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This paper examines China's accession to WTO (World Trade Organization) through power transition theory. According to the power transition theory, some states that belong to the category of great powers are dissatisfied with the current international order as their national power is increased through industrialization. These states challenge the dominant nation, which leads the international order. Keeping world peace or the stability of the current order depends on whether the tension between a challenger and a supreme power is controlled or not. This theory explains the conflicts between a challenger, China, and a dominant nation, the United States, in the issue of China's accession to WTO. Since the Republic of China had developed rapidly through 'reform and open policy', the tension in the U.S.-China trade had increased. Thus, China was dissatisfied with the fact that it was excluded from the WTO system. The United States decided to deal with China's dissatisfaction; hence, 15 years of negotiation for China's accession to the WTO was launched. During the negotiation, the tension between two nations arose over the surface, but finally, China was able to participate in the WTO in 2001. This paper is significant for two reasons. Firstly, China's accession to the WTO was a symbolic event in the U.S-China trade, which is the most important issue in the power relationship between the two nations. Secondly, it proves the tool of the 'power transition theory' that enhances the understanding of the political implication of China's accession to the WTO. Although power transition theory has its own theoretical limitations, it explains that embedding China in the international trade order controlled by the United States is the question of not only economic gain and loss but also power politics. This is the main argument of this paper. The paper consists of three parts: 1) the summary of power transition theory; 2) its application and analysis for the case of China's accession to WTO; 3) argument; and 4) conclusion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UCLA Higher Education Research Institute's Cooperative Institutional Research Program conducts an annual survey of college seniors to assess attitudes toward different aspects of their college experience. A subset of 128 of these questions was administered in survey form to 385 students at Lanzhou University, China. The results highlight attitudinal differences toward education in China and the United States and shed light on how different educational systems produce different results.This work is relevant for at least two reasons. This paper provides insights into reforms that can be considered in both systems. The differences between the Chinese and American educational systems are profound. While large parts of society in China have been reformed since the opening in 1979, the Chinese educational system remains largely intact and structurally unreformed. Looking at areas where satisfaction is greater in each system can help provide insight into reforms that might be considered in both.This paper also offers a glimpse of one aspect of China's future. China is rapidly increasing its investment in higher education in the hope of growing a knowledge economy. The success of this endeavor will rest in large part on the ability of the graduates to contribute to society. Chinese student attitudes toward their educational experience will shed light on how successful this investment has been and ways it can be improved.NOTE: This paper is a revised and extended version of a paper presented at the 2009 SPSA Conference. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UCLA Higher Education Research Institute's Cooperative Institutional Research Program conducts an annual survey of college seniors to assess attitudes toward different aspects of their college experience. We received permission to survey students on a campus in China and gave a subset of 128 of these questions to 385 students at Lanzhou University, China. The results highlight attitudinal differences toward education in China and the United States and shed light on how different educational systems produce different results.This work is relevant for at least two reasons. This paper provides insights into reforms that can be considered in both systems. The differences between the Chinese and American educational systems are profound. While large parts of society in China have been reformed since the opening in 1979, the Chinese educational system remains largely intact and structurally unreformed. Looking at areas where satisfaction is greater in each system can help provide insight into reforms that might be considered in both.This paper also offers a glimpse of one aspect of China's future. China is rapidly increasing its investment in higher education in the hope of growing a knowledge economy. The success of this endeavor will rest in large part on the ability of the graduates to contribute to society. Chinese student attitudes toward their educational experience will shed light on how successful this investment has been and ways it can be improved. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing rivalries between China and U.S. starting from economic issues, diffusing to political and military dimensions, reassure the rational solutions presumed by power transition theory. By examining the combined effects of international systemic structure, international context, the impact of Chinese democratization, the changing share of national capability, Chinese nationalism, and domestic politics, the paper builds an empirical model to analyze how these factors shape the patterns of Sino-American Conflict over time. The model identifies a new pattern of conflict due to the increasing interdependence of economy and specifies that comprehensive engagement enhances rather than threats to U.S. leading power. Therefore the model predicts more cooperation than confrontation in Sino-U.S. relations in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-Soviet Central Asian states have increased in visibility recently, in particular regarding the evolving relationship of the external great powers - the United States, Russia, China, and to a lesser extent India. Varying forms and degrees of multilateral security regimes are under experimentation, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. The United States, meanwhile, has chosen to maintain a bilateral approach to its relations in the region. In this paper, I explore the current status of security relations in the Central Asian region, seeking to determine those conditions and patterns of behavior consistent with the construction of a security community, and those consistent with an emerging security dilemma, adopting in particular the notion of "cooperative security dilemmas" as put forth by Holger Moelder in his study of the Baltic States. The paper also considers potential costs and benefits of the United States taking a more multilateral approach in the region, particularly in inter-institutional relations between NATO and the SCO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the possessor of the "Islamic Bomb" and a front line in the war on terror, Pakistan presents special challenges for U.S. policy. This paper seeks to understand the development of Pakistan's nuclear program, the current status, and likely direction in the future. The paper will also examine the interaction among nuclear armed Pakistan, India, China, and the United States. The paper will examine Pakistani force structure as well as command and control. Finally, the paper will note implications for U.S. policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent financial crises and the events of September 11, 2001 have reshaped the role that American power politics play in the international system. Proponents of hegemonic stability theory such as Zalmay Khalilzad, the former ambassador to Afghanistan, and Dr. Bradley Thayer, assert that United States hegemony is both sustainable and necessary. Without United States leadership, such theorists argue that an ensuing power vacuum filled with medley of malevolent forces would occur in countries such as Iran, North Korea, China, and Russia. Yet these arguments divide the world into false binaries that obscure the fact that the United States Empire is in decline. Viewing politics in realist terms, they perceive the world in terms of black and white, hegemony or isolationism, preponderance or weakness. This study will demonstrate some of the inherent flaws in this stark view of the international system. Indeed, September 11 and the recent financial crisis have reshaped the relevance of United States Military preponderance, while simultaneously calling into question the legitimacy of its international leadership. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan signal imperial overstretch. The rising clout of the European Union counterbalances United States soft power, especially without the recent stains of Guantanamo Bay, and Abu Gharib. China's rise as an economic heavyweight challenges the primacy of the American economy. These examples indicate that multipolarity is inevitable. The United States should reconsider its hegemonic strategy based upon these realities in order to make the transition smooth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 2003 Asia Barometer survey, this study will examine the impact of sociopolitical and spiritual factors on Asians' perception of U.S. and China's soft power. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the evolution of the U.S.-Japan security alliance. It demonstrates that strengthening the Japanese Self-Defense Force (SDF) will threaten the security of both nations in East Asian relations. Russia and China will particularly take a negative view of a stronger U.S.-Japan armed forces coalition. Thus, it will serve the U.S. and Japan explore other avenues, perhaps on building better diplomatic and economic relations with the other nations in the East Asia region.

