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This paper situates the context of the Aboriginal Voices: The state of Aboriginal student experiences in Australian secondary school project special issue of The Australian Educational Researcher in the wider context of First Nations educational research. It outlines the contribution to scholarship that each of the papers within the special issue makes towards developing a more nuanced, research-informed, and deeper understanding about the current state of Aboriginal education in Australia from the voices of those at the coalface. In doing so, this editorial overview highlights that while racism is still rampant across the education sector, and Aboriginal Peoples continue to face deficit discourses about their being and academic capabilities, a new era of sovereign activism is being mobilised by Aboriginal Peoples, and their allies, to drive educational change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Undercover videos have become a popular tool among NGOs to influence public opinion and generate engagement for the NGO's cause. These videos are seen as a powerful and cost-effective way of bringing about social change, as they provide first-hand evidence and generate a strong emotional response among those who see them. In this paper, we empirically assess the impact of undercover videos on support for the cause. We in addition analyze whether the increased engagement among viewers is driven by the negative emotional reactions produced by the video. To do so, we design an online experiment that enables us to estimate both the total and emotion-mediated treatment effects on engagement by randomly exposing participants to an undercover video (of animal abuse) and randomly introducing a cooling-off period. Using a representative sample of the French population (N=3,310), we find that the video successfully increases actions in favor of animals (i.e., donations to NGOs and petitions), but we fail to prove that this effect is due to the presence of primary emotions induced by the video. Last, we investigate whether activists correctly anticipate their undercover videos' (emotional) impact via a prediction study involving activists (exploratory analysis). Protocol registration: This manuscript is a Stage-2 working paper of a Registered Report that received In-Principle-Acceptance from Scientific Reports on November 20th, 2023 [Link to Stage-1]. The Stage-1 that received In-Principal-Acceptance can be found here: https://osf.io/8cg2d. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue gathers empirical papers that develop and employ digital ethnographic methods to answer core sociological questions related to community, culture, urban life, violence, activism, professional identity, health, and sociality. Each paper, in its own right, offers key sociological insights, and as a collection, this special issue demonstrates the need to bring ethnographic methods to digital communities, interactions, practices, and tools. Both as a topic and a methodological approach, "the digital" points us to the need to update, rethink, and grow qualitative sociology. The exemplary papers comprising this special issue exhibit this curiosity and expansiveness, with lessons and implications for an interdisciplinary set of fields and research problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The practice of enforced disappearance is one of the most extreme manifestations of state violence, exemplifying the opaque nature of the state, particularly with regard to the management of its peripheries. Pakistan is one of many countries where this practice is widespread. Many of those missing are from Balochistan—the country's most underdeveloped province, which has been the site of an ongoing insurgency for several decades. Despite the thousands affected, this issue rarely makes it onto the national media. For this reason, activists and family members of missing persons increasingly rely on the digital sphere, particularly Twitter, to call for the return of their loved ones and to highlight the state's violent practices. This paper analyses the digital tactics of Baloch activists and family members of the disappeared as they forge an affective digital counterpublic. Interview findings demonstrate the double-edged nature of social media, which is also used by the state for the purposes of surveillance, to further their narrative, and to frighten critics into silence. The paper highlights the multiple affective meanings Twitter holds for the Baloch as a space that represents both promise and risk for members of marginalised groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid seemingly endless media reports of sexual misconduct in our various institutions and particularly our schools, calls for better addressing gender injustice through education have again proliferated. In light of these calls, it continues to be important to appreciate the difficulties of teaching and activism in this area within the context of education. This paper highlights some of these difficulties from the perspectives of a small number of senior students at an elite independent school in the United States of America (USA). Drawing on a broader project that sought to identify new educative approaches to addressing gendered violence, the paper considers difficulties associated with (1) the adult-centred ways in which particular issues and knowledge about sex and sexuality are explored; and (2) the limits of student-only spaces for gender justice work especially given the discomforts of examining the gendered dimensions of sexual consent. Recognising these difficulties and tensions, the paper highlights the significance of feminist-informed adult allyship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes the form of a deeply personal narrative, relating the story of how early community activism prompted a career of over two decades in urban planning in a post-apartheid metropolitan Council in South Africa. It shows how a sense of frustration with a system that was unable to facilitate the spatial restructuring of an unequal urban form, prompted the transition towards becoming a critical researcher within the local state apparatus. It reveals how attempts to speak truth to power through research that could uncover unexplored complexities, contestations and dubious local state practices, whilst still in the employ of the institution was at best, challenging. Through the use of real examples from planning practice, the paper unpacks and carefully documents four key considerations that make such embedded research difficult. In sharing the lessons learned from the aborted research project, it then suggests what type of research is possible by picking up the story of a second attempt at "safer research". It wraps up the story with new insights, this time from a perspective as a recent-outsider — not as a stranger though, but as one of the local state's own. Whilst appreciating the value of distance in undertaking research, it speaks to the power of familiarity and trusted ties, and the legitimacy that comes with being a credible outsider. At the same time, it also reflects on the possible challenges associated with being such an outsider. Through critical reflection on the process of doing research inside and outside of the local state, the paper suggests that differential positioning can significantly affect the depth of insights around state practices in urban governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental activism presents an ideological dilemma for environmentally concerned scientists, who must balance traditional scientific values of objectivity and impartiality with the urgency of the climate and ecological crisis. This paper presents a critical