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In this chapter, we stress the fact that households’ incomes were complex and came together by a mix of activities. To fully understand how households managed their livelihoods, activities other than fishing, hunting, and reindeer herding also need to be considered. Diversification was an active and systematic choice for these households, not something they did occasionally. Some of these activities were for subsistence, some for exchange. What households could produce was to a large extent determined by their main mode of production, which in turn was linked to rights or access to resources. The more engaged users were in reindeer pastoralism, the less time they had to spend on other activities, and the more they traded.

(1) The Principle of the mercantile system affirms that the interest of merchants is identical to the common interest. (2) As, according to Smith, it is not easier to buy than to sell, exchange is an exchange of commodities by means of commodities. As all goods have the properties of money and the difference between barter and monetary exchange lost most of its meaning. (3) For Smith the mercantile system was the result of history of Europe, since the fall of the Roman Empire. It is not the result of ignorance, as Physiocrats (who forge the expression “systeme mercantile”) suppose. However the economic damages which this system causes in Great Britain are easily compensated by savings. However it is not the case in Bengal, ruled by the East India Company. Savings allowed Smith to alleviate Hume’s concern about the growth of public debt in Britain. According to Hume, the transformation of Great Britain into an absolute monarchy would be the less catastrophic consequence of the public debts. For Smith this one implies an important reform of the British Empire, and this reform would be a bettering of its constitution (see next chapter).

Because of the growing incidence and increasing technical sophistication of Darkweb child sexual exploitation (CSE), some have begun to label it as organized crime. By itself however, this label adds little to our understanding of the phenomenon. To gain a more detailed insight into the workings of Darkweb CSE, we apply the conceptual framework suggested by Von Lampe (Organized crime: Analyzing illegal activities, criminal structures and extra-legal governance. Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA, 2016a) and instead ask: how organized is CSE on the Darkweb? Six police investigation case files were systematically analyzed using methods akin to the Dutch Organized Crime Monitor, complemented with interviews with police officers and public prosecutors. While the barter of CSE material in itself is a deviant exchange, it is embedded in the social network provided by the forum environment. Darkweb CSE requires organization to the extent that running a forum involves a set of interlocking tasks, a certain level of technical sophistication, and continued effort to protect the forum from (outside) threats. We conclude that both the CSE crime and the criminals perpetrating it show clear signs of organization. CSE Darkweb fora constitute both associational and entrepreneurial structures that serve the social and criminal needs of their members. In the trust-based hierarchy of these networks, key players are able to exert some internal governance. Monetary profit, violence, and the desire to monopolize the market however, are largely absent. Detailed insight in the dynamics of Darkweb CSE interactions will contribute more to reducing the harm caused by these crimes than the mere application of a label.

This chapter examines the epistemological intersection between Financial Education (FE) and mathematics education (ME), and explores the importance of mathematics educators in the teaching of FE. The parallel development of mathematics and finance can be observed through historical examples. According to Ifrah, thousands of years ago, shepherds needing to know the number of animals they were bringing to market used pebbles. The invention of money to replace the barter system established a standard measure for the exchange of goods and services. This shared development remains important, especially in the context of teaching and learning FE and ME.

This chapter examines the commercial and non-commercial circulation of crystal and porcelain objects as another indicator of their value. It engages with anthropological theories about gift exchange and barter, namely with their political and social relevance, the norm of reciprocity, and the inalienability of objects. I explore the circulation of objects in the informal economy during a period of economic austerity, the involvement of objects in practices of giving away as a sign of trust, and their role in intergenerational relations. By comparing these exchanges of objects with monetary exchanges, the chapter emphasizes the significance of gift exchange and barter beyond self-interest and economic considerations.

