activists who make careers out of being movement leaders. This paper analyzes organizational case histories from the pro-choice (abortion rights) movement to explore the consequences of professional leadership and formal structure in social movements. Five general propositions are drawn from the case of the pro-choke movement: (1) professional movement activists do not initiate movements and create new tactics; the roles of movement "professional" and movement "entrepreneur" are distinct; (2) professional movement leaders tend to formalize the organizations they lead; (3) formalized social movement organizations (SMOs) help maintain social movements when environmental conditions make mobilization difficult: (4) professional leaders and formalized SMOs stimulate the use of institutionalized tactics; and (5) professionalization and formalization facilitate coalition work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines false consensus and gender in the context of presidential preferences and the pro-choice/pro-life debate. Bill Clinton and pro-choice supporters' underestimation of the prevalence of their own opinions; Supporters' estimates as higher than those made by individuals with differing opinions.