discursive analysis of interviews with 27 scientists from 11 countries. It details the linguistic repertoires scientists draw on and the subject positions adopted to manage this dilemma. We observed that scientists employ two strategies to reconcile their professional identities with their activism: redefining the scientist identity, and reframing the work that scientists do. The subject positions adopted broadly serve to legitimize action, such as arguing that activism as a scientist is objective and rational, or that being a scientist conveys a moral duty to advocate for scientific information. By analyzing how scientists negotiate conflicting identities and values, this research offers valuable insights into fostering informed decision-making and action in addressing urgent environmental challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teaching Critical Race Theory (CRT) in schools quickly became a salient issue nationally and in local elections despite CRT's origins as an academic theory. In this paper, we argue that elite asymmetries regarding the importance of CRT spillover to the electorate. We show that Republican legislators and conservative media's use of the term "critical race theory" dwarfed that of Democratic legislators and liberal media, respectively. A spike in general interest in the term happened concurrently with this elite push. We then hypothesize that in part due to this asymmetry in exposure to the term "critical race theory" itself in elite messaging, CRT policy may have an asymmetric effect on political mobilization, favoring Republicans, who tend to oppose the teaching of CRT in schools. To test this hypothesis, we conduct a survey experiment and find that Republicans presented with a pro-CRT policy change are politically mobilized, while Democrats presented with an anti-CRT policy change are not. In particular, Republicans exposed to the pro-CRT policy reported a higher likelihood of voting, encouraging others to vote, and contacting their local politicians. Thus, the case of CRT helps to illustrate the conditions under which issues can asymmetrically mobilize citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the criminal justice activism of tennis star Naomi Osaka as it evolved during the COVID-19 pandemic regarding matters of police violence and racial justice. Calls to reform and defund the police received much attention in the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd in May 2020. The Floyd killing also motivated Naomi Osaka to begin her criminal justice activism, which has generally been very well received. Adopting a constructionist perspective, I investigate how Osaka's criminal justice activism has, in the broader context of the development of celebrity culture, been subjectively motivated and inter-subjectively received by the public and in the news media. Theoretically this paper has the two-fold objective of developing a model of the conditions favorable to the successful reception of celebrity activism and, additionally, of suggesting how such criminologically relevant activism can be understood in terms of a process of celebritization of criminal justice and police reform as causes worthy of attention. This case study of Osaka's criminal justice activism reveals the important role a celebrity can play in influencing public sentiments about key aspects of policing and crime control as an important element of criminal justice culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diasporas can create, transform, and exploit transnational networks to engage in political movements in their homeland and in their hostland, engaging in both electoral and non-electoral politics through political parties, political campaigns, and hometown organisations. However, the individual processes of subjectivation and its relationship with arts as a form of political engagement have been under-explored especially in contexts of violence and insecurity. This ethnographic paper sheds light on the micro-level of diaspora mobilisation by introducing the concept of "subjectivity" as a key term to analyse the transnational and unconventional political practices organised by migrants. As a result, this research aims to answer the following questions: (1) How are Mexican migrants becoming diasporic political subjects and creating spaces of transnational political activism in reaction to the context of violence in their homeland? (2) What makes them resort to art as a repertoire of contention against violence in their home towns? The paper introduces empirical examples collected in Brussels during 19 months of fieldwork with members of the Mexican diaspora, including semi-structured interviews with key informants and participant observation at political demonstrations, music rehearsals, charity concerts, gastronomic and artistic festivals, and political debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delves deeply into the creative pedagogies which support cutting edge digital STEAM practice across primary and secondary school settings. It contextualises the research within current STEAM agendas including transdisciplinarity, and STEAM and technology and goes on to offer insight from the novel context of ocean learning to develop and extend a theorisation of creative pedagogies as entwining both creative teaching and teaching for creativity as embodied, democratic, dialogic and material processes. Intra-action between theory, praxis, nature, culture, the digital and humans enables an emergent perspective about changing the dynamics of power to develop ocean or environmental learning and related activism. Derived from research into an ocean education project, which aimed to develop students' ocean literacy through the combined educative principles of creative pedagogies and digital technologies (Augmented and Virtual Realities), the research draws on data from six projects across primary and secondary school settings in Denmark, Spain and England. It used a 'diffractive' analytic technique, inspired by new materialist theory, to explore the messy mixtures of natural, cultural and technological environments that were being learned through. This involved the development of four material-dialogic assemblages each including diffractive switches. Each is presented first through a 'piece' which demonstrates each assemblage's connection to the core question, followed by 'ripples', which briefly articulate the new learning and questions arising from that assemblage. The four assemblages cover the irresistibility of making kin, the relationships between lively bodies and virtual environments, the importance of spacetimematter in environmental edu-activism and trajectories between transience, stability and dialogic space. The paper leaves the reader/engager with a selection of prompts to highlight the research's contribution to current STEAM agendas related to changing power dynamics, and to provoke reader/engagers' own practices. These can include new pedagogies and activisms, as well as theoretical developments to the combined educative principles of creative pedagogies and digital technologies within STEAM education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black communities face multiple stressors including racism, discrimination, and navigating systems of oppression, all of which affect their mental health and wellbeing. In recent years, the practice of self-care has gained popularity as a strategy to cope with stress and to improve overall health. However, the current discourse often focuses on individual self-care behaviors and excludes systemic and community level factors that encourage, sustain, or inhibit self-care practices. This paper contextualizes a conceptual model of self-care with intersectionality theory and the psychology