In this chapter we examine the importance of systems of economic exchange for agroecology. These include the practices and processes by which agricultural products move from producers to various users and by which agri-food producers acquire inputs that cannot be produced on the farm. We review the importance of traditional systems of exchange (such as informal markets and barter systems), subsistence (or family and community self-provisioning) and ‘nested markets’ that are embedded in democratic social relations for agroecology. These markets thicken networks of solidarity and relations of reciprocity in territories. Nested markets value the ecological, social, economic and political functions and outputs of agroecology and support the development of trust-based networks. Regrettably, mainstream food markets favour large volumes and standardization and exclude most agroecological producers.

This chapter examines the economic system as well as the political and administrative structure of pre-colonial Nigeria from 1800 to 1914. Prior to the introduction of legitimate trade, Nigerians were active in subsistence economic activities. They were self-sufficient in the production of food crops such as yam, cassava, beans and cocoyam, among others. Hunting was also a great profession among the people. In addition, the people also engaged in crafts such as cloth weaving, basket weaving, pottery and wood-carving. Trading through barter was another major element of the Nigerian pre-colonial economy. In the political and administrative sphere, each organized unit had a unique system of administration. The system in the north was an absolute monarchy with a centralized structure under the Emir. The system in the Western part of the country was constitutional monarchy. Although a centralized structure was also in place under the Oba (i.e. king), the power of Oba was not absolute due to the existence of institutional checks. The system in the East was republican and decentralized in structure. The village was also the centre of governmental activities. However, the unique economic structure and political arrangements of these groups were dislocated by colonial imperialism.

This chapter distinguishes four types of ‘circularity’, which exist in parallel in many parts of the world: (1) Circularity has been inherent in nature—water, CO2, matter and energy—and early humanity—reuse, barter and cascading. Sustainable consumption of natural capital—food, land and water—and the protection of the global commons is a necessity to conserve the carrying capacity of nature. (2) The early circular economy was driven by scarcity and poverty and based on the reuse and repurposing of objects and the skills of do-it-yourself and local craftsmen repairing individual objects—infrastructure, buildings and mobile goods—to maintain their value. (3) The circular industrial economy (CIE) focuses on managing stocks of natural, human, cultural and manufactured objects in a society of abundance. It started in the mid-twentieth century through research on the impact of extending the service life of objects on waste, jobs and energy and material resource. This research into an industrialisation of reuse, repair and remanufacturing showed the potential of the CIE as an alternative to the linear industrial economy. (4) The Performance Economy (PE) integrates the principles of the CIE and in addition retains the ownership of objects and as a consequence internalises the costs of liability, risks and waste. The PE sells the performance or function of objects by, for example, renting or leasing instead of selling them. Liability and control are redefined between owners and users (stewardship). Its fields of activities are broader and more competitive than those of the CIE because it embraces systems solutions and exploits prevention and sufficiency, in addition to efficiency and strategies.

Trade, as barter, preceded money, and both preceded economics. The impulse for trade follows from diversity and specialization. Different regions have different resources. People have different talents and skills. Even in primitive societies some (usually men) were better hunters and fighters, while others (mainly women) were better at recognizing edible roots, seeds or leaves, cooking, sewing, and repairing things, not to mention caring for babies. Anthropologists differ with regard to the division of labor in primitive society, but the answer does not matter much for this book.

Relations underpin almost all activities that involve intelligence. Implied with relations is the connection that two or more actors have with one another, though a developed connection might not seem intuitive due to the rather convenient and transactional nature of intelligence. An intelligence actor seeks advancement of one’s own interests, whether this is an individual, an intelligence organization and its sub units, or even a nation-state. Nonetheless, relations are a necessity in this professional field. Intelligence relations can move to become trustworthy partnerships where common interests and values over time lead to broad and deep relations. Even for these, a continued partnership depends on mutual benefiting barter of intelligence over time. This chapter synthesizes the authors’ works from this book and provides an analysis to see what will likely come to fruition in the years ahead.

This chapter starts with a scene from a fictional downtown where a festival is underway. The reader is then asked to imagine a scenario where money did not exist and barter was the only way to buy and sell goods and services. Then, I introduce the concept of money: What attributes something that can function as money needs to have. I introduce the reader to a fictional money called Pecuna. The purpose of creating a new name for currency is to start afresh and tie it to the economy from the very beginning. Existing forms of currency—dollar, pound, euro, Renminbi, etc.—have well-established characters, in and of themselves. This makes it more difficult to make the very important point that to properly understand money, it has to be tied to the underlying economy.

