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This study examines whether the pacifying effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) on territorial disputes between adversarial dyads is conditional upon the dyads' past experience of military cooperation. I built a political economy model and conducted a logistic regression analysis on the newly coded bilateral FDI data between adversarial dyads and the existing dataset by merging the rivalry data established by Thompson [51] and the territorial disputes data collected by Lee and Mitchell [42]. I found that when bilateral FDI flows between adversarial dyads reach a certain level the pacifying effect of FDI is stronger for adversarial dyads with past military cooperation. I also found that while past military cooperation has a pacifying effect in general, past military cooperation that occurred more recently has a stronger pacifying effect than those that occurred a while ago. Moreover, based upon the theoretical model and empirical findings in this paper, I investigated the political implications for Tsai Ing-wen's "New Southbound Policy" and Taiwan's approach to the territorial dispute issues in the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets up a framework for analyzing the policies of the US and the People's Republic of China toward the Republic of China(Taiwan). It surveys how the two powers' policies have evolved during the period 1949-2009 and makes numerical evaluations of the degree of "supportiveness" of American policy toward the ROC and the degree of "aggressiveness" of the PRC's policies. The evaluations are charted. The paper observes that the US and the PRC have been engaged in a kind of "negotiation-by-move-and-countermove" over this period. This form of interaction is found to be slow-motion and not very effective for resolving differences between the two sides. However, the need for a formal resolution of the island's political-legal status becomes less important as the trade, investment, and people-to-people linkages between the two Chinese entities increase. There appears to be a huge potential for an ever-greater convergence of the two powers' economic desires for Taiwan even while the issue of their respective stances towards its legal-political-military status may not be resolved for quite a while. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taiwan Strait has often been referred to as one of the world's most dangerous hotspots and many dire predictions have been made about a military conflict between mainland China and Taiwan, likely involving the United States. Yet, despite several crises in the Taiwan Strait and numerous war speculations, there has been no major armed conflict between Beijing and Taipei since the 1950s. How do we explain the puzzle that an expected war across the Taiwan Strait did not happen after all? This paper first examines the explanations based on military balance of power. Having found the realist/rationalist explanations less convincing, however, this study explores the explanatory power of the 'ethnicity' factor. It suggests that when the Chinese society is no longer divided by ideological differences, the 'ethnicity' may provide a more convincing explanation of why a military conflict has not happened in the Taiwan Strait in the past four decades. This paper also considers several counterarguments, including the neo-liberal argument of economic integration as a driving force for peace in the age of globalization. The paper concludes with a discussion of some policy implications resulting from the 'ethnic peace' thesis and proposes that when actively promoted by the both sides, the Chinese ethnic identity is likely to be the most important strategic guarantee of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait for many years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The PRC and Taiwan are competing to gain diplomatic recognition from Pacific Islands states, a number of which recognise Taiwan and serve as a barrier to its international isolation. Since much of Oceania is in Australia's sphere of influence, this struggle has often involved Canberra. This paper focuses on the intensifying conflict--with conclusions about the local political economic situations of the countries in Oceania that are most likely to switch recognition, the dilemmas that the issue poses for Australia and its alliance with the US, and the game theory of these auctions of diplomatic recognition. The rental of recognition is analysed as a "sovereignty business" in which some Pacific Islands states engage—similar to the offshore financial centres which are prevalent in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the government and society of the Republic of China's (ROC or Taiwan) have changed markedly in the new millennium, the fundamentals of US policy toward the island remain intact. This study outlines recent developments in Taiwan and shows how they represent challenges to the US. It also discusses American policy toward Taiwan and examines several proposals for change that an American administration may wish to consider. In conclusion, the paper explains why the current policy, albeit contradictory and ambiguous, is in the best interest of the United States. There is a strong possibility that any major change in policy would succeed only in undermining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reexamines American policy toward China, Taiwan, and their ambivalent bilateral relationship, focusing on the period since Washington's shift from strong (but not unconditional) support of Nationalist China to the role of balancer in the early 1970s, particularly on the most recent period under George W. Bush. We analyze the relationship from a strategic triangular perspective. The China-Taiwan-US relationship is triangular in the sense that each actor's relations with the other two depend on its relations with the third. It is strategic in its focus on security. The United States has been the consistent "pivot" of this triangle, having better relations with both "wings" than they have with each other. Washington has retained this structurally advantageous position partly because of its disproportionate strategic weight, and partly because of the inherent difficulties Taipei and Being have had forging a cooperative bilateral relationship. This structure has been quite stable since the Cold War, as Washington has periodically shifted its balance from one wing to the other without altering the triangle's basic configuration. Yet so long as the configuration is maintained, the basic problem on which the triangle is based - the contested independence of Taiwan - cannot be resolved. This creates a sense of national identity frustration that will continue to generate attempts at resolution, either by Taiwan's declaration of independence or China's forced reunification (or both). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to illuminate the interactive relationship between domestic politics and external policy in Taiwan's mainland China policy after the 2000 presidential election. Following the logic of Putnam's two-level games, this paper demonstrates how the newly elected President Chen Shui-bian adopted an ambiguous and evasive approach as well as frequently shifted positions in his dealings with the mainland China issue due to the constraints of his pro-independence constituents and a vigilant, anti-independence Beijing. Employing Knopf's three-to-three games as well as Puchala's issue politicization, it further shows how Taiwan's opposition parties--the KMT, the PFP, and the NP--as well as Chen's political rivals, took advantage of Chen's inability to break the Strait impasse by initiating active engagement with Beijing in order to gain political advantages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the impact of the presidential election on the relations between China and Taiwan. Issues concerning the relations between the two countries; Examination of the politics of cross-strait relations; Analysis of the internal power reconfiguration in the country.