of liberation framework, in relation to the lived experiences of Black communities. The paper aims to underscore the necessity of self and community care as a tool for social justice, preservation, and resistance against oppressive systems that threaten the mental health and wellness of this community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within this wide range of approaches to understanding healthcare have emerged issues of race, class, sex and gender, yet seldom has disability theorizing entered into archaeological discourse - with bioarchaeology only recently thinking about impairment and disability rather than paleopathology (see Byrnes and Muller [9]; but especially Kincopf [29]) and archaeological works discussing disability not necessarily engaging with disability theory (e.g., Psota [47]; Spence et al. [63]; cf. Instead, we see a space where the systematic debilitation of Black bodies was the norm. Scott's paper, which examines the Weimar Joint Public Sanitarium of Northern California, embraces a broad disability theorizing approach to her subject, playing back and forth between the social and medical models of disability, while also engaging with crip theorizing that attempts to understand how social understandings of disability become normalized. It is no coincidence, argue disability theorists, that disability imagery and language is often evoked as a means of dehumanizing or rendering as "less than" groups of people - women who are "hysterical", the pathologizing of queer people, the reduction of an enslaved man to the scars on his back, the equating of political opponents as "idiots" or "blind" (e.g., Chen [11]; Knadler [31]; McRuer [39]; Oliver [44]; Quayson [49]; Seibers [55], [54]; Sontag [62]; Summers [65]). Disability theory, therefore, has a crucial contradiction within it that disability is simultaneously a political and activist shared identity, but disability itself is experienced in a range of diverse lived and embodied ways. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper, I analysed the events of 7th August 2020 in Warsaw, when 48 people were detained by the Polish police who brutally raided solidarity demonstration with non-binary activist Margot Szutowicz. The aim of the paper is to explore queer activism in Poland on microsociological level using Gabriel Tarde imitation theory. I tried to show how individual experience of resistance gave rise to new, innovative forms of activism which became a social phenomenon. In my research, I used in-depth interviews with some of detainees and over 180 diaries/memoirs of Polish LGBTQIA people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the need to better understand the role of mothers and schooling in shaping modern conservative cultural politics. Arguing that 1970s–1980s was a critical period for anti-progressive politics surrounding schooling, the paper examines the activism of Australian Christian morals campaigner Rona Joyner. Joyner's successful provocation of a 1978 governmental ban on social science curriculum materials was a signal event in an international Anglophone reaction against what she and others theorised as dangerously permissive forces in public culture. Pitting 'Christian' parental authority against 'humanist' state overreach in relation to the upbringing of children, Joyner created a detailed vision of the cultural-moral corruption of schools and other social institutions. This paper demonstrates how Joyner represented her labour as a project of both public motherhood and grassroots community activism, and how activist women like Joyner were foundational to the growth of a new contemporary grassroots conservatism expressed as a popular politics of 'the people' against the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethical consumerism describes market transactions where consumers' preferences stretch beyond immediate self-interest to prosocial objectives. How such activities relate to more traditional forms of civic engagement (such as giving or activism) remains unclear; as a market-situated activity, ethical consumerism is often omitted from accounts of civic engagement or predicted to erode commitment to civic action. This paper reports findings from an empirical study of the civic identity of the ethical consumer. Using an online survey instrument, the study explores statistical relationships between individuals' actual participation in ethical consumerism at three sites (Fairtrade, TOMS Shoes and (RED)) and the extent of individuals' wider civic engagement—both philanthropic (giving, volunteering) and activist (campaigning). It finds evidence of a consistent civic identity that stretches across traditional civic engagement activities and ethical consumerism: the greater an individual's civic engagement, the more likely they are to engage in ethical consumerism. The current analytic separation of ethical consumerism and civic engagement, therefore, does not capture the experience of individuals who are expanding their prosocial repertoire from the civic sphere to the market sphere; civic engagement cuts across sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting point of the paper is that the early constitutional changes after the populist transformation of Hungarian majority state politics (from 2010) and the application of the new Fundamental Law (since 2012) have created difficulty in achieving constitutional justice by judicial means. The fundamental populist constitutional transformation and, within this, the transformation of the regulation of the Constitutional Court have created great challenges for constitutional adjudication. Scholarship on the transformation of the Hungarian Constitutional Court regards the change of jurisprudence as a consequence of the constitutional environment, which ended up in institutional state capture. Basing my arguments on the classic competence-related issues of constitutional justice, activism and deference, I argue here that for constitutional courts, there is always a limited room for manoeuvre by interpretation except for in a 'hard' dictatorship. Populist Hungarian jurisprudence is, therefore, not only a consequence of constitutional change but a contribution per se—a cause of the construction of a populist constitution. This job has been done by constitutional interpretation in an activist or deferent manner with regard to specific politically sensitive issues. EU- and emergency-related constitutional conflicts are used here as examples to explain the proposed assessment criteria. The conclusion is that either the Court is activist or deferent, it contributes actively to the populist construction by constitutional interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking inspiration from responses in focus groups and an on-line survey in which feminists shared their experiences about antifeminism in their daily life, this paper demonstrates that everyday activism involves two protagonists confronting each other, in this case a feminist and an antifeminist. Focusing on feminists' perceptions, emotions and tactical reactions, this paper also shows how these confrontations are not necessarily limited to one or two attacks and counterattacks and how they can be influenced by the presence of a 'third party' (other men or women, other feminists or antifeminists). In order to shed light on these conflictual dynamics, the question of antifeminist 'humor' and its effects on feminists is discussed more in depth. Finally, we show that there is a significant relation between public or organized activism and everyday activism, for both the social movement and its countermovement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores antifa activists' use of doxing on Twitter against individuals perceived as