The range of sexual assaults, transactions, and exchanges during the Holocaust has only recently been openly discussed—both by the people who experienced and remember them, and by researchers and scholars. Scholars of sexuality during Holocaust and in other contexts have carved out useful distinctions and definitions for such things as transactional sex, sexual barter, forced prostitution, non-consensual sex, instrumental sex, rational sex, rape, and violation. The working out of these definitions is important to the study of the Holocaust, and of sexuality more broadly, to better understand these experiences and their psychological, social, and political aftereffects. Some survivors find these definitions useful in understanding their experiences, while others resist categorizing their own experiences under these rubrics. By examining deferred accounts, we come to understand past experiences, their effects on survivors, and the interpretive demands placed on these accounts by others.

Sacred Hunger represents the global slave trade and the wealth and privilege it created in mid-eighteenth-century England. Like other novels, it artfully contrasts an imperial exceptionalist state reaping capitalist profit with an imaginary sociality functioning through the barter and exchange of goods and services, consensual decision-making, and implicit commitments to equality and justice. This chapter explores Unsworth’s extensive research on slavery, the middle passage, and its impacts. It analyzes exceptionalist assumptions and practices in the country-house and on the slave ship, contrasted with the egalitarian sociality based on trade and sharing in the Maroon community. The chapter establishes the narrative’s use of omniscience to create a broadly inclusive text, while it replaces imperial certainty with an inclusive, empathetic perspective.

The 2008 Lehman Brothers bankruptcy brought the world to recognize the inherent instability of monetary and financial systems. In this light, it is worthwhile to reconsider various problems associated with money, interest and credit and also worth considering an alternative perspective that has not attracted sufficient attention from conventional economists. This chapter first critically assesses the widely accepted view that there was or naturally is a progressive development from barter to money to credit. It is pointed out that, historically, barter was much rarer than is commonly believed and that the credit system began in the ancient Babylonian times, the inevitable result of unequal exchange, something which requires records of credit and debt arrangement. This chapter then discusses the origin of money interest and the distinction between structural decay and functional decay. It is shown that distinguishing functional decay from material decay offers clues into the emergence of money interest and that if the principal of loan money is allowed to decrease, the total money interest to be paid never exceeds the principal. This idea of decreasing the principal of loan may be applied to the redemption of national bonds. This chapter also demonstrates: (i) any form of promise to pay in the form of general liquidity is an abstract right of demanding future payment from the debtor; (ii) general liquidity has a dual nature that is regarded as a debt communally, and as a form of wealth individually, a dual nature that causes the progressive expansion of debt; and (iii) the deposit system associated with the credit creation mechanism dates back to the idea of mutuum in Roman law, and the proper use of a credit system is exemplified by cash credit in 18th-century Scotland, a system that was based on the idea of accommodation paper.

Cades Cove as a social community hosted complete and integrated expressions of all the major social institutions, including family, education, religion, economics, and politics, all self-contained but not isolated from the larger society. The community organized its own “public-works” program to maintain schools, roads, and other public infrastructure, demanding the cooperation of social interaction and relationships. The early subsistence economy fostered reliance and interdependence among residents, and the bonds of community were enhanced as surpluses promoted a barter economy. Cades Cove, like rural community anywhere, was inevitably influenced and impacted by the money economy of capitalism and by the Industrial Revolution, particularly industrialized agriculture, with its edict to “get big or get out.” Thus, Cades Cove was exhibiting decline even before the threat of a national park. Cemeteries and death culture were influenced and shaped by this context of community.