A conference paper about military apparatus in communist regimes of China, Cuba and Vietnam is presented. It discusses the role of military apparatus in communist regimes in building cooperation and conflict resolution with the U.S. It also discusses relations of party-military within communist regimes and background information on the usefulness of joint military exercises.

The increasing rivalries between China and U.S. starting from economic issues, diffusing to political and military dimensions, reassure the rational solutions presumed by power transition theory. By examining the combined effects of international systemic structure, international context, the impact of Chinese democratization, Taiwan Issue, the changing share of national capability, Chinese nationalism, and domestic politics, the paper builds an empirical model to analyze how these factors shape the patterns of Sino-American Conflict over time. The model identifies a new pattern of conflict due to the increasing interdependence of economy and specifies that comprehensive engagement enhances rather than threats to U.S. leading power. Therefore the model predicts more cooperation than confrontation in Sino-U.S. relations in the near future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the determinant and countermeasures of politicization of Chinese foreign direct investment in the U.S. It states that the U.S. market still attract Chinese multinational corporations (MNCs) despite national security risk and liability of foreignness than other foreign investors in the U.S. Information on the role of lobbying in the entering process is also offered.

The article present information on a study conducted to analyze the effect of the U.S. and China on socioeconomic factors on 40 countries across the world.

This study examines recent Japanese ambivalent attitudes toward the United States by analyzing an original survey I conducted. Specifically, this work focuses on the growing sentiments of anti-globalism among Japanese society and hypotheses that: 1) the more a Japanese citizen feel the income-status gap in the Japanese society, 2) the less satisfied with his/her current situation, and 3) the more he/she believes the global free market system worsens Japanese economic/ cultural situations, the citizen is more likely to have negative feeling toward the United States. Also, this work explores whether the above-mentioned factors may affect the Japanese view of other countries, such as China, Russia, and South Korea. Further, I test the hypotheses that personal cultural and social contacts ameliorate feelings toward the United States. Finally, this study investigates how the U.S. presidential images have impacts on Japanese citizens. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some members of Congress support and others oppose free trade with China? Why do some legislators constantly hold their positions, and others often switch their minds on the annual debate over the extension of China's normal trade relations status? I explore the sources and processes of congressional voting stability and instability over China's NTR renewal from 1990 to 2001. The annual debates over renewal of China's free trade status provide a natural experiment to evaluate how members of Congress determine and maintain their positions on a critical foreign policy during the era of partisan polarization.I argue that members of Congress not only comply with constituents demands but also weigh in partisan strategies and institutional contexts for shaping and reshaping their positions towards China. "Strategic disagreements" in polarized Congress play a critical role in members' position taking over China policy. Members of presidential party also had second thoughts about their positions towards China. And, instead of fighting and negotiating for a number of separate legislations to address diverse and controversial China issues, members of Congress could easily score political points for their constituents by taking positions in the course of debates over China's NTR renewal. I test partisan and institutional dimension of congressional politics towards China as well as the influences of constituency, interest groups, and members' ideology. Empirical finding suggests that members translate their constituents' concerns into legislative voting and those concerns are not necessarily restricted to free trade issue. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]