alt-right militants. Following the principles of Grounded Theory, we collected 4690 tweets published by antifa users between September 2019 and September 2020 and analysed a random subsample of 1638. Results show that antifa users perceive alt-right activists as a serious threat to their worldview and seek to neutralise their activism even at the cost of making them social pariahs. To achieve that goal, antifa activists collect personal data on persons they suspect of being alt-right activists to "build a case" and then disseminate that information through different virtual social networks to the largest audience possible. The aim of doxing is to encourage other social actors to react and take actions that could be detrimental to the individual targeted. The article discusses practical and ethical implications of this kind of political-based harassment and suggests that future research on doxing could focus on antifa blogs and websites, which include sensitive information forbidden on Twitter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data visualization for alternative narratives is a powerful adversarial tool that seeks to inquire about the existing conditions of conflicts. Nowadays, data visualization is widely used in activist communication to offer data-driven counternarratives to those with dominant power. However, a study of 64 cases shows that most visualizations are far from following the open-source ethos that data activism advocates. If visualizations for alternative narratives do not open up their processes and communicate how the meaning of data is shaped and translated visually, they risk turning into black-box devices that crystallize biased representations of conflict rather than investigating them. This paper presents a data design framework for visualizations used in alternative narratives. It is presented as a methodological tool that encourages actionable data practices that promote a more critical and reflective data culture. The framework is structured in two ways of approaching the process of working with data: from the parts of the process and from the process as a whole. The first approach presents four lenses intended to materialize aspects of the process of working with and making sense of data: Open/close, Composition, Zoom, and Sanitization. The second approach proposes a self-hacking operation of disclosing the production process of the visualizations. This paper argues that visualizations for alternative narratives ought to be open artifacts that promote the democratization of re-interpretation and critical data by disclosing the design decisions that were made on the dataset, as well as its visual, and interactive representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frequently called the most persecuted minority in the world, the Rohingyas have suffered systematic violence and oppression in Myanmar since the 1970s. Today, the vast majority of the nearly three million Rohingyas are in exile, escaping state-sponsored human rights violations and persecution in the Rakhine state of Myanmar—a place they call "home". Neighbouring Bangladesh, which currently hosts over a million displaced Rohingya, has been a 'sanctuary' for at least the last four decades. A sizable community has also emerged successively in other South-East Asian countries and pockets of Australia, Europe and North America. In this context, bringing together issues at the crossroads of (im)mobilities, online connectivity and the quest for identity, this study examines the role of social media platforms in forming and shaping new types of diaspora activism among the exiled Rohingyas. Drawing on yearlong online ethnographic findings, it unpacks how digital platforms constitute a space for togetherness, where diasporic Rohingya identities are constructed, contested and mediated. Analysing recurring themes and patterns of engagement on these web-based platforms, the paper looks at how diasporic civic and political e-activisms are transforming the very contours of Rohingya identity formation and their pursuit of recognition. Finally, focusing on such a creative constellation of socio-cultural and political issues in virtual space, we demonstrate how Rohingyas practice a politics of resistance and recognition when confronting the policy pretensions of Myanmar's government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores youths' language activism at a Swedish senior high school. Following Cameron (Verbal hygiene, Routledge, Florence, 1995), this paper investigates language activism as 'verbal hygiene', with a focus on the social dimension of students' attempts to change how language is used at the school. To capture how the politically motivated language activism came to produce political subjectivities and delineation between social groups, and also to impact the distribution of agency and voice in the local discursive regime, I combine Cameron's (Verbal hygiene, Routledge, Florence, 1995) notion of verbal hygiene with recent theorizing on affect (Ahmed in The cultural politics of emotion, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2004; Sedgwick in Touching feeling: affect, pedagogy, performativity, Duke University Press, Durham, 2003; Wetherell in Affect and emotion: a new social science understanding, Sage, London, 2012). Inspired by studies of semiotic landscapes (Jaworski and Thurlow in Semiotic landscapes: language, image, space, Bloomsbury Academic, London, 2011), the data includes posters and other signage in the high school, as well as recordings of naturally occurring interaction and interviews. The analysis shows how shame is pivotal in the processes of language activism at the school and how this activism, being an emancipatory project, both produces political subjectivities as well as new linguistic normativities and hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unpacking the 'crisis of democracy' and what is means and does to policy processes is a new and ever-growing agenda. This paper uses the case of Brazil to examine bureaucratic responses, and attempted resistance, to democratic backsliding and policy dismantling in times of autocratisation, notably under Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022). It does so by focusing on a less explored transnational lenses. It argues that the growing international embeddedness of Brazilian policies, including through policy transfer and technical cooperation initiatives mostly with other developing countries, has provided domestic sectoral bureaucracies and policy communities with additional strategic discursive and argumentative resources to mobilise, respond and try to resist policy dismantling at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines expressed hopelessness among environmental activists in Extinction Rebellion. While activists claim that they have lost all hope for a future without global warming and species extinction, through despair emerges a new hope for saving what can still be saved—a hope for what is left. This radical hope, emerging from despair, may make Extinction Rebellion even more effective. Drawing from personal interviews with 25 Extinction Rebellion activists in the United Kingdom and the published work of other Extinction Rebellion activists, this paper identifies signs of radical hope. While activists have cast off false hope and passive hope, a new hope for what is still possible remains. This hope is based on virtue ethics: doing what is right in the moment, rather than being attached to a desired outcome. This drives forward activism despite the results. Through their principle of regenerative culture, Extinction Rebellion activists learn to support each other and be prepared for a more turbulent and challenging future. Through a regenerative culture they can salvage and repair what is left and sustain radical hope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mental Imagery, whereby we experience aspect of a perceptual scene or perceptual object in the absence of direct sensory stimulation is ubiquitous. Often the existence of mental imagery is demonstrated by asking one's reader to volitionally generate a visual object, such as closing ones eyes and imagining an apple. However, mental imagery also arises in auditory, tactile, interoceptive, and olfactory cases. A number of influential philosophical theories have attempted to explain mental imagery in terms of belief-based forms of representation using the Dependence Thesis, dependence upon means of access, such as enactivism, or in terms of the similarity of content with perceptual processing. The focus of this paper concerns the later approach and in particular assessing if Nanay's promissory note that his theory is applicable to modalities other than vision, such as smell, seems likely to be of theoretical tender. The thesis argued for in this paper is that olfactory imagery exists and is best accounted for by considering it as a type of perceptual processing with a unique representational format relative to the olfactory perceptual modality. The paper concludes by summarizing the applicability of Nanay's theory of mental imagery for olfaction and suggests some further issues that arise when transitioning to multi-modal mental imagery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the employment of social media and Islamic religious sermons, as a means of dissemination of progressive Islam, in the process of shaping the religious identities of Muslims in the twenty-first century. This research is a case study that focusses on Khaled Abou El Fadl, a prominent progressive Muslim scholar, and his political activism in the mosque in the form of khutbahs (sermons). The presentation of the importance and development of the mosque from solely a place of worship to a place of political mobilisation creates a historical framework necessary for the understanding and evaluation of the case study. Amina Wadud's activism in the mosque, and the way this activism is presented on the social media, is used as a means of comparison of the effectiveness of both scholars' efforts. Given that the main channels of communication for both these scholars are social media, the paper presents the main points of the way the internet has affected notions of authority and knowledge in Islam in the twenty-first century C.E. The existing literature regarding Islam and social media focuses heavily on radicalisation and promotion of conservative Islam. There is an absence of scholarly work regarding social media and progressive Islam, and this article attempts to fill this gap in academia. The research included in this article was carried out in London, between June and September 2019, and is based on heterogeneous sources available online, such as newspaper and journal articles, audio-visual material, social media content and academic publications. It presents and analyses the media content and evolution of the said khutbahs as recorded and published on YouTube. It also evaluates their impact on the target audience through observation of the comments available on YouTube and Abou El Fadl's relevant references in the videos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on previous research about the potential downsides of food sovereignty activism in relatively wealthy societies by developing a three-part taxonomy of harms that may arise in such contexts. These are direct opposition, false equivalence, and diluted goals and methods. While this paper provides reasons to resist complacency about wealthy-world food sovereignty, we are optimistic about the potential for food sovereignty in wealthy societies, and we conclude by describing how wealthy-world food sovereignty can be a location of either transnational solidarity or (at least) nonharmful forms of cooptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers stochastic environmental policy and its effects on the environment, portfolio composition, and economic growth. Capital accumulation causes pollution which is reduced by private green services and public abatement. The government subsidizes green services and taxes dirty capital albeit at a rate which may become random, causing unexpected capital write-offs. Tax jumps depend on natural degradation and environmental activism. We derive how uncertainty and political activism affect the risk premia for investors. We analyze the incentives for firms to increase the greenness of production in order to reduce political uncertainty. Stochastic taxation is shown to act as a substitute for green subsidies when uncertainty decreases in the ratio of green services to capital and agents use their green activities strategically. Tax uncertainty may trigger precautionary savings, causing additional growth and enhanced environmental deterioration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-U.S. relations tumbled during the Trump Administration. The talk of decoupling permeated the decision-making circle in Washington D.C. Many factors have contributed to the free fall. The roles Congress has played are undoubtedly one of them. Based on the new institutionalist approach, this study provides three analyses of recent China-related legislative activities. First, the historical analysis of legislative data illustrates a surge in congressional activism on China-related legislative activities. Second, the content analysis reveals some of the triggers in the deterioration of bilateral relations in recent years. Third, the political analysis of the critical congressional players and the structures and procedures Congress created provides some insight into the domestic and political logic of the congressional crusade against China. Finally, the paper ends with assessing the impact of the surge in Congressional activism on the new Biden Administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brands are widely regarded as a constellation of shared associations surrounding a company and its offerings. On the traditional view of brands, these associations are regarded as perceptions and attitudes in consumers' minds in relation to a company. We argue that this traditional framing of brands faces an explanatory problem: the inability to satisfactorily explain why certain branding activism initiatives elicit the moralized reactive attitudes that are paradigmatic responses to wrongdoing. In this paper, we argue for a reframing of brands that calls for viewing brands as a series of normatively binding expectations that are ethically akin to promises. Our promissory framing of brands avoids the explanatory problem, illuminates a number of ethical requirements on branding, and reconceptualizes the role of brand managers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the center of community geography is a commitment to mutually beneficial and co-produced knowledge. While the intricacies of managing these two commitments are often well-articulated for community partners, university faculty and their undergraduate students, the experiences of precariously positioned researchers (such as graduate students or those who work outside the university) remain under-examined. Therefore, through a reflection on the authors' personal experiences facilitating community geography projects, this paper takes seriously the experiences of precariously positioned researchers. We highlight how the privileging of co-production creates moments of dissonance for precariously placed researcher's experiences of mutually beneficial research. We argue that precarity, particularly when paired with privilege, results in heightened feelings of risk that may lead researchers to compromise their own ethics or values to ensure both the ongoing continuation of the partnership and the desired goals of the community partners. As we work to further establish community geography, we call for more nuanced considerations of how the entanglements fostered through co-production impact experiences of mutually beneficial research for differently positioned researchers, particularly for those situated within in the neoliberal university. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that current iterations of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) rights are limited by an overreliance on particular representations of sexuality, in which homosexuality is defined negatively through a binary of homosexual/heterosexual. The limits of these representations are explored in order to unpick the possibility of engaging in a form of sexuality politics that is grounded in difference rather than in sameness or opposition. The paper seeks to respond to Braidotti's call for an 'affirmative politics' that is open to forms of creative, future-oriented action and that might serve to answer some of the more common criticisms of current LGBTI rights activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, financial regulations have focused on issues posed by systemic risk. The derivatives market has been the subject of structural reforms which have involved both the post-trade—Regulation (EU) No. 648/2012 ('EMIR')—and the trading phase—Directive 2014/65/EU ('MiFID II') and Regulation (EU) No. 600/2014 ('MiFIR'). In particular, the post-crisis regulation is characterized by the increasing role of the EU authorities both as a supervisor and as a regulator. The paper focuses on the role of ESMA in light of its new intervention powers. This paper analyses the regulations on over-the-counter derivatives introduced in Europe, with the goal of underlining the costs and benefits of this approach. To fully achieve its objective, the paper proposes, in the first section, a logical path that starts from an overview of the regulatory response to the crisis; then, in the second section, it focuses on ESMA's growing role in light of the recent reforms. The third section points out the strengths and weaknesses of the law-making process with a particular reference to a highly technical topic. Finally, the analysis concludes by speculating on the potential 'Brexit' impact on the ESMA's reform proposal, due to the role played by financial institutions and the activism of interested Member States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disgusted by political institutions, many activists around the world are rejecting normal politics in favor of hands-on, tangible local action. This looks similar all over the world, including in the two countries on which the paper focuses, Russia and the United States. Is it? Scholars and activists alike compare one society's activism to another; this paper suggests ways of asking useful questions in cross-national ethnographic research. Controlling the variables of cultural, political/legal, social, and spatial conditions is impossible. With so many "out of control variables", can comparison make any sense? Activists have varied "styles" (Lichterman & Eliasoph The American Journal of Sociology, 120(4): 798–863, 2014) of coordinating local activism in any country. Each style encounters different frictions, depending on a nation's specific cultural, political, social, and spatial conditions. Local, interest-based, grassroot activism is a typical American "style" and is also venerated in American cultural narratives that celebrate local democracy. American activists encounter friction when trying to enact this style, when, for example, they realize that money brings power. For Russian activists, the very same style is a "surprising discovery". Russians encounter different frictions when trying to enact this style. Examining continual, recursive pragmatic tests shows how activists move towards more, towards less, or towards different kinds of politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we report data from interviews with members of conservative political clubs at four flagship public universities. First, we categorize these students into three analytically distinct orientations regarding Donald Trump and his presidency (or what we call Trumpism). There are principled rejecters, true believers, and satisficed partisans. We argue that Trumpism is a disunifying symbol in our respondents' self-narratives. Specifically, right-leaning collegians use Trumpism to draw distinctions over the appropriate meaning of conservatism. Second, we show how political clubs sort and shape orientations to Trumpism. As such, our work reveals how student-led groups can play a significant role in making different political discourses available on campuses and shaping the types of activism pursued by club members—both of which have potentially serious implications for the content and character of American democracy moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the recently formed Movement for Change and Social Justice (MCSJ) in the township of Gugulethu, in Cape Town, South Africa. MCSJ is a health and social justice movement that has an unusual trajectory—guided by the political principles and strategies of South Africa AIDS activism, inspired but also frustrated by the contemporary progressive public health activism, and catalysed by a university research partnership at the University of Cape Town (UCT) that focused on innovative ways of using health information to spur community and health system action to respond to issues of men, masculinity and HIV. This paper synthesises findings from participant observation, qualitative process evaluations of MCSJ's work, and reflections from the UCT-based research team to develop a number of lessons about the challenges and opportunities in efforts to foster a healthy public for men and HIV. MCSJ's approach builds on current modes and models of public health thinking while also pushing for more responsive, more inclusive, more sustained, and more locally rooted forms of practice. The paper identifies a range of enabling conditions for MCSJ's work, describes the often delicate balancing act MCSJ has to manage in its work, and outlines some of the key strategies of this community–university partnerships that guided efforts to develop a healthy public for men and HIV. Lessons learned from this case study will be helpful for other efforts to promote and sustain engaged and impactful university–community collaborations to support the emergence of healthy publics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At least 80% of the world's population has been significantly impacted by climate change; the most vulnerable around the world are already facing dramatic, severe costs due to emissions produced by wealthy nations. In fact, "climate change is not just an environmental issue—it is an economic issue, a social issue, a security issue, and, above all, a moral issue" (Freer-Smith et al., 2007, p. xiii; see also Shue, 2020, "Distant Strangers and the Illusion of Separation"). Despite decades of work, none of the current models for mitigating climate change offers a realistic route toward stable end-state solutions, even in the wealthiest nations, much less the world (Brooks, 2020; Bordoff & O'Sullivan (2022). Efforts to affect climate change have typically been viewed as the province of engineers and policy makers, but achieving timely and adequate cultural shifts as required to support global climate justice (GCJ), is a question of behavior, and thereby calls out to our science. Taking a constructional approach, behavior science is in a position to offer and construct conceptual and experimental tools for understanding, studying, and contributing to cultural systems that have the potential to lead to meaningful climate change responses. Drawing on what is known about (a) contingencies of reinforcement; (b) delay and probability discounting, and related levels of demand; (c) firmly embedded, widely established patterns of derived relational responding, (d) emerging conceptual models of strategic cultural-systems analysis, and (e) what is now known about the power of narrative, behavior science offers intriguing systemic possibilities for engaging in strategic, science-based social action supporting GCJ. Included in the possibilities explored here are community and societal interventions, policy advocacy, and other forms of activism, framed in behavior science terms. The paper ends with an example of how our discipline can contribute to climate change mitigation through narrative and activism supporting forests and other natural ecosystems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of research on human rights focuses on the consequences of regime-type for human rights violations, and overwhelming evidence suggests that democracies are less likely to violate human rights of their citizens as compared to non-democracies. However, a regime-type perspective is unable to account for disparities in human rights violations within democratic and non-democratic regimes. This paper disaggregates regime-type and analyzes the relationship between citizens' participation and human rights violations. I argue that a participative citizenry, as captured by high voter turnout, is indicative of an active and vigilant populace who are more likely to hold governments accountable and ensure better human rights protections. The paper tests the relationship between human rights and voter turnout among 89 democratic countries from 1976 to 2008. The findings demonstrate that a participative citizenry enhances governmental respect for human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact of activism on a large, powerful corporation in Tasmania. Gunns Ltd was a large woodchip processor in Tasmania that fought a long-running battle with environmental activists regarding Gunns' logging and processing activities. The study focuses on events in 2004-2005, when Gunns applied to build a pulp mill in rural northern Tasmania and began a legal case against activists. The research question is whether there is clear statistical evidence that these events were important, as is widely believed, in the ultimate failure of Gunns in (Annual Report 2011, Gunns Ltd, Tasmania, available from: http://www.asx.com.au [11/04/14]), just 6 years after being the largest and one of the most financially successful Tasmanian companies. We use a mixed methods approach that combines a detailed narrative informed by theory, to examine issues of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and ethical behaviour, with an econometric time series analysis of the impact of activism on the market value of Gunns. Our analysis supports the contention that the events in 2004-2005 played a significant part in the decline of the long-run market value of Gunns over the subsequent period, through to its failure in 2011. We discuss the underlying causes for Gunns' failure in terms of agency, stakeholder, legitimacy and leadership theories. Research frequently assesses effects such as those in the Gunns' case through solely qualitative means. This paper integrates a quantitative analysis into a detailed qualitative narrative and theoretical interpretation of events, to provide additional precision to its findings. It contributes to research in CSR and the impact of activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enactivism has much to offer to moral, social and political philosophy through giving a new perspective on existing ethical problems and improving our understanding of morally ambiguous behaviours. I illustrate this through the case of self-injury, a common problematic behaviour which has so far received little philosophical attention. My aim in this paper has been to use ideas from enactivism in order to explore self-injury without assuming a priori that it is morally or socially wrong under all circumstances, seeking to establish a less implicitly value-laden analysis. Enactivism can help us in making this behaviour more intelligible and contextualising it through examining the relations of individual embodied action and social practices with the help of enactivist theories of habits and affordances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I home in on an ethical phenomenon that is powerfully elucidated by means of enactive resources but that has, to my knowledge, not yet been explicitly addressed in the literature. The phenomenon in question concerns what I will term the paradox of moral perception, which, to be clear, does not refer to a logical but to a phenomenological-practical paradoxicality. Specifically, I have in mind the seemingly contradictory phenomenon that perceiving persons as moral subjects is at once incredibly easy and incredibly difficult; it is something we do nearly effortlessly and successfully all the time without giving it much thought and it is something that often requires effort and that we fail at all the time (also often without giving it much thought). As I will argue, enactivism offers distinctive resources for explaining the paradoxical nature of moral perception. These resources, moreover, bring out two important dimensions of ethical life that are frequently overlooked in contemporary ethical theory: namely the embodied and socio-technical environment-embedded dimensions of moral perception and moral visibility. As I make my argument, I will be connecting enactivism with insights from David Hume's and Iris Murdoch's moral philosophy as well as insights from the field of Epistemic Injustice. As such, I aim to situate enactivism within the larger theoretical ethical landscape; showing connections with existing ethical theories and identifying some of the ways in which enactivism offers unique contributions to our understanding of ethical life. While doing so, I will furthermore introduce two forms of moral misperception: particular moral misperception and categorial moral misperception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Muslim Civil Society structures and, more specifically, on the gap between the organizations from the first (migrant) generation and the new grammars of action of new generations of Spanish Muslims. The originality of this article lies in its power to address three fundamental questions: (1) Are the umbrella organizations silencing the demands of Muslim youth?; (2) How do Muslim youth resist such representative hegemony? and; (3) What specific strategies are Muslim women currently developing to gain representation and involvement in mainstream Spanish society? We find evidence for new grammars of action defying traditional authorities and reject decontextualized, asynchronous Islam. Young women are engaging in broader and inclusive activism, inspired by religion affiliation in order to reinforce their external solidarity and engagement in mainstream political structures. By contrast, young men are calling for a new Muslim leadership to reinforce primary solidarity and concentrate more on earning religious rights. For women, religion is a vector to participation and for men, it is a form of participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linus Pauling, a Nobel Laureate in Chemistry, should have been a prize for any university. Yet, he was denied a position at the University of California, Santa Barbara, in 1964. His liberal activism apparently was too much for university officials to stomach; the McCarthy period still cast a dismal shadow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working outside traditional bureaucratic structures, animal activists have a long history of creating, managing and using records in radical ways to bring the suffering of animals to society's attention. Today's online platforms enable animal activism on a networked scale, with unprecedented reach and immediacy of impact, but also with risks and challenges. This article presents findings from a critical case study of the radical recordkeeping of Direct Action Everywhere (DxE), a US-based animal liberation group. The case study explores the performative role recordkeeping plays in the group's animal activism and advocacy, and the challenge of ensuring the longevity of an archival record of its activities and their impact. It is framed by Records Continuum Theory and illustrates the benefits of applying a Records Continuum lens to researching radical recordkeeping contexts. The paper reports on the research findings of the case study, including the vital role recordkeeping plays as a form of "strategic witnessing" for the activities of DxE, as well as in developing the DxE community and communicating its mission to the public. It discusses the challenges faced by DxE in preserving their archives into the future through integrating archiving into their current radical recordkeeping processes, Continuum-style, and addressing the risks associated with using online collaborative platforms for recordkeeping and archiving. Overcoming these challenges will ensure that current recordkeeping plays its part in DxE's animal activism, and that in the future records of continuing value take their place among the multiple narratives of society in the archival multiverse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the networks around the fires in the Brazilian Amazon forest during 2019 in tweets with the English hashtags #PrayForAmazonas, #ActForTheAmazon and #AmazonFire. We have studied 2517 tweets. Both the languages and the content of the tweets were taken into consideration to see who is assembled and what discursive elements are used in the framing. Our results indicate that the fires are framed as a global concern, beyond the Brazilian borders, especially as 'the lungs of the world'. The framing of responsibility for the fires is focused on president Bolsonaro, who is assembled in many tweets, while animals and indigenous people are framed as victims. We conclude that the tweets in English tend to produce more relationships in terms of likes and retweets, in comparison to tweets in Portuguese and Spanish. In addition, the role of politicians and celebrities seems critical in getting traction around a hashtag and making it trending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society organisations have been engaged in solidarity practices in various issue areas, both within their countries and beyond. This paper is interested in analysing whether and to what extent civic initiatives and organisations are involved in transnational solidarity activities within Europe. Moreover, it wishes to identify those factors that seem to promote or inhibit the scope of transnational European activities. The paper compares the situation in two countries (Greece and Germany) on the basis of data on transnationally-oriented civic groups and organisations committed to organising solidarity activities in three fields of work (disabilities, unemployment and immigration of refugees). The analyses show that most solidarity organisations remain active primarily at the local and/or national level/s, and that only a minority of solidarity organisations are engaged in cross-national activities. European activities are associated with organisations maintaining a web of transnational partners and a more politicised mission. Moreover, formalisation and professionalisation seem to be conducive to transnational activism, as much as to global activism. These findings show that cross-national activism can develop at the grass-roots level on the basis of a transnational organisational field that is not necessarily dependent on organisational linkages to the supra- and intergovernmental field of European governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical comment on Land and Michalos (Soc Indic Res, 2017) and suggests a relay perspective to see the past achievements and future directions in the social indicators movement. In accordance with Land and Michalos, it suggests bringing the issue of human agency to the foreground, and offers an example using an index of the mother’s wellbeing for global comparison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist linguistic activism has gained prominence among Western feminists as a way to eliminate sexism in language and everyday life. In Russian, gender specification (known as feminitivy) represents the mainstream approach practiced by grassroots feminist reformers. However, alternative approaches aimed at gender neutralization proliferate. The paper examines the prospects and challenges of gender neutralization both in writing and oral speech. Results of a survey documenting attitudes of Russian-speaking feminist and LGBTQI communities to language reform attempts are presented, with a special focus on comparison between gender specification and gender neutralization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines R. Judah he-Ḥasid's approach towards journeys to distant places, including pilgrimage to the land of Israel. Unlike other twelfth-century rabbinic authorities who did not object to travel for various purposes and, in certain cases, even encouraged it, R. Judah he-Ḥasid held a uniform, consistent approach that opposed almost any journey beyond the local area. Some scholars have suggested that R. Judah he-Ḥasid's opposition to undertaking a pilgrimage to the land of Israel reflects his opposition to messianic activism. However, this study suggests that R. Judah he-Ḥasid's negative approach towards traveling to Palestine ought to be examined in light of his overall rejection of travel. In his writings, R. Judah he-Ḥasid laid out a new path to achieve redemption and atonement for one's sins. This path does not depend on physical journeys to holy places or on the national redemption of the Jewish people, but rather aimed at achieving personal redemption, through the adoption of the pietistic way of life as detailed by R. Judah he-Ḥasid in Sefer Ḥasidim: repentance by confessing one's sins before a sage and performing the prescribed mortification rites. This approach remained unique in Jewish thought, yet one can find parallels in Christian theology of the tension between stability and inner self-improvement, on the one hand, and the advantages of a physical journey to holy sites to achieve atonement for sins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a growing evidence of transmigrants' political activism, empirical research is still in its infancy. This paper examined how migrants' political agency was constructed by their emotions, identities and transnational contexts. Data were collected from in-depth interviews with 11 Korean migrants who were residing in Brisbane, the third largest city of Australia, and engaging in home-country politics through self-organized activities. The study found that participants developed a human rights frame to suit their identities and contexts and in turn, the frame shaped their identities and political agency around human rights. The concepts of 'framing' and 'small group development' assisted in understanding interview participants' experiences of negotiating differences in conceptualization and strategization of social issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]