This article presents the result of the automation of the barter management process in Ecuador. Bartering maintains, promotes and fosters the exchange of products and services without the use of money as an ancestral practice of the peoples and communities of the country. This study is a quantitative, exploratory, documentary, descriptive and field research. The results show that 92% of the targeted population welcome the automation of the process and 98% support the use of technology with regard to these regional ancestral barter practices. Based on these figures, we developed the software “Barter Management” and we embedded it into the Supertienda Ecuador platform. It was developed with the SCRUM agile methodology and with Google Api v3 for georeferencing. Finally, 10 acceptance tests were conducted to validate the software functionality.

From a barter economy to a system of commodity money and finally to paper money economy—this study examines the costs and advantages that are related to different forms of money in history. Barter economy did not need commodity money, but led to increased search costs for all participants, especially when the exchange of different goods got more complex. In contrast, commodity money enabled cheaper economic transactions, but of course caused additional costs in mining, refining and minting due to the need of coins. And finally, the introduction of paper money and the abolishment of banknote convertibility into gold created a development towards intrinsically worthless money. The costs implied by the use of commodity money were now saved, but at the price of strong fluctuations among exchange rates and higher inflation. This development of money will be demonstrated with examples from Antiquity to the modern period, providing theoretical background to different economic systems

Early economic systems based on barter required coordination both to connect demand and supply, and to establish value. Together, these features created an opportunity for mutually beneficial exchange. This coordination could be facilitated in an ad hoc manner for simple economic systems. However, as the complexity of the system increased, both in terms of the number of transactions and in terms of the diversity of goods and services that were to be traded, so did the coordination requirements.

Corrupt sport fits with different definitions of corruption according to various criteria. It is to be distinguished between corruption from within sport and corrupt sport that interlinks sport insiders (athletes, coaches, referees, managers) and sport outsiders whoever they are. Corruption from within primarily pertains to on-the-spot petty corruption and barter corruption. The latter is hard to detect and calls for statistical detection. More frequent interactive insider–outsider corruption is illustrated in this chapter with point shaving.

To study the differences between rational and adaptive expectations, I construct an agent-based model of a simple barter economy with stochastic productivity levels. Each agent produces a certain variety of a good but can only consume a different variety that he or she receives through barter with another randomly paired agent. The model is constructed bottom-up (i.e., without a Walrasian auctioneer or price-based coordinating mechanism) through the simulation of purposeful interacting agents. The benchmark version of the model simulates homogeneous agents with rational expectations. Next, the benchmark model is modified by relaxing homogeneity and implementing two alternative versions of adaptive expectations in place of rational expectations. These modifications lead to greater path dependence and the occurrence of inefficient outcomes (in the form of suboptimal over- and underproduction) that differ significantly from the benchmark results. Further, the rational expectations approach is shown to be qualitatively and quantitatively distinct from adaptive expectations in important ways.

While usually collaborative logistics assures all partners are better off in coalition, a partner may in turn be composed by different sub-units. What is the effect of implementing collaboration for each of these sub-units? We study this problem motivated by a real-world case arising in a network of sawmills in Sweden. These sawmills have a common purchase and logistic organisation. The purchasing cost of forest areas is divided evenly among the mills even though the real purchasing costs differ between sawmills. The organisation looks for an approach to also split the logistic cost in a fair and transparent way. Moreover, the sawmills collaborate with an external company in wood bartering. Even if the organization as a whole benefits from the collaboration, the collaborative solution may leave some of the sawmills worse off, as the volumes they would use in absence of collaboration goes to the external company. The impact depends on the geographical location of mills, and the organisation wants to know how the negative impact can be balanced by a new allocation of the logistic costs. By using an optimization model implemented in a decision support system, we compute the logistics costs perceived by the organization in presence and absence of collaboration. We study a number of approaches to allocate the logistic cost and analyze how these approaches can serve as a basis for the process.

