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This study examines whether the pacifying effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) on territorial disputes between adversarial dyads is conditional upon the dyads' past experience of military cooperation. I built a political economy model and conducted a logistic regression analysis on the newly coded bilateral FDI data between adversarial dyads and the existing dataset by merging the rivalry data established by Thompson [51] and the territorial disputes data collected by Lee and Mitchell [42]. I found that when bilateral FDI flows between adversarial dyads reach a certain level the pacifying effect of FDI is stronger for adversarial dyads with past military cooperation. I also found that while past military cooperation has a pacifying effect in general, past military cooperation that occurred more recently has a stronger pacifying effect than those that occurred a while ago. Moreover, based upon the theoretical model and empirical findings in this paper, I investigated the political implications for Tsai Ing-wen's "New Southbound Policy" and Taiwan's approach to the territorial dispute issues in the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America is a critical region for analyzing China's economic statecraft. Following the Monroe doctrine, Latin America has long been seen as part of the sphere of U.S. influence. For the purpose of studying the effectiveness of China's economic statecraft I will focus on two countries that stand on opposite extremes: Brazil and Mexico. Both countries happened to be important target states (strategic partners) of China's economic statecraft in the region, albeit for different political and strategic goals. In this paper I will compare the different domestic political and economic conditions, interests and institutions in these two countries to explain why China has made greater progress in projecting its economic power through trade and investment to pursue its political goals with Brazil, but has not succeeded in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the effects of the outbound foreign direct investment (FDI)) from Korean. Economic growth in Korea; Factors which contributed to the compressed economic development process; Characteristics of Korean outbound FDI; Motives for Korean manufacturing firms to invest abroad; Information on the foreign investments by Korean firms; Trade relationship between Korea and socialist countries; Trade between China and South Korea.

Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) has been one of the economic tools China has used to engage South America. Although Colombia has been attracting inward FDI in quantities similar to other key regional states, its macroeconomic and sectoral features and investment attraction policies positively correlate with many of the factors known to attract Chinese outward FDI (OFDI), and both the Colombia and Chinese governments are committed to increasing Chinese OFDI (COFDI) flows to Colombia, COFDI volumes to the Andean nation have yet to live up to expectations. This puzzling case highlights the need for a better understanding of the political-economic factors that drive COFDI. My case study show that Colombia's political and economic traits have been hindering COFDI. Regarding the former, Colombia's local politics regarding extractive activities and bidding on infrastructure projects and its close relations with the United States function to create an adverse environment for increased COFDI. With respect to the latter, the international economic environment, especially regarding commodities' prices, has impaired Chinese investment in Colombia. Overall, Colombia's case underscores the delicate interplay of international, national, and subnational factors on COFDI flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the political economy of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) in Argentina during the reign of Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez. Among other things, it contemplates possible links between Chinese outward FDI (OFDI) volumes and Argentina's domestic and foreign policies. It also analyses a mixture of successful and unsuccessful Chinese investment cases in the agricultural, chemical, and banking sectors in order to engage the debate about the drivers of Chinese OFDI (COFDI), with some stressing business and economic factors and others emphasizing the primacy of political factors. In regards to the former, my study shows that Argentine policymakers did not offer special accommodations to Chinese investors despite the pro-China proclivities of Argentine leaders and their country's economic and political need for China. Moreover, at the local level, Argentine politics actually proved to be an obstacle to successful Chinese deals. As for the latter issue, Chinese companies were not inclined to invest in Argentina because of the China stance of the Argentine government, but rather because they saw opportunities to exploit fertile agricultural soil, special tax regimes for investors, and opportunities to integrate into global value chain. My findings have a number of important theoretical and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Chinese-Caribbean relations, which have been marked in the early twenty-first century by an increase in bilateral trade and Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to the region. The relationship has been generally positive for both sides. However, at the same time, there are areas of friction including charges of Chinese "neo-colonialism," similar to those leveled against Chinese ventures elsewhere. My study of China's relations entails case studies of Cuba, the Bahamas, and Jamaica, which I supplement with an examination of the Dominican Republic and Haiti's political and economic relations with China. It shows most Caribbean countries have not noticeably changed their foreign or domestic policies because of their economic linkages with China, though there is variation in these countries' specific responses to their economic ties with China, which is a function of diverse international and domestic economic and political variables. Regardless, Beijing's views are given more consideration than previously. As noted in the article, China's push into the Caribbean is increasingly resented by the United States and could play a role in bringing a New Cold War to the region. Rounding out the piece is a review of the diverse challenges facing COFDI in the Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will adopt a long-term perspective on the possible evolutions of the respective role of China and Europe in the global division of labour and in international trade and how it affects the flow of Chinese outward direct investments in Europe. The Chinese leadership has been pursuing an active industrial policy to enable its national champions to move up the value chain and challenge the European incumbents. In that context, Chinese authorities have been fostering strategic asset-seeking outward direct investments by Chinese firms in the European Union to capture technology and management know-how by taking over European enterprises weakened by the crisis. This new challenge affects very differently the various European Union member states according to their level of technological development and their role in the regional division of labour between the economic centre and the periphery of the European Union. This analysis will explain the evolution and distribution of Chinese outward direct investments in Europe and provide elements for a prospective analysis of this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]