In spite of John Mearsheimer (and others)'s dire prediction, Taiwan still believes that, rather than having to negotiate like Hong Kong a level of autonomy acceptable to Beijing, it can remain de facto independent as long as it is able to keep a credible conventional deterrence and a strong security relationship with Washington. The recent changes in Taiwan's defense policy as well as in Taiwan-USA relations tend to confirm that belief and willingness. However, the island is facing growing security challenges that will not be easy to fix. And overcoming these challenges will depend much more upon the Taiwanese's resolve than the USA's intention to remain committed to the island's security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on relations between Taiwan and China in light of research in Taiwan. Political tensions between the two countries; Role of returning ethnic Chinese scientists to Taiwan in the country's electronics industry; Dedication of the Taiwanese government to promote both academic and industrial research and development.

Discusses the regime change and the People's Republic of China's Taiwan policy in the Democratic Progressive Party era. Context definition of regime change; Information on the historical legacies and maintenance of the One China principle as a firm political principle; Developments in Taiwan and cross-Strait economic integration.

Analyzes the wait-and-see policy of China towards Taiwan. Information on the constituting entity of the policy; Rationale behind the formulation of the policy; Information on the military coercion and peaceful offense strategy of the Chinese government.

Examines the struggle between the unification policy of China and the quasi-independence effort of Taiwan. Differences in the attitudes and policies in mainland China and Taiwan; Emergence of separate political entities; Possibilities for a negotiated settlement of Taiwan Strait issues.

Focuses on the impact of the 2000 presidential elections in Taiwan on the cross-strait relations. Overview of the cross-strait relations between China and Taiwan; Goal of China to reunify Taiwan to the mainland; Analysis of the government toward President Chen Shui-bian.

Analyzes the cross-strait relations between China and Taiwan. Impact of the power interaction between China and other East Asian countries on the cross-strait relations; Historical background of the issue; Significance of the annexation of Hong Kong to China on the issue.

Focuses on the internal factors of the U.S., China and Taiwan that affect their relationship. Observation of the presidential election in Taiwan; Linkage between foreign policies and domestic socioeconomic and political conditions; Cause of the conflicts in the bilateral relations between China and Taiwan.

Focuses on the study regarding the triangular relationship between the U.S., China, and Taiwan. Interest of the U.S. in peace and economic potential of China and Taiwan; Role of the U.S. in the relationship; Rules in a triangular relationship.

Examines the outcome of the 1998 Koo-Wang Meeting regarding the Taiwan Strait in Taiwan. Conflict between China and Taiwan regarding the ownership of the Taiwan Strait; Threat of China over Taiwan; Investigation on the impact of the change of policy of Taiwan on the issue.

Examines the dialectical negotiation process of the People's Republic of China (PROC). Discussion on the role of a third party in the negotiation between Taiwan and China; History of reunification negotiation between the Republic of China and PROC; Theory of PROC negotiation; Practice PROC negotiation.

Discusses the relationship between the United States (U.S.), Taiwan and the People's Republic of China from an American perspective. Decline of China's relations with the U.S. in 1989; Development of the Taiwan's relations with the U.S. around the same period; Indepth look at the factors which contributed to the re-establishment of a substantial relationship between the U.S. and China.