To exchange and thus to create reciprocal relations is a human propensity and even a necessity for human solidarity. To exchange is an important aspect of what produces and maintains social relationships, and as such is one of the cornerstones in the making of society. But when Sweden has a law that says that all exchanges having value, regardless of how they are compensated, ought to be subject to tax assessment it becomes tricky. Do Swedes not exchange in private at all? Or are they all cheating when it comes to taxes? The Agency aims to increase compliance by stating that everybody should provide their fair share; then reciprocity, as a result of economic exchanges between citizens without involving the state, becomes problematic.

The book recommendations will be based on analysis of the properties of the new model, which explains the monetary system. This traces the development of catastrophes in the form of repeated financial instability leading to inflation, deflation and unemployment over the course of history, as the capitalist system evolves. The cycle either speeds up or it slows down improvements and progress in our standard of living. This phenomenon is ignored in the traditional neoclassical theory of economics, because of its emphasis on the rȏle of barter in exchange. The structure and behaviour of the banking system are regarded there as a ‘shroud’ over the real economy. The analysis here will show that in recent years, concerning the latest financial crisis, the lender of last resort interventions have staved off part of the deep economic depression, but the current demand management policies have perpetuated the current Great Recession with growing income inequality.

The previous chapter examined the varieties of market actors’ behavior, arguing that market relations through shadow education created opportunities for unethical competition among teachers and accentuated corrupting risks in schools. This chapter will look at the economic sociology of shadow education and discuss core aspects of economy, such as the price of tutoring, price formation, verbal contracts, and different means of compensation including barter economy and gift-giving. The chapter shows how both economic and social factors influenced the shadow education market structure and dynamics.

Online social networks (OSNs) like Facebook witness our online activities either by our consent or by bartering our desire to avail free services. Being a witness, OSNs have access to users’ personal data, their social relationships and a continuous flow of their online interactions from various tracking techniques the OSNs deploy in collaboration with the content providers across the Internet. Users’ behavioral data critical in predicting their interests, which is not only useful in targeting the users with relevant advertisements but also in clustering them into distinct personality traits that are useful in effective persuasion. Realizing the potential privacy implications of such a collection and usage of personally identifiable data and its potential misuse, the European Union has enacted a law, referred to as GDPR, to regulate the way collection and processing of personal data occurs. One of the core tenets of this regulation is the right-to-be-forgotten. In this paper, we analyze the efficacy of this tenet and the challenges when it is invoked by users on online social networks like Facebook. We investigate the reasons behind these challenges and associate their causes to the nature of the communication on social networks in general, the business model of such social platforms, and the design of the platform itself; say for Facebook. In short, in its current form, if the right-to-be-forgotten tenet of GDPR is to be enforced in its spirit, it will jeopardize Facebook’s business model.

This chapter explains the part that money and credit played in the medieval English economy. The currency depended on a positive balance of trade, enabling merchants to bring bullion to the mints to compensate for losses of coin through trade and through payments financing warfare overseas. As mines in Europe became exhausted, causing shortages of bullion, there were periods when there was insufficient coin to maintain healthy sales, leading to recessions. The Crown opposed debasement, and as there were no English banks, credit depended on confidence that it would be repaid, which was influenced by creditors’ sense of the ready availability of coin. Barter only worked well in small communities. Once liquidity was threatened, only the supply of new bullion to the mints could restore confidence, credit, and prosperity.

“All the adults looked sad most of the time now. Food was becoming hard to get” noted in her memoir Nelly S. Toll. As a child she spent the war years in Lvov, Eastern Galicia (Lviv, today in Ukraine), first in the ghetto and then in hiding. Toll’s account and other accounts of Jewish survivors reveal the role of age, class and gender in developing survival strategies and in acquiring food. This article examines early postwar testimonies, diaries, memoirs, and oral interviews to discuss how survivors remember and describe the food crisis in the Lvov Ghetto. It explores how food deprivation and hunger shaped the daily lives of Jews. It seeks to examine how families used their financial resources and build social networks to gain access to food.

An almost mythic traditional barter system, known locally as trueque Chilote, between the islands of Chiloe and the surrounding fjordland communities of Patagonia, has been in place for centuries. Island and mainland communities exchange endemic varieties of heirloom potatoes for wooden posts made from local trees found in the dense coastal temperate rainforests of Patagonia. This chapter, based on ethnographic field research in the region conducted over 10 years, offers an account of the spatial, material, and social manifestations of this Chilote barter system. Drawing from interviews and participant observation data, I describe how the exchange provides vital resources to isolated communities where national currency is scarce or nonexistent, and explore its influence on the culture and landscape that is Chiloe.

Vogue predictions that citizenship is diminishing in relevance or perhaps even vanishing outright, popular among jetsetters who already possess full membership status in affluent democracies, have failed to reach many applicants still knocking on the doors of well-off polities. One can excuse the world’s destitute, those who are willing to risk their lives in search of the promised lands of migration in Europe or America, for not yet having heard the prophecies about citizenship’s decline. But the same is not true for the well-heeled who are increasingly active in the market for citizenship: the ultra-rich from the rest of the world. They are willing to dish out hundreds of thousands of dollars to gain a freshly-minted passport in their new ‘home country.’ That this demand exists is not fully surprising given that this is a world of regulated mobility and unequal opportunity, and a world where not all passports are treated equally at border crossings. Rapid processes of market expansionism have now reached what for many is the most sacrosanct non-market good: membership in a political community. More puzzling is the willingness of governments – our public trustees and legal guardians of citizenship – to engage in processes that come very close to, and in some cases cannot be described as anything but, the sale and barter of membership goods in exchange for a hefty bank wire transfer or large stack of cash.

Money has been around for a long time, and some would argue since the beginning of time. Money is so common that everyone has experience with it and likely interacts with it on a daily basis. This familiarity does not, however, mean that money is universally understood. The International Monetary Fund describes money as anything that serves as a (1) Store of Value, which means people can save it and use it later (2) Unit of Account, that is, it provides a common base for prices (3) Medium of Exchange, something that enables people to buy and sell from one another

This chapter reviews the impact of non-native species, including those brought first by the Lapita people of the Pacific as they colonized islands and moved breadfruit taro, pigs, dogs, chickens and Pacific rats with them. The ecological effects of those imports were later overshadowed by exchanges with European and American visitors that permanently altered the island landscape. The Tahitian exchange is the best known of these interactions, and was emblematic of the broad and lasting impact on native life, land and culture, with each side working for its own purposes. The importation of European domestic animals and plants, as well as the accidental introduction of new rats and microbes was a prelude for later importation of alien snakes, and other invasive species. In addition, trade between east and west altered the economy of the tropical Pacific islands, extirpating or diminishing natural resources ranging from sandalwood forests on land to whales at sea.

Both B2B bartering as well as bartering between individuals is increasingly facilitated through online platforms. However, typically these platforms lack automation and tend to neglect the privacy of their users by leaking crucial information about trades. It is in this context that we devise the first privacy-preserving protocol for automatically determining an actual trade between multiple parties without involving a trusted third party.

In Responsibility Matters, Peter French embraces a deflationary view of moral responsibility’s nature: It amounts to nothing more than a collection of practices. We might be able to offer some general and illuminating insights about it, but we will not find out anything metaphysically distinctive about the world. Nor will we discover anything about moral responsibility required by our nature as practical reasoners. Hence, no substantive theory will be true to the metaphysical facts or the norms of living as practical agents. Moreover, when we tend to these practices, we will find some basic strategies for negotiating the Responsibility Barter Game, a game whose aim is for accountable agents to avoid bearing the burdens of being held to account for various outcomes. In this essay, I will assess French’s view and resist him while advancing my own conversational theory of moral responsibility.

This chapter interprets the pottery distribution methods and trade destinations presented in Chap. 2. It explains the decisions Olleros potters and pottery traders make regarding the marketing of their product in terms of goods sought in exchange, ecological and agricultural patterns, regional cuisine preferences, exchange rates, measurement systems, life cycles, household capabilities, and individual and community social relations. It concludes with observations of the unique spatiality of pottery exchange as a